LINCOLN  ROOM 

UNIVERSIT\'  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 

founded  by 

HARLAN  HOYT  HORNER 

and 

HENRIETTA  CALHOUN  HORNER 


7 


_E    t 


'V,, 


^.'er.^  £iar:Ti. 


^'^AyC^..-*:^^     t/^-/^' 


T't.  r^i  lliotoKraplilTrBraijbr 


i;>tfi^^^^^^<£L^i-^:>c-*-« — -^c-*,-^^ 


^.w»rf««j7a.«»o^Qwymw'Jil25«S^K>m**ISwow  m  ^rOr»»ff^af^du<iUtfo^<,r0mni>iad.\ 


fixu»f^brih»  souOt.'n.tUiVia'afllmSi^.. 


THE 


GREAT  CIVIL  WAR 


A  HISTOKY  OF 


THE  LATE  REBELLION 


BEIXG   A   COMPLETE 


NARRATIVE    OF    THE    ORIGIX    AXD    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WAR 


BIOGKAPHICAL  SKETCHES  OF  LEADING  STATESMEN 

DISTINGUISHED   NAVAL  AND   :\IILITARY   COMMANDERS,   ETC. 
By    ROBERT    TOMES,    M.D. 

CONTINDED  FROM  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  TEAR   1864  TO  THE  END  OF  THE  WAR 
By   BENJAMIX    G.    SillTH,   Esq. 


ILLUSTRATED    BY    HIGHLY-FINISHED    PORTRAITS,   BATTLE  SCENES,   VIEWS  OF  FORTS  AND  BATTLE- 
FIELDS,   COLORED    MAPS,    PLANS,    Etc..    ALL   ENGRAVED   ON   STEEL,  FRO.M   DRAWINGS 
MADE  EXPRESSLY   FOR  THIS  WORK,  BY  F.  0.  C.  BARLEY,  AND  OTHER 
EMINENT  AMERICAN  ARTISTS. 


VIRTUE    AND    YORSTON 

12    DET    STREET,     AND    544    BROADWAY,     NEW    YORK. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  tlie  year  One  Thousand  Eight  Hundred  and  Sixty-five, 

By    YIKTUE    &    YORSTOX, 

In  the  Clerk's  Ofiice  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


ft   1-1 


(^*i5-»~ 


TO 

.-(iciuntl  Selinfieltr  S>tQtl 

TJ.   S.   A., 
THIS     W^ORK 

IS     RESPECTFULLY     DEDICATED 

BY    HIS    OBEDIENT   SEETAifTS, 

THE    PUBLISHERS. 


THE    GREAT    CIVIL    WAR 


A   HISTOET    OP 


THE    LATE    REBELLION. 


CHAPTER    I. 

state  Sovereignty  :  its  Honest  and  Dishonest  Advocates. — Korthem  Conciliatian. — Sonthem  Domination. — Northern 
Independence. — Increased  Power  of  the  North. — Alarm  at  the  Encroachments  of  the  South. — The  Kansas  Straggle. — 
Organization  of  the  Kepublican  Party. — Nomination  of  John  C.  Fremont  for  President. — His  Opinions  on  Slavery. — 
An  exciting  Political  Contest. — ^Election  of  Buchanan. — Audacious  Expressions  of  Opinion, — Uneasiness  of  Southern 
Partisans. — Causes  of  their  Anxiety. — An  early  Secession  Speech  of  Jefferson  Davis. — ^The  Appeals  of  the  Southern 
Press. — ^Perversion  of  the  Principles  of  the  Eepuhlican  Party. — Delusions  of  Commerce. — Ile-estatlishment  of  the 
Slave  Trade. — Alliances  with  the  "Cotton Kingdom." — Conspirators  in  high  places. — Dlegal  use  of  Public  Moneys. 
— Ill  uses  of  Munitions  of  War,  Navy,  etc. — Increased  Strength  of  the  Eepuhlican  Party. — ^South  Carolina  fiist  to 
move  toward  Disunion.— A  Secession  Resolution. — ^A  Secession  Commissioner. — ^An  emphatic  Speech  from  Brooks,  of 
South  Carolina. — Political  Conventions. — Di\Tsion  of  the  Democrats. — ^Nominations  for  the  Vreniieacy. — Chicago 
Convention. — Lincoln  nominated  for  President.^Motives  of  the  South  in  the  division  of  the  Democratic  Party. — 
A  Secession  Message  from  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina. — Suggestions  of  Treason  from  a  Virginian  Governor. — 
Election  of  Lincoln  as  President. 


Ma.nt  of  the  political  leaders  of  the 
extreme  Southern  States  of  the  Ameri- 
can Union  had  long  since  boldly  as- 
serted that  each  individual  State  pos- 
essed  a  sovereignty  paramount  to  that 
of  the  united  commonwealth  of  the  Re- 
pubUc  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
Some  of  these  men,  deluded  by  the 
artful  sophistries  of  the  subtle  Calhoun, 
the  apostle  of  the  doctrine  of  "  State 
Rights,"  in  avowing  their  pohtical  her- 
esy, gave  expression,  it  is  beheved,  to 
an  honest  conviction.  Others,  however, 
influenced  by  personal  interests,  sought 
only  to  gratify  their  ambition  or  to 
soothe  their  disappointment  by  creating 


a  faction  from  which  they  hoped  to  ob- 
tain favors  they  had  failed  in  extorting 
from  the  country.  In  the  mean  time 
the  people  of  the  Southern  States,  with 
the  exception  perhaps  of  those  of  South 
Carolina,  who  had  been  misled  by  the 
persuasive  plausibilities  of  their  favorite 
Calhoun,  continued  to  cherish  a  patri- 
otic sentiment  of  attachment  to  the 
Union. 

While  the  partisan  leaders  of  the 
South  were  enabled,  through  the  concil- 
iatory concessions  of  Xorthem  politi- 
cians, to  wield  the  pohtical  power  of  the 
country  to  their  own  purposes  of  per- 
sonal   and    sectional    advantage,    they 


6 


TIIE  WAK  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


shrewdly  disguised  their  selfish  designs 
beneath  a  mask  of  traditional  regard 
for  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  When,  however,  the  Xorth 
beo-au  to  Q;row  restless  under  its  subser- 
vience  to  Southern  domination,  and  to 
manifest  a  desire  for  emancipation,  the 
partisan  leaders  of  the  South  became 
anxious  lest  they  should  lose  the  poht- 
ical  mastery  by  which  they  had  so  long 
governed  a  nation  in  the  interests  of 
a  faction.  Alarmed  by  these  evidences 
of  Northern  independence,  the  Southern 
leaders  asserted  their  theory  of  State 
sovereignty  with  increased  audacity,  and 
threatened  to  evoke  its  exercise  to  the 
destruction  of  the  Union.  They  thus 
hoped  to  frighten  the  Northern  people, 
who  were  known  to  be  fondly  devoted 
to  the  united  country,  into  renewed 
submission  to  Southern  control. 

The  North  had,  in  the  mean  time,  been 
rapidly  gaining  in  power  through  the 
natural  increase  of  population  and  an 
immense  European  immigration.  The 
South  had  striven  to  balance  this  growing 
ascendancy  by  an  increase  of  slave 
States.  By  artful  party  combinations, 
and  skillful  management  of  Northern 
politicians,  the  partisan  leaders  of  the 
South  for  awhile  succeeded  in  their 
purpose.  Texas  was  annexed  at  the 
expense  of  a  war  with  Mexico,  and 
established  a  slave  State  ;  an  intrigue, 
though  it  proved  abortive,  was  set  on 
foot  to  force  Spain  into  the  sale  of 
servile  Cuba ;  and  finally  the  Missouri 
Compromise  act  was  abrogated,  for  the 
purpose  of  admitting  the  Territories  of 
Nebraska   and   Kansas  as  slaveholding 


States.  The  Northern  people  became 
alai'med  at  these  continued  encroach- 
ments of  the  South,  and  resolutely  pre- 
pared to  check  them.  In  spite  of  the 
virtual  abrogation  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise act,  by  which  the  new  Territory 
was  tlirown  open  to  slavery,  Kansas, 
through  the  efforts  of  the  advocates  of 
free  soil,  was  filled  with  Northern  set- 
tlers, and  became  by  the  votes  of  its  in- 
habitants a  free  State.  This,  however, 
was  not  effected  without  a  struErgle.  The 
neighboring  slave  States  had  sent  in 
armed  bands  to  resist  the  Northern 
immigration,  and  a  bloody  strife  en- 
sued, which  greatly  stirred  the  antago- 
nistic interests  and  sentiments  of  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States. 

It  was  in  the  course  of  this  bitter 
contention  that  the  Republican  party 
was  formed,  to  resist  the  further  exten- 
sion of  slavery.  It  soon  gathered  to  its 
standard  such  a  force  as  to  threaten  a 
successful  opposition  to  the  oldest  and 
most  powerful  political  combinations. 

Fully  organized,  the  Repubhcan  party 
met  in  convention  at  Philadel- 
phia on  the  17th  of  June,  and  *^^*' 
nominated  John  C.  Fremont,  the  emi- 
nent explorer,  for  President.  Though 
a  native  of  South  Carolina,  he  was 
known  to  be  strongly  opposed  to  the 
extension  of  slavery,  and  in  favor  of 
free  labor.  He,  however,  objected  to 
any  interference  with  the  rights  of  the 
Southern  States  secured  to  them  b}-  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as 
he  thus  declared  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  some  leading  members  of  the  Repub- 
hcan  party:    "I   heartily   concur,"   he 


DISCONTENT   OF   SOUTHERN   LE.VDERS. 


wrote,  "  in  all  movements  which  have 
for  their  object  to  repair  the  mischiefs 
arising  from  the  violation  of  good  faith 
in  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise. I  am  opposed  to  slavery  in  the 
abstract  and  upon  principle,  sustained 
and  made  habitual  b}^  long-settled  con- 
victions. While  I  feel  inflexible  in  the 
belief  that  it  ought  not  to  be  interfered 
with  where  it  exists  under  the  shield  of 
State  sovereignty,  I  am  as  inflexibly  op- 
jDOsed  to  its  extension  on  this  continent 
beyond  its  present  limits."  This  was 
probably  not  only  a  ftiir  exposition  of 
his  individual  opinion,  on  the  exciting 
question  of  slavery,  but  of  that  of  the 
great  mass  of  tlie  Republican  party. 

The  political  contest  for  the  Presi- 
dency which  ensued  upon  the  nomina- 
tion of  Fremont  was  one  of  the  most 
stirring  of  our  periodical  excitements. 
The  result  was  the  triumph  of  the  can- 
didate of  the  Democratic  party,  James 
Buchanan,  for  whom  the  whole  South, 
with  the  exception  of  Maryland,  whose 
choice  was  for  Fillmore,  had  cast  its 
vote.  Fremont,  however,  had  received 
the  large  suffrage  of  one  hundred  and 
fourteen  out  of  the  whole  electoral  vote 
of  three  hundred  and  six.  New  York, 
Ohio,  Michigan,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  and 
the  six  New  England  States  were  array- 
ed in  favor  of  the  Republican  candidate. 
By  the  election  of  their  favorite,  Mr. 
Buchanan,  the  Southern  leaders  were 
apparently  soothed,  and  they  settled  into 
a  temporary  political  contentment.  In 
the  course  of  the  electoral  contest,  some 
had  audaciously  declared  that  in  case 
of    the     election    of    the    Republican 


candidate,  the  slave  States  would  ex- 
ercise their  self-asserted  sovereignty, 
and  secede  from  the  Union.  This 
threat,  however,  deemed  but  the  angry 
effusion  of  political  contention,  or  a 
mere  electioneering  ruse,  was  little 
heeded. 

Though  exulting  in  the  triumph  of 
the  election  of  their  favorite,  Buchanan, 
of  whose  sympathy  with  their  political 
views  they  did  not  seem  to  doubt,  and  by 
whose  elevation  to  power  they  had  appa- 
rently established  the  security  of  their 
own,  the  political  leaders  of  the  South 
soon  began  to  show  evident  symptoms 
of  restless  discontent.  The  already  ac- 
quired and  growing  strength  of  the  Re- 
publican party  darkened  their  prospect 
of  continued  domination  ;  the  issue  of 
the  Kansas  stru<r2rle  had  resulted  in  the 
defeat  of  their  hope  of  securing  another 
slave  State  ;  freer  expositions''"  of  the 
evils  of  their  cherished  institution,  and 
the  insurrectionary  attempt  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  aroused  their  fears  ;  and  tlie  auda- 
cious prophecies  of  Republican  leaders, 
who  foretold  an  "irrepressible  conflict," 
threatened  them  with  a  resolute  oppo- 
sition. They  now  began  to  be  hopeless 
of  future  ti'iumphs,  and  prepared,  some 
by  open  appeals  to  sectional  prejudice, 
and  others  by  secret  means,  to  dis- 
solve the  Union.  It  was  during  the 
year  1858  that  Jefferson  Davis, 
United  States  senator,  since  Pres- 
ident of  the  self-styled  Confederate 
States,  boldly  avowed,  in  a  speech  at 
Jackson,  Mississippi,  these  insurrection- 

°  For  example,  the  publication  of  Helper's  "Impend- 
ing CrLsia." 


8 


THE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


ary  sentiments,  wliich  prove  that  tlie 
late  rebellion,  of  which  he  was  the  mas- 
ter spirit,  had.  been  with  him  for  a  long 
time  a  "foregone  conclusion:''  "If  an 
abolitionist,"  he  said,  "  be  chosen  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States,  you  will 
have  presented  to  you  the  question  of 
whether  3-ou  will  permit  the  Govern.- 
ment  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  your 
avowed  and  implacable  enemies  ?  With- 
out pausing  for  an  answer,  I  will  state 
my  own  behef  to  be  that  such  a  result 
would  be  a  species  of  revolution  by 
which  the  purposes  of  the  Government 
would  be  destroj'ed  and  the  observance 
of  its  mere  forms  entitled  to  no  respect, 
lu  that  event,  in  such  a  manner  as 
should  be  most  expedient,  I  should 
deem  it  your  duty  to  provide  for  your 
safety  outside  of  the  Union,  with  those 
who  have  akeady  shown  the  AviU,  and 
would  have  acquired  the  power,  to  de- 
prive you  of  your  birthright,  and  to 
reduce  you  to  worse  than  the  colonial 
dependence  of  jour  fathers." 

The  Southern  press,  too,  began  to  urge 
emphatically  the  right  of  secession,  and 
the  advantage  to  the  States  of  the 
South  of  separation  from  the  Union. 
To  gain  the  sympathy  of  the  people, 
who  had  yet  a  traditional  reverence  for 
the  Government  founded  by  Washing- 
ton and  the  patriots  of  the  Revolution, 
incessant  appeals  were  made  alternately 
to  their  fears,  their  passions,  and  their 
cupidity.  The  principles  of  the  Repub- 
hcan  party  and  its  leaders  were  studi- 
ously misstated.  Then'  objects  were 
declared  to  be  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
which  they  were  determined  to  aceom- 


l^lish,  at  any  hazard  to  the  lives  and 
property  of  the  Southern  people.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  sea-ports  were  de- 
luded with  the  magnificent  prospects  of 
a  direct  trade  with  Europe,  by  which 
the  dwindling  cities  of  the  South  would 
be  swollen  into  the  importance  of  Tyre 
and  Carthage,  and  enriched  with  the 
wealth  of  the  whole  commercial  woi'ld. 
The  cupidity,  too,  and  piide  of  the 
poorer  population,  the  "mean  whites," 
the  Pariahs  of  the  South,  who,  with- 
out property  and  without  enterprise  to 
acquire  it,  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the 
abohtion  of  slavery,  or  to  hope  from  the 
promotion  of  commerce,  were  aroused 
by  the  promise  of  the  re-estabhshment 
of  the  slave-trade,  by  which  the  Laz- 
arus of  the  pine  barren  would  be 
enabled  to  count  his  negroes  with  the 
Dives  of  the  rice  jungle.  The  hazards, 
moreover,  of  casting  off  the  protection 
of  the  powerful  Government  of  the 
United  States  and  incurring  the  interpo- 
sition of  its  contemned  authority  were 
conjured  away  by  the  confident  assur- 
ances that  Great  Britain  and  France 
would  eagerly  embrace  the  cause  and 
seek  the  alliance  of  the  "  Cotton  king- 
dom," to  which  European  trade  would 
be  forced  to  do  homage. 

The  people  of  the  South  were  thus 
artfully  being  seduced  from  their  alle- 
eiance  to  the  Union  while  their  leaders 
were  conspiring  to  destroy  it.  The 
President,  Buchanan,  bound  in  close  ties 
of  political  sympathy  with  the  promi- 
nent partisans  of  the  Southern  States, 
had  selected  from  among  them  the  chief 
members  of  his  cabinet,  to  whose  guid- 


SOUTH   CAliOLINA  DESIRING  TO   SECEDE. 


ance  he  yielded  his  feeble  will,  which 
they  seemed  to  bend  unresistingly  to 
their  own  purposes.  The  treasury,  the 
army,  the  navy,  and  the  state,  either 
under  the  control  of  Southern  conspira- 
tors directly,  or  indirectly  through  the 
perhaps  unconscious  connivance  of 
Northern  political  allies,  were  adminis- 
tered to  the  advantage  of  a  rebellion 
which  had  been  long  contemplated. 
The  pubhc  moneys  were  illegally  appro- 
priated for  Southern  purposes,  the  ships 
of  war  were  dispatched  to  remote  jaarts 
of  the  world,  munitions  of  war  were  pro- 
fusely distributed  among  the  States  of 
the  South,  and  the  offices  of  the  Gov- 
ernment both  at  home  and  abroad  were 
fiUed  by  confederates  of  the  conspirators 
of  the  slave  States. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Repubhcan 
party,  with  increased  strength,  was  pre- 
paring to  join  in  the  struggle  for  polit- 
ical ascendancy  with  renewed  hope. 
Its  undoubted  power  became  so  mani- 
fest, that  the  more  impatient  of  the 
Southern  leaders  lost  all  hope  of  suc- 
cessful opposition  within  the  Union,  and 
began  to  prepare  for  open  resistance. 

South  Carolina,  with  her  loyalty  to 
the  Union  long  since  weakened  by  false 
theories  and  seditious  practices,  was  the 
first  to  move  toward  secession.  On  the 
30th  of  November  a  resolution 
was  offered  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  South  Carolina,  that 
"  South  Carolina  is  ready  to  enter, 
together  with  other  slaveholding  States, 
or  such  as  desire  prompt  action,  into  the 
formation  of  a  Southern  confederacy  ;" 
and  the  governor  was  requested  to  for- 


1860. 


1859. 


ward  the  resolution  to  the  various 
Southern  States.  To  this  succeeded 
other  action  toward  the  same  object. 

In  the  following  January,  ^Ir. 
Memminger,  a  prominent  politi- 
cian of  the  State,  presented  himself  at 
Richmond,  as  the  commissioner  of  South 
Carolina  to  Virginia,  and  delivered  a 
long  speech,  in  the  course  of  which  he 
argued  that  the  guarantees  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  were 
powerless  to  protect  the  South,  and  that 
it  must  demand  new  guarantees  if  the 
Union  was  to  be  preserved. 

Some  of  the  more  impatient  of  the 
pohticians  of  South  Carolina  had  antici- 
pated by  many  years  in  their  rhetorical 
effusions,  this  grave  action  of  their 
State.  In  1856,  Preston  Brooks,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  United  States  Congress  from 
South  Carolina,  whose  emphasis  of  action 
was  made  manifest  by  his  murderous 
attack  upon  Senator  Sumner,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, deUvered  these  characteristic 
words  to  some  of  his  fellow-citizens  who 
were  honoring  him  with  a  pubhc  ban- 
quet : 

"  I  tell  you,  fellow-citizens,  from  the 
bottom  of  my  heart,  that  the  only  mode 
which  I  can  think  of  for  meeting  the 
issue  is  just  to  tear  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  trample  it  under 
foot,  and  form  a  Southern  confederacy, 
every  State  of  which  shall  be  a  slave - 
holding  State.  I  believe  it  as  I  stand 
in  the  face  of  my  Maker — I  believe  it 
on  my  responsibility  to  you,  as  your 
honored  representative,  that  the  only 
hope  of  the  South  is  in  the  South,  and 
that  the  only  available  means  of  making 


10 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


that  hope  effective  is  to  cut  asunder  the 
bonds  that  tie  us  together,  and  take  our 
separate  position  in  the  family  of  na- 
tions." These  sentiments  found  a  ready 
echo  among  the  seditiously  disposed 
people  of  South  Carolina. 

The  period  for  the  electoral  struggle 
for  the  Presidency  was  approaching. 
The  conventions  for  the  nomination  of 
candidates  had  met.  The  Democratic 
National  Convention  assembled  on  the 
25tli  of  April,  at  Charleston,  in 
South  CaroUna.  Caleb  Cushing, 
of  Massachusetts,  was  elected  president, 
and  a  platform  was  adopted.  This, 
however,  did  not  concede  to  the  South 
all  it  claimed  as  ' '  necessary  guarantees 
for  the  preservation  of  the  Union,"  and 
the  Southern  delegates  withdrawing, 
organized  a  Southern  convention,  which, 
met  on  the  3d  of  May,  but  after  many 
ineffectual  attempts,  failing  to  agree 
upon  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
adjourned  to  meet  at  Richmond.  The 
Democratic  National  Convention  had 
also  adjourned  to  meet  at  Baltimore,  on 
the  loth  of  June.  On  reassembling,  a 
large  number  of  delegates  again  with- 
drew. Those  remaining  nominated  Ste- 
phen A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick,  of  Ala- 
bama, for  Vice-President.  The  seceders 
met  and  nominated  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge, of  Kentucky,  then  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  for  President,  and 
for  Vice-President,  Joseph  Lane,  of  Ore- 
son.  These  nominations  were  after- 
ward  confirmed  by  the  convention  at 
Richmond.  In  the  mean  time  a  con- 
vention,   styling   itself   the    "  Constitu- 


tional Union,"  met  at  Baltimore  on  the 
9th  of  May,  and  nominated  John  Bell, 
of  Tennessee,  for  President,  and  Edward 
Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice- 
President. 

Again,  at  Chicago,  on  the  16th  of 
May,  the  delegates  of  that  now  im^josing 
party,  the  National  Republican,  met  in 
convention  and  nominated  Abraham 
Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  for  President,  and 
Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  for  Vice- 
President. 

The  leaders  of  the  South  had  evi- 
dently determined  to  forego  the  advan- 
tage of  their  usual  political  combina- 
tions with  their  fellow-partisans  of  the 
North,  by  whose  aid  they  could  alone 
hope  to  secure  their  prescriptive  impor- 
tance in  the  Union.  They  were  willing 
thus  to  weaken  by  division  those  who 
were  still  inclined  to  succor  them  in  an 
unavoidable  struggle  with  a  party  whose 
power  if  established  they  professed  to 
consider  fatal  to  their  rights.  It  would 
seem  that  disunion  with  them  was  a 
predetermined  act,  and  that  they  wished 
the  success  of  the  National  Republicans, 
whom  they  persisted  in  denouncing  as 
abolitionists,  to  justify  their  contemplated 
Southern  rebellion  to  the  people  of  the 
South,  whose  sensitive  anxieties  for  the 
security  of  their  slave  interests  might 
be  readily  excited  to  an  angry  resistance 
to  the  constitutional  authorities  of  the 
United  States.  The  division  of  the 
Democratic  party,  from  which  certainly 
the  Southern  leaders  could  have  no 
fears  of  an  invasion  of  their  constitu- 
tional rights,  threw  the  election  into 
the  power  of  the  Republicans,   whom 


LINCOLiSr  DENOUNCED  IN  THE  SOUTH. 


11 


they  professed  to  dread  as  the  avowed 
enemies  of  the  institutions  of  the  South. 
The  result,  easily  foreseen,  soon  occur- 
red. As  it  became  evident  that  Lincoln 
would  be  elected,  the  conspirators  of 
the  South,  some  of  whom  were  in  the 
highest  places  of  the  States  and  of 
the  Union,  began,  through  message, 
speech,  and  the  press,  to  denoimce 
the  Republican  candidate  as  an  aboli- 
tionist, whose  purpose,  at  the  head  of  a 
powerful  party,  was  to  interfere  with 
Southern  slavery,  and  by  incendiary 
appeals  to  excite  the  people  to  resist- 
ance. In  South  Carolina,  the  conspira- 
tors, confident  of  the  sympathy  of  the 
misguided  people,  did  not  hesitate  to 
declare  their  rebellious  purposes.  On 
tlie  day  before  the  Presidential  election, 
the  governor  of  South  Carolina  deliv- 
ered a  message  to  the  Legislature,  in 
which  he  boldly  avowed  the  principles 
of  secession,  and  recommended  the  ap- 
pointment of  delegates  to  a  convention 


to  be  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  dis- 
solving all  connection  with  the  United 
States. 

Even  in  Virginia,  Governor  Letcher, 
at  that  early  date,  did  not  fear  to  sug- 
gest treason,  and  declared  in  his  message 
to  the  Legislature  :  "  It  is  useless  to  at- 
tempt to  conceal  the  fact,  that  in  the 
present  temper  of  the  Southern  people, 
it  [alluding  to  the  probable  election  of 
Lincoln]  can  not  and  will  not  be  sub- 
mitted to.  *  *  *  The  idea  of  permit- 
ting such  a  man  to  have  the  control  and 
direction  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  appointment  of 
high  judicial  and  executive  officers,  post- 
masters included,  can  not  be  entertained 
by  the  South  for  a  moment."  On  No- 
vember the  6th  the  election  took  place, 
and  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  was  foreseen, 
was  elected  President  of  the  United 
States.  His  principles  and  character 
will  be  best  illustrated  by  a  cursory 
history  of  his  life  and  pohtical  career. 


12 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER    II. 

Birth  of  Lincoln. — His  Ancestry. — HumlDle  Parentage. — Early  Education. — Small  AccompHsliments  extensively  Util- 
ized.— Handling  of  the  Axe. — Death  of  his  Mother. — Study  of  the  Bible. — Second  Marriage  of  his  Father. — Young 
Lincoln's  earliest  Literary  Acquirements. — Later  pursuits  of  Learning. — Bodily  Development  and  Accomplish- 
ments.— First  Trip  on  a  Flat  Boat. — A  Migration  to  Illinois. — A  feat  of  "Splitting  Kails." — A  Hand  on  a  Flat 
Boat. — Reward  of  Industry  and  Integrity.— General  Manager  of  a  Shop  and  Mill. — A  Volunteer  in  the  Black 
Hawk  War. — A  sudden  and  unexpected  Promotion. — Return  to  Civil  Life.— A  Candidate  for  the  Legislature. — A 
Partnership  in  a  Shop.— Failure. — An  extemporaneous  Surveyor — Elected  Member  of  the  Legislature. — Good 
opinion  of  his  Constituents. — Reading  Law. — Admission  to  the  Bar. — Professional  Success. — Prominent  among  the 
Politicians. — A  Canvass  of  the  State. — Elected  Whig  Member  of  Congress. — His  Votes  and  Opinions  on  the  Slave 
Question. — Return  to  practice  as  a  Lawyer. — Member  of  Whig  National  Convention. — A  Champion  of  the  Repub- 
lican Party. — Nominated  a  United  States  Senator. — Canvass  of  the  State. — Contest  with  Douglas. — A  Victory  and  a 
Defeat. — His  candid  Answers  to  Questions  on  Slavery. — Nominated  for  the  Presidency. — Enthusiasm  of  his  Party. — 
An  exciting  Canvass. — Elected  President. — Sudden  Elevation. — "Honest  Abe." — Character  and  Manners. 


Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  in  Hardin 
County,  Kentucky,  on  the  12th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1809.  From  the  dark  and  con- 
fused traditions  of  an  humble  ancestry, 
a  mole-eyed  investigator  has  traced 
back  the  lineage  of  our  President  to 
some  forefathers  who  emigrated  from 
England  to  America,  and  settled  in 
Berks  County,  Pennsylvania,  where  they 
were  engaged  in  the  tranquil  pursuit  of 
fai'ming,  and  known  as  peaceful  mem- 
bers of  the  "  Society  of  Friends."  One 
of  them,  however,  the  great-grandfather 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  removed  to  Yu'- 
ginia,  where  his  grandson,  Thomas  Lin- 
coln, the  father  of  the  President,  was 
born.  The  family  soon  migrated  to 
Kentucky.  Here  Thomas,  Abraham's 
father,  being  left  poor  and  uneducated, 
led  the  life  of  an  itinerant  laborer,  ready 
to  put  his  shoulder  to  any  work  that 
promised  a  fair  day's  wages.  He,  how- 
ever, on  marrying  Nancy  Hanks,  in 
1806,  gave  up  his  migratory  habits, 
and  located  himself  in  Hardin  County, 
where  our  President  was  born.     With- 


out property  and  without  education, 
Thomas  Lincoln  found  himself  in  the 
unenviable  position  of  one  of  those 
"poor  whites"  who  in  a  society  based 
on  slavery  are  contemned  alike  by  the 
negro  and  his  master.  He  therefore  de- 
termined to  emigrate  to  a  free  State, 
where  personal  labor  was  deemed  no 
humiliation  and  honest  poverty  no  dis- 
grace. He  accordingly  moved,  in  the 
autumn  of  1816,  to  Spencer  County, 
Indiana,  when  his  son  Abraham  had 
reached  the  age  of  eight  years.  The 
youth  had  already,  while  in  Kentucky, 
picked  up  some  stray  scraps  of  learning, 
and  could  not  only  read  and  cipher,  but 
write.  This  rare  accomplishment  of  the 
juvenile  scholar  proved  invaluable  to 
the  Lincoln  family  and  the  illiterate 
neighbors  of  their  forest  home  in  Indi- 
ana. They  had  left  relatives  and  friends 
in  Kentucky,  and  were  naturally  desir- 
ous of  keeping  up  a  correspondence 
with  them.  Young  Abraham  Lin- 
coln's services  were  accordingly  put  into 
requisition  as  the  secretary,  not  only  of 


PURSUIT  OF  LITERATURE  UNDER  DIFFICULTIES. 


13 


his  father,  who  could  barely  sign  his 
name,  and  of  his  mother,  who,  "though 
a  ready  reader,  had  not  been  taught  the 
accomiolishment  of  writing,"  but  of 
many  of  the  other  rude  settlers  of  the 
wilderness.  He  thus  early  acquired  a 
facility  of  expression  which  proved  of 
good  service  to  him  in  after  years,  and 
aided  his  future  advancement  in  life. 

This,  however,  was  only  the  occupa- 
tion of  his  rare  intervals  of  leisure.  He 
more  frequently  handled  the  axe  than 
the  pen.  A  log-house  was  to  be  built, 
and  his  father's  land  to  be  cleared  of  its 
forest  growth  of  oaks  and  hickories. 
Abraham  was  young,  but  well-grown, 
and  wondrously  strong  for  his  age,  and 
took  to  the  rude  labor  with  instinctive 
readiness.  "  An  axe  was  at  once  placed 
in  his  hands,  and  from  that  time  until 
he  attained  his  twenty-third  year,  when 
not  employed  in  labor  on  the  farm,  he 
was  almost  constantly  wielding  that 
most  useful  instrument."* 

In  1818,  young  Lincoln  lost  his 
mother,  a  pious  woman  of  the  Baptist 
persuasion,  who  had  taken  care  that  no 
Sunday  should  pass  without  having  a 
chapter  of  the  Bible  read  either  by  her- 
self or  one  of  her  children.  Her  son  is 
said  thus  to  have  acquired  a  familiarity 
with  the  words  and  principles  of  the 
Scriptures,  which  made  an  abiding  im- 
pression upon  his  memory  and  conduct. 
His  father,  however,  soon  provided  him- 
self with  another  wife,  by  marrying  a 
Mrs.  Sally  Johnston,  of  Kentucky,  who 
proved  a  worthy  substitute  to  her  not- 

»  "  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln."     New  York,  18G0. 


able  predecessor.  Schoohng  was  too 
dear,  and  the  necessity  of  hard  work 
too  pressing,  to  allow  of  much  devotion 
to  study,  and  Abraham  was  left  chiefly 
to  his  own  unaided  exertions  for  his 
education.  With  barely  a  year's  in- 
struction in  all,  he  succeeded,  by  dili- 
gently reading  the  few  books  that  fell 
in  his  way,  in  developing  his  naturally 
vigorous  understanding,  and  preparing 
himself  for  the  success  which  has  mark- 
ed his  life.  His  earliest  literary  acqui- 
sitions, after  his  spelling-book  and  the 
Bible,  were  a  stray  copy  of  Esop's 
Fables,  which  he  conned  until  he  learned 
it  by  heart ;  the  Pilgrim's  Progress, 
Franklin's  Autobiography,  Weems'  pic- 
turesque Life  of  Washington,  and  Riley's 
wondrous  narrative  of  travel.  At  the 
age  of  fifteen  he  earned,  by  three  days 
work,  in  reaping  a  distant  neighbor's 
corn,  Ramsay's  History  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  soon  after  crowned  his  ardu- 
ous pursuit  of  literature  with  the  acqui- 
sition of  a  copy  of  Plutarch's  Lives. 
"He  studied  English  grammar  after  he 
was  twenty-three  years  of  age  ;  at 
twenty-five  he  mastered  enough  of 
geometry,  trigonometry,  and  mensura- 
tion to  enable  him  to  take  the  field  as  a 
surveyor  ;  and  he  studied  the  six  books 
of  Euclid  after  he  had  served  a  term  in 
Congress,  and  when  he  was  forty  years 
of  age,  amid  the  pressure  of  an  exten- 
sive legal  practice,  and  of  frequent  de- 
mands upon  his  time  by  the  public."* 

In  the  mean  time,  while  young  Lin- 
coln was  striving  against  every  disad- 

s  "  Life  of  Abraham  Ijncola."    New  York,  1860. 


u 


THE   WAR   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


vantage  for  meutal  progress,  he  was  ad- 
vancing rapidly  in  phj-sical  statui-e  and 
robustness.  His  rough  backwoods  life 
was  hardening  his  muscle  and  knitting  his 
stalwart  frame,  so  that  he  soon  became 
not  only  foremost  in  felling  a  tree  or 
"splitting  a  rail,"  but  the  most  noted 
among  his  comrades  in  feats  of  wi'estling, 
leaping,  and  throwing  the  bar.  His 
spirit  of  independence  and  adventure 
was  displayed  in  a  trip  on  a  flat-boat  to 
New  Orleans,  which  he  made  at  the  age 
of  nineteen,  as  one  of  the  hands. 

The  fame  of  the  broad  prairies  of 
Illinois,  with  their  seductive  promise  of 
cheap  lands  and  natural  richness  of  soil, 
had  reached  the  Lincoln  family,  and 
tempted  them  to  seek  its  "  fresh  fields 
and  pastiu'es  new."  Accordingly,  in  the 
spring  of  1830,  Thomas  Lincoln,  with 
his  wife  and  children,  abandoned  his 
home  in  Indiana  and  jom-neyed  to  the 
new  land  of  pi-omise.  Ox-carts  loaded 
with  the  women  folk,  the  household 
goods,  the  farming  utensils,  and  provi- 
sion of  corn  and  bacon  for  the  journey, 
aud  driven  by  the  patriarch  and  his  son, 
our  future  President,  carried  all  the 
hopes  and  fortunes  of  the  Lincolns  to 
their  new  home.  After  a  slow  and  long 
journey  thi'ough  an  unfrequented  coun- 
try, picturesque  to  the  eye  with  its 
diversified  scenery,  but  tr^^ing  to  the 
endurance  of  the  traveler  with  its 
mountain  acchvities,  its  deep  water- 
courses, and  perplexing  forests,  they 
finally  arrived  in  Illinois.  Here  the 
Lincolns  settled  in  Macon  County, 
where  the  strong  arm  and  skilled  labor 
of  Abraham,  now  one-and-twenty  years 


of  age,  were  at  once  put  to  service. 
The  summer  was  mostly  spent  in  build- 
ing the  log-house,  as  a  protection  against 
the  storms  and  frosts  of  the  approaching 
autumn  and  winter.  The  next  step  was 
to  prepare  the  bit  of  prairie  which  had 
fallen  to  the  lot  of  the  Lincolns,  for  a 
crop  of  Indian  corn.  It  was  now  that 
Abraham  accomplished  that  memorable 
feat  of  "sphtting  the  rails"  for  the  ten- 
acre  field,  which  has  subsequently  been 
cultivated  to  such  advantage  by  the 
fertilizing  rhetoric  of  political  orators. 

The  winter  compelling  an  intermission 
of  labor  on  the  farm,  and  the  severity 
of  the  season  restricting  the  means  of 
livehhood  at  home,  young  Lincoln  was 
induced  to  accept  the  offer  of  a  neighbor 
and  assist  in  taking  a  flat-boat  from 
Beardstown,  on  the  Illinois  River,  to  Xew 
Orleans.  Having  performed  this  service 
greatly  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  em- 
ployer, he  was  rewarded  by  him  with 
the  appointment  of  general  manager  of 
his  shop  and  mill  in  Jfew  Salem.  He 
had  been  thus  occupied  for  several 
months,  when,  on  the  breaking  out  of 
the  Black  Hawk  war  in  1832,  he  joined 
a  company  of  volunteers.  Lincoln  was 
at  once  chosen  the  captain,  an  unex- 
pected elevation,  which  he  declared  gave 
him  more  pleasure  than  any  subsequent 
honor  which  has  fallen  to  his  lot.  The 
war  being  soon  brought  to  a  close,  Lin- 
coln returned  to  civil  Ufe,  after  the  brief 
military  career  of  three  months. 

On  reaching  Xew  Salem,  he  was  in- 
duced to  offer  himself  as  a  "  Whig"  can- 
didate for  the  Legislature,  but  was  de- 
feated by  his  Democratic  opponent.     He 


SIEMBER  OF  CONGRESS. 


15 


now  formed  a  partnership,  and  buying  a 
stock  of  goods  on  credit,  opened  a  coun- 
trjr  store.  He  was  also  appointed  post- 
master at  New  Salem.  The  business, 
however,  not  proving  successful,  nor  the 
office  remunerative,  he  was  soon  in  such 
pecuniary  straits  as  to  be  forced  to  close 
his  doors.  His  next  effort  for  a  liveli- 
hood was  as  an  extemporaneous  assist- 
ant surveyor,  for  which  he  readily  pre- 
pared himself  by  obtaining  a  field  com- 
pass, a  chain,  and  a  treatise  on  surveying. 

In  1834,  Lincoln  was  elected  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Legislature  of  Illinois.  Al- 
though reticent  of  speech,  he  by  the 
faithful  discharge  of  his  duties,  and  his 
personal  and  political  rectitude  of  con- 
duct, won  so  much  of  the  good  opinion 
of  his  constituents  that  they  re-elected 
him  for  three  successive  terms. 

Even  while  practicing  as  a  surveyor, 
Lincoln  had  been  in  the  habit  of  read- 
ing books  on  law.  After  entering  the 
Legislature,  he  began  to  study  them 
with  increased  attention,  and  in  1836 
had  made  such  progress  that  he  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  In  April  of  the 
following  year  he  became  a  partner  of 
a  Mr.  John  F.  Stuart,  and  removed  to 
Springfield,  where  he  began  the  practice 
of  his  profession.  His  success  as  a 
lawyer  was  immediate,  and  he  soon  at- 
tained to  such  eminence,  that  he  ranked 
among  the  chief  legal  practitioners  of 
the  neighborhood.  His  forte  was  in  the 
management  of  jury  cases.  Though 
laboriously  occupied  with  his  profession, 
Lincoln  took  a  prominent  lead  in  poli- 
tics. His  sympathies  were  with  the 
Whigs,  and  having  been  chosen  a  candi- 


date for  Presidential  elector  in  1844,  he 
canvassed  the  whole  State  of  Illinois 
and  a  portion  of  Indiana  in  favor  of 
Henry  Clay.  In  184G  he  was  elected 
by  the  Whigs  a  member  of  Congress, 
and  in  December,  1847,  took  his  seat  in 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Though 
opposed  to  the  annexation  of  Texas  and 
the  war  with  Mexico,  which  had  been 
then  brought  to  a  triumphant  close  by 
the  conquest  of  the  Mexican  capital, 
I^incoln  never  fiiiled  to  recognize  the 
good  service  of  our  soldiers,  and  to  join 
in  all  the  congressional  votes  of  ac- 
knowledgment and  reward. 

At  an  early  period  Lincoln  had  mani- 
fested those  opinions  on  slavery  which 
secured  for  him  the  nomination  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  elevated  him  to 
his  future  high  position.  In  a  i^rotest. 
which  is  recorded  upon  the  journal  of  the 
Illinois  Legislature  on  the  3d  of  March, 
1837,  he  united  with  a  fellow-member 
in  saying  that :  ' '  Tliey  believe  that  the 
institution  of  slavery  is  founded  on  both 
injustice  and  bad  policy  ;  but  that  the 
promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends 
rather  to  increase  than  abate  its  evils, 

"They  believe  that  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  has  no  power,  under 
the  Constitution,  to  interfere  with  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  different 
States. 

"  They  believe  that  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  has  the  jjower  under 
the  Constitution  to  abolish  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia ;  but  that  the 
power  ought  not  to  be  exercised  unless 
at  the  request  of  the  people  of  saM 
District." 


16 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


His  action  while  in  Congress,  as  after 
his  election  to  tlie  Presidency,  was  ever 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  scrupulous 
regard  thus  early  expressed  for  all  con- 
stitutional obligations  in  respect  to 
Southern  slavery,  but  he  surely  never 
failed  to  do  his  utmost  to  restrict  within 
its  legal  bounds  an  institution  which  he 
did  not  favor.  He  showed  his  resolute 
opposition  to  its  extension  by  voting, 
while  in  Congress,  no  less  than  forty- 
two  times  for  the  Wilmot  proviso.  His 
action  on  other  questions  was  in  har- 
mony with  his  professed  Whig  principles, 
and  a  protective  tariff,  river  and  harbor 
improvements,  and  the  sale  of  the  pub- 
lic lands  at  a  low  valuation,  received  his 
support  and  vote. 

Lincoln,  having  served  in  Congress 
but  a  single  term,  returned  to  the .  prac- 
tice of  his  profession  in  Springfield.  In 
1848,  however,  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Whig  National  Convention,  and  warmly 
concurred  in  the  nomination  of  General 
Zachary  Taylor  for  the  Presidency.  In 
1849  he  was  the  Whig  candidate  for  the 
United  States  Senate,  but  as  the  majority 
of  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  was  Demo- 
cratic, was  beaten  b}^  his  competitor. 
General  Shields. 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise aroused  Lincoln  once  more  to 
active  political  effort,  and  he  came  for- 
ward as^  champion  of  the  new  Repub- 
lican party  organized  to  resist  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery.  In  the  canvass  for 
the  choice  of  a  senator  in  the  place  of 
General  Shields,  he  sustained  Judge 
Trumbull,  and  to  his  spirited  efforts  was 
attributed  the  triumph  of  that  Rejsubli- 


can  candidate.  So  prominent  had  he 
now  become  as  a  leader  of  the  new 
party,  that  in  the  Repulilican  National 
Convention  of  1856,  which  nominated 
John  C.  Fremont  for  President,  Lincoln 
was  pressed  by  the  delegates  from  the 
State  of  Illinois  as  a  nominee  for  the 
Vice-Presidency. 

Being  nominated  on  the  2d  of  June, 
1858,  by  the  Republican  party  of  his 
State,  candidate  for  the  United  States 
Senate,  in  ojjjjosition  to  Douglas,  Lin- 
coln canvassed  lUiiiois  together  with  his 
eminent  competitor.  Having  already,  in 
the  struggle  between  Trumbull  and 
Shields,  tested  his  powers  with  the 
"  Little  Giant,"  as  the  partisans  of  Doug- 
las fondly  termed  him,  in  allusion  to  his 
combined  loftiness  of  intellect  and 
smallness  of  stature,  Lincoln  did  not 
hesitate  to  challenge  his  doughty  antag- 
onist to  another  encounter.  The  polit- 
ical contest  which  ensued  became  mem- 
orable, and  Lincoln  exhibited,  as  a  free- 
soil  combatant,  such  pluck  and  bottom 
that  he  was  hailed  by  the  Republicans 
of  Illinois  as  their  favorite  champion. 
They  claimed  that  he  had  victoriously 
sustained  their  principles  against  the 
stoutest  leader  of  their  antagonists.  He, 
however,  with  all  his  vigor  of  fight,  did 
not  succeed  in  his  immediate  pui-pose 
of  gaining  the  prize  of  the  senatorship. 
The  popular  vote,  it  is  true,  proclaimed 
him  victor,  but  his  competitor,  Douglas, 
received  the  suffrage  of  the  State  Sen- 
ate in  consequence  of  the  unequal  ap- 
portionment law  of  Ilhnois,  which  gave 
the  Democrats  an  undue  share  of  its 
members.     Lincoln,    however,    had   se- 


LINCOLN'S   OPINIONS   ON   SLAVERY. 


17 


cured  for  himself,  among  the  expanding 
Repubhcan  i:)arty,  an  importance  which 
obtained  for  him  the  nomination  for  the 
Presidency,  and  finally  his  elevation  to 
that  high  office. 

How  far  his  political  views  upon  the 
question  of  slavery  did  really  justify  a 
defiance  of  the  authority  of  his  gov- 
ernment, as  pretended  by  those  seek- 
ing pretexts  for  rebeUion,  his  own  words 
will  prove.  In  the  course  of  his  polit- 
ical contest  for  the  senatorship,  Douglas 
proposed  certain  questions  to  him,  which 
are  here  given,  with  Lincoln's  answers, 
which  present  a  candid  exposition  of 
his  opinions. 

"  Question  1.  I  desire  to  know  whether 
Lincoln  to-day  stands  pledged,  as  he  did 
in  1854,  in  favor  of  the  unconditional 
repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  ? 

Answer.  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did, 
stand  pledged  in  favor  of  the  uncondi- 
tional repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law. 

Q.  2.  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether 
he  stands  pledged  to-day,  as  he  did 
in  1854,  against  the  admission  of  any 
more  slave  States  into  the  Union,  even 
if  the  people  want  them  ? 

A.  I  do  not  now,  nor  ever  did,  stand 
pledged  against  the  admission  of  any 
more  slave  States  into  the  LTnion. 

Q.  3.  I  want  to  know  whether  he 
stands  pledged  against  the  admission  of 
a  new  State  into  the  Union,  with  such  a 
constitution  as  the  people  of  that  State 
may  see  fit  to  make  ? 

A.  I  do  not  stand  pledged  against  the 
admission  of  a  new  State  into  the  Union, 
with  such  a  constitution  as  the  people 
of  that  State  may  see  fit  to  make. 


Q.  4.  I  want  to  know  whether  he 
stands  to-day  pledged  to  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia? 

A.  I  do  not  stand  to-day  pledged  to 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia. 

§.  5.  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether 
he  stands  pledged  to  the  prohibition 
of  the  slave-trade  between  the  different 
States  ? 

A.  I  do  not  stand  pledged  to  the 
prohibition  of  the  slave-trade  between 
the  different  States. 

Q.  Q).  1  desire  to  know  whether  he 
stands  pledged  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States, 
north  as  well  as  south  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  line  ? 

A.  I  am  impliedly,  if  not  expressly, 
pledged  to  a  belief  in  the  right  and  duty 
of  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  all 
the  United  States'  Territories. 

Q.  7.  I  desire  him  to  answer  whether 
he  is  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  any 
new  territory,  unless  slavery  is  first  pro- 
hibited therein  ? 

A.  I  am  not  generally  opposed  to  hon- 
est acquisition  of  territory  ;  and,  in  any 
given  case,  I  would  or  would  not  oppose 
such  acquisition,  according  as  I  might 
think  such  acquisition  would  or  would 
not  aggravate  the  slavery  question 
among  ourselves. 

Now,  my  friends,  it  will  be  perceived, 
upon  an  examination  of  these  questions 
and  answers,  that  so  far  I  have  only 
answered  that  I  was  not  pledged  to  this, 
that,  or  the  other.  The  Judge  has  not 
framed  his  interrogatories  to  ask  me 
anything   more,  than  this,   and  I  have 


18 


THE  WAR  WITH  TIDi  SOUTH. 


answered  iu  strict  accordance  witli  the 
interrogatories,  and  have  answered  truly 
that  I  am  woi  pledged  at  all  upon  any  of 
the  points  to  which  I  have  answered. 
But  I  am  not  disposed  to  hang  upon  the 
exact  form  of  his  interrogatory.  I  am 
rather  disposed  to  take  up  at  least  some 
of  these  questions,  and  state  what  I 
really  think  upon  them. 

As  to  the  first  one,  in  regard  to  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law,  I  have  never  hesi- 
tated to  say,  and  I  do  not  now  hesitate 
to  say,  that  I  think,  under  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  the  people 
of  the  Southern  States  are  entitled  to  a 
Congressional  Fugitive  Slave  law.  Hav- 
ing said  that,  I  have  had  nothing  to  say 
in  regard  to  the  existing  Fugitive  Slave 
law,  further  than  that  I  think  it  should 
have  been  framed  so  as  to  be  free  from 
some  of  the  objections  that  pertain  to 
it,  without  lessening  its  efficiency.  And 
inasmuch  as  we  are  not  now  in  an 
agitation  in  regard  to  an  alteration  or 
modification  of  that  law,  I  would  not  be 
the  man  to  introduce  it  as  a  new  subject 
of  agitation  upon  the  general  question 
of  slavery. 

In  regard  to  the  other  question,  of 
whether  I  am  pledged  to  the  admission 
of  any  more  slave  States  into  the  Union, 
I  state  to  you  very  frankly,  that  I  would 
be  exceedingly  soi'ry  ever  to  be  put  in 
a  position  of  having  to  pass  upon  that 
question.  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad 
to  know  that  there  would  never  be 
another  slave  State  admitted  into  the 
Union  ;  but  I  must  add  that,  if  slavery 
shall  be  kept  out  of  the  Territories 
during  the  territorial  existence  of  any 


one  given  Territory,  and  then  the 
people  shall,  having  a  fair  chance  and  a 
clear  field,  when  they  come  to  adopt  the 
Constitution,  do  such  an  extraordinary 
thing  as  to  adopt  a  slave  constitution, 
uninfluenced  by  the  actual  presence  of 
the  institution  among  them,  I  see  no 
alternative,  if  we  own  the  country,  but 
to  admit  them  into  the  Union. 

The  third  interrogatory  is  answered 
by  the  answer  to  the  second,  it  being, 
as  I  conceive,  the  same  as  the  second. 

The  fourth  one  is  in  regard  to  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  In  relation  to  that,  I  have 
m}^  mind  very  distinctly  made  vl^.  I 
should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  see  slavery 
abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
I  believe  that  Congress  possesses  the 
constitutional  power  to  abolish  it.  Yet, 
as  a  member  of  Congress,  I  should  not, 
with  my  present  views,  be  in  favor  of 
endeavoring  to  abolish  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  unless  it  ^vould  be 
upon  these  conditions  :  First,  that  the 
abolition  should  be  gradual.  Second, 
that  it  should  be  on  a  vote  of  the  ma- 
jority of  qualified  voters  in  the  District ; 
and  third,  that  compensation  should  be 
made  to  unwilling  owners.  With  these 
three  conditions,  I  confess  I  would  be 
exceedingly  glad  to  see  Congress  abolish 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and, 
in  the  language  of  Henry  Clay,  '  sweep 
from  our  capital  that  foul  blot  upon  our 
nation.' 

In  regard  to  the  fifth  interrogatory, 
I  must  say  here,  that  as  to  the  question 
of  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade  be- 
tween the  different  States,  I  can  truly 


AN  EXCITING  ELECTION. 


19 


answer,  as  I  have,  that  I  am  pledged  to 
nothing  about  it.  It  is  a  subject  to 
which  I  have  not  given  that  mature 
consideration  that  would  make  me  feel 
authorized  to  state  a  position  so  as  to 
hold  myself  entirely  bound  by  it.  In 
other  words,  that  question  has  never 
been  prominently  enough  before  me  to 
induce  me  to  investigate  whether  we 
really  have  the  constitutional  power  to 
do  it.  I  could  investigate  it  if  I  had 
sufficient  time  to  bi'ing  myself  to  a  con- 
clusion upon  that  subject ;  but  I  have 
not  done  so,  and  I  say  so  frankly  to  you 
here,  and  to  Judge  Douglas.  I  must 
say,  however,  that  if  I  should  be  of 
opinion  that  Congress  does  possess  the 
constitutional  power  to  abolish  the 
slave-trade  among  the  different  States,  I 
should  still  not  be  in  favor  of  the  exer- 
cise of  that  power  unless  upon  some 
conservative  principle,  as  I  conceive  it, 
akin  to  what  I  have  said  in  relation  to 
the  abolition  of  slaverjr  in  the  District 
of  Columbia. 

My  answer  as  to  whether  I  desire 
that  slavery  should  be  prohibited  in  all 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  is  full 
and  explicit  within  itself,  and  can  not  be 
made  clearer  by  any  comments  of  mine. 
So  I  suppose  in  regard  to  the  question 
whether  I  am  opposed  to  the  acquisition 
of  any  more  territory  unless  slavery  is 
first  prohibited  therein,  my  answer  is 
such  that  I  could  add  notliing  by  way 
of  illustration,  or  making  myself  better 
understood,  than  the  answer  which  I 
have  placed  in  writing." 

On  the   16th  of  May,  the  Re- 

'  publican  National  Convention  met 


at  Chicago.  After  two  ballots,  which 
resulted  in  no  choice,  Lincoln  was  chosen 
on  the  third,  receiving  three  hundred 
and  fifty-four  of  the  whole  four  hun- 
dred and  sixty-five  votes.'-'  The  elec- 
tion was  then  made  unanimous.  The 
party  responded  enthusiastically  to  the 
choice,  and  began  at  once  to  stir  the 
country  with  an  exciting  canvass.  The 
"Wide  Awakes,"  unarmed  but  uni- 
formed armies  of  voters,  mustered  and 
led  by  bands  of  music,  were  paraded 
through  the  streets  in  marching  order 
by  day,  and  in  torchlight  processions  at 
night.  Illuminated  banners,  gigantic 
flags,  and  postei's  made  the  names  of 
Lincoln  and  Hamlin  flimiliar  to  every  eye 
and  ear.  Republican  orators,  of  whom 
Seward,  himself  the  leading  competitor 
with  Lincoln  for  the  nomination  of 
President,  was  the  chief,  posted  from 
State  to  State,  city  to  city,  and  through- 
out the  rural  districts,  gathering  great 
crowds  and  arousing  them  by  their  fervid 
rhetoric  to  resist  the  encroachments  of 
slavery,  and  rally  to  the  standard  of  the 
party  organized  to  oppose  it. 

The  divided  Democrats  and  the  so- 
called  Unionists  were  not  less  demon- 
strative and  industrious  in  making  ap- 
peals by  means  of  party  emblems,  pro- 
cessions, "  monster"  meetings,  and  po- 
htical  speeches.  The  country  was  never 
so  agitated  and  party  spirit  so  enven- 
omed.    Mutterings,  in  the  mean  time, 

o  The  whole  number  of  votes  was  465,  of  which  233 
were  necessary  to  a  choice.  On  the  first  ballot,  Seward  re- 
ceived 173.},  Lincoln  102,  Cameron  50J,  and  Bates  48 ;  the 
rest  were  scattered.  On  the  second  ballot,  Seward  re- 
ceived 184.1,  and  Lincoln  181  ;  on  the  third,  Lincoln  had 
354,  Seward  109},  Dayton  1,  and  McLean  J  a  vote. 


20 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


1S60. 


of  disaffection  came  from  the  South 
anticipating  defeat,  but  were  either  not 
listened  to,  or  scouted  as  the  grumbUng 
of  impotent  discontent.  The  clamor  of 
party  drowned  all  but  its  own  voice. 

In  consequence  of  the  dissensions  and 
divisions  of  the  Democratic  party,  the 
Republicans  succeeded  in  electing  their 
candidate.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  elect- 
ed President  of  the  United  States, 
having  received  the  electoral  vote 
of  seventeen  States — California,  Connec- 
ticut, Ilhnois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Maine, 
Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota, 
New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Ohio,  Ore- 
gon, Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Ver- 
mont, and  Wisconsin — while  the  electoral 
vote  of  eleven  States  was  given  to  Breck- 
inridge, of  three  to  Bell,  and  of  two  to 
Douglas.  The  whole  popular  vote,  how- 
ever, was  only  1,857,010  for  the  Repub- 
hcan  candidate,  while  that  for  the  other 
three  combined  amounted  to  2,804,560. 

Lincoln,  by  his  election,  became  at 
once,  from  a  comparatively  obscure  per- 
son, whose  name  before  his  nomination 
was  hardly  known  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  State  of  Illinois,  the  most  prominent 
man  in  the  country.  Though  acknowl- 
edged in  his  own  State  as  an  acute  law- 
yer and  skillful  politician,  he  had  never 
been  recognized  by  the  country  at  large 
as  a  leading  statesman.  He  had,  how- 
ever, acquired  in  Illinois  such  a  repute 
for  political  and  personal  integrity,  that 
the  people  of  the  North,  of  all  parties, 
disgusted  with  the  corruption  in  high 


places,  readily  accepted  him  as  a  chief 
magistrate,  upon  whom  they  might  rely 
for  a  strict  adherence  to  his  constitu- 
tional obligations.  The  "honest  Abe" 
of  his  partisans  would  prove,  it  was  be- 
lieved, the  worthy  President  of  the  great 
ReiDublic. 

Personally,  Lincoln,  who  in  character 
and  manner  had  the  unreserved  and  pop- 
ular characteristics  of  the  Western  man, 
had  no  pretensions  to  the  stately  dignity 
we  are  apt  to  associate  with  the  office  of 
President.  Retaining  the  informal  habits 
of  liis  early  life,  he  was  easily  accessible, 
yielding  without  reserve  his  ready  social 
sympathy  to  the  first  comer.  A  tall, 
gaunt  man,  with  bending  shoulders  like 
an  overweighted  Atlas,  nearly  six  feet 
and  a  half  in  height,  and  of  great  physical 
vigor,  developed  by  the  rude  labor  of  his 
earlier,  and  strengthened  by  the  simple 
habits  of  his  later  years,  he  was  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  sturdy  democracy  of 
the  country.  With  none  of  the  preten- 
tious refinements  of  a  fastidious  culture, 
he  yet  had  a  naturally  vigorous  under- 
standing, carefully  improved  by  legal  and 
political  study.  A  certain  logical  acu- 
men appeared  characteristic  of  his  mind, 
and  tracing  with  untiring  pertinacity  the 
windings  of  an  ai'gument,  he  succeeded 
in  distinguishing  the  plausible  from  the 
true.  His  mental  like  his  moral  char- 
acter had  generally  a  natural  bias  for 
truth,  and  the  nation,  in  tliose  days  of 
political  crime,  confidently  trusted  in  liis 
honesty. 


EFFECT  OF  LINCOLN'S  ELECTION. 


21 


CHAPTER    III. 


The  Election  of  Lincoln  a  signal  and  pretext  of  Insurrection. — Tlie  news  hailed  with  joy  in  South  Carolina. — Secession 
Meetings. — Sympathy  of  Slave  States. — Offer  of  Aid  from  Virginia. — Secession  Movement  in  Kcw  Orleans. — A  Call 
for  an  Army  in  South  Carolina. — Kesiguation  of  the  United  States  Senators  from  South  Carolina. — Tendency  to 
EehcUion  in  the  other  Slave  States. — Action  of  the  Legislature  of  Georgia. — Florida  hails  the  "Gallant  Palmetto 
Flag." — The  Governor  of  Alabama  advises  to  prepai-e  for  Secession. — Conventions  ordered.— Increase  of  tlie  Seces- 
sion Mania  in  South  Carolina. — Flying  of  the  Palmetto  Flag,  and  excited  enthusiasm  of  the  People.—  An  infectious 
example. — Arming  of  Georgia. — Commissioners  from  Mississippi. — Mutual  Counsel  and  Advice. — Arming  of  the 
Southern  People. — Purchases  of  Arms  from  the  North. — Increased  Barbarity  at  the  South. — Feeling  at  the  North. — 
Trust  in  the  sentiment  of  Union. — Hope  from  Congress  and  the  President. — Disappointment. — President  Buchanan's 
Message. 


1S60. 


TuE  election  of  Lincoln  was  made  tlic 
signal  in  the  South,  as  it  was  the 
pretext,  for  the  open  defiance  of 
the  authority  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. The  intelligence  of  the  fact  was 
received  at  Charleston,  S.  C,  with  un- 
disguised joy,  and  the  citizens  gave  vent 
to  their  enthusiasm  in  "long-continued 
cheering  for  a  Southern  confederacy." 
Meetings  were  held,  where  local  orators 
delivered  stirring  speeches,  in  which 
they  declared  that  Southern  independ- 
ence could  only  be  secured  by  the  se- 
cession of  South  Carolina,  and  were 
rapturously  applauded.  The  conspira- 
tors of  the  different  Southern  States  in- 
terchanged expressions  of  sj^mpathy  and 
offers  of  mutual  service.  From  Vir- 
ginia, even  at  that  early  period,  came  a 
proffer  to  South  Carolina  of  a  volunteer 
corps  to  aid  her  in  her  projected  rebeUion. 
In  New  Orleans,  placards  were  posted 
on  the  walls  of  the  city  inviting  the  cit- 
izens to  military  organization,  and  soon 
"  minute  men"  were  mustered  in  every 
cotton  State. 

On  the  10th  of  November  a  bill  was 
introduced  in  the  Legislature  of  South 


Carolina  for  calling  out  and  equipping 
an  army  of  ten  thousand  volunteers,  and 
on  the  same  day  was  ordered  an  election 
for  delegates  to  a  convention  to  take 
action  on  the  question  of  secession. 
This  was  followed  by  the  resignation  by 
the  South  Carolina  senators  of  their 
seats  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
which  was  accepted  with  enthusiasm. 
Finally,  on  November  13th,  the  Legis- 
lature adjourned  sine  die,  when  its  pre- 
paratory acts  of  secession  were  honored 
by  a  torch-light  procession  in  the  cap- 
ital of  the  State. 

The  other  cotton  States,  though  less 
precipitate  than  South  Carolina  in  legis- 
lative action,  gave  early  indications  of 
their  tendency  to  insm^rection.  The 
Legislature  of  Georgia  refused  to  order 
the  election  of  a  senator  to  fill  a  vacancy 
in  the  United  States  Senate.  The  Gov- 
ernor of  Florida  sent  a  telegraphic  greet- 
ing to  the  Governor  of  South  Carolina, 
declaring  that  "  Florida  is  with  the  gal- 
lant Palmetto  flag."  The  Governor  of 
Alabama  advised  his  fellow-citizens  to 
prepare  for  secession,  and  gave  notice 
of  his  intention  to  order  an  election  of 


22 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


delegates  to  a  State  convention.  An 
extra  session  of  the  Legislature  of  Vir- 
ginia was  called  to  "take  into  consid- 
eration the  condition  of  public  affairs." 
At  the  same  time  great  meetings  were 
held  at  New  Orleans,  Augusta,  Mont- 
gomery, Vicksburg,  and  other  Southern 
cities,  in  favor  of  disunion.  Each  day 
brought  with  it  a  fresh  development  of 
the  secession  mania.  The  citizens  of 
Charleston  gathered  in  crowds  to  "in- 
augurate the  revolution."  The  palmetto 
flag,  the  symbol  of  the  State,  was  hoisted 
upon  tall  poles  of  pine  erected  for  the 
jourpose,  and  flung  out  from  every  pub- 
he  building,  hotel,  and  private  residence. 
Men,  women,  and  children  flaunted  se- 
cession badges,  and  yielded  unresistingly 
to  the  common  madness. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  example  of 
South  Carolina  was  infecting  her  neigh- 
bors.  The  Legislature  of  Georgia  voted 
jj0y,  an    appropriation  of  a  million   of 

18«  dollars  "  to  arm  and  equip  the 
State,"  and  ordered  an  election  of  del- 
egates to  a  convention.  The  Legislature 
]Vov,  of  North  Carolina  refused  to  elect 

30.  a  United  States  Senator.  The 
Legislature  of  Mississippi  authorized  the 
Nov.    governor  to  appoint  commissioners 

29'  to  visit  the  slaveholding  States,  to 
devise  means  in  co-operation  for  "their 
common  defense  and  safety."  The  Leg- 
Dfc,  islature  of  Florida  unanimously 
!•  passed  the  bill  calling  for  a  con- 
vention. The  Legislature  of  Georgia 
again,  unable  to  check  its  impatience, 
Dec,  made  a  further  advance  toward  re- 
3'  bellion  by  considering  a  resolution 
to  invite  a  conference  of  the  Southern 


States,  for  mutual  counsel  in  regard  to 
the  best  means  of  resistance  to  the 
North. 

The  people  of  the  slave  States  were 
daily  arming  themselves  for  an  antici- 
pated encounter  with  the  Federal  au- 
thorities they  were  provoking.  Im- 
mense purchases  of  arms  and  ammunition 
were  made  at  New  York,  Boston,  and 
Hartford.  The  rage  against  the  unsym- 
pathetic citizens  of  the  North,  who  by 
an  unhapp}^  fate  chanced  to  be  exposed 
to  their  insults  and  violence,  was  mani- 
fested with  increased  barbarity. 

The  loyal  citizens  of  the  country, 
though  alarmed  by  these  rebellious  in- 
dications of  the  slave  States,  yet  trusted 
to  the  sentiment  of  union  to  check,  and 
the  power  as  well  as  the  disposition  of 
the  Federal  Government  to  repress  them. 
Some  looked  to  Congress,  now  in  d^c, 
session,  for  a  ready  compliance  with  3" 
measures  of  conciliation  and  compro- 
mise, by  which  Southern  discontent  might 
be  soothed  by  Northern  concession.  Oth- 
ers trusting  in  the  power  of  Government, 
hoped  that  the  chief  magistrate,  now  that 
his  weak  will  and  vacillating  purposes 
could  be  steadied  and  directed  by  con- 
gressional resolution,  would  bind  with 
the  fetters  of  authority  the  rebellion  be- 
fore it  should  be  aroused  in  its  might. 

The  message  of  Buchanan,  however, 
soon  dissipated  these  hopes.  Instead  of 
a  dignified  vindico,tion  of  authority,  d^c, 
it  was  an  ill-concealed  attempt  at  *• 
justification  of  its  contemners,  and  an 
open  declaration  of  their  impunity.  This 
remarkable  document  will  be  always 
considered  a  not  inefficient  promoter  of 


BUCILVXAN'S  SffiSSAGE. 


23 


rebellion,  and  is   now  recorded   as    an 
important  fact  in  its  history. 

PKESIDENT  BDCHAN^VN'S  MESSAGE. 

"Fellow-Citizens  of  the  Senate 

AND  House  of  Repeesent'atites  : 

"  Througiiout  the  year  since  our  last 
meeting,  the  country  has  been  eminently 
prosperous  in  all  its  material  interests. 
The  general  health  has  been  excellent, 
our  harvests  have  been  abundant,  and 
plenty  smiles  throughout  the  land.  Our 
commerce  and  manufactures  have  been 
prosecuted  with  energy  and  industry, 
and  have  yielded  fair  and  ample  re- 
turns. In  short,  no  nation  in  the  tide 
of  time  has  ever  presented  a  specta- 
cle of  greater  material  prosperity  than 
we  have  done  until  within  a  very  recent 
period. 

"  Why  is  it,  then,  that  discontent  now 
so  extensively  prevails,  and  the  Union 
of  the  States,  which  is  the  source  of 
all  these  blessings,  is  threatened  with 
destruction  ?  The  long-continued  and 
intemperate  interference  of  the  Northern 
people  with  the  question  of  slavery  in 
the  Southern  States  has  at  length  pro- 
duced its  natural  effects.  The  different 
sections  of  the  Union  are  now  arrayed 
aeainst  each  other,  aiid  the  time  has  ar- 
rived,  so  much  dreaded  by  the  Father 
of  his  Country,  when  hostile  geograph- 
ical parties  have  been  formed.  I  have 
lono-  foreseen  and  often  forewarned  my 
countrymen  of  the  now  impending  dan- 
ger. This  does  not  proceed  solely  from 
the  claims  on  the  part  of  Congress  or  the 
Territorial  Legislature  to  exclude  slav- 
ery from  the  Territories,  nor  from  the 


efforts  of  different  States  to  defeat  the 
execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law. 

' '  All  or  any  of  these  evils  might  have 
been  endured  by  the  South  without 
danger  to  the  Union  (as  others  have 
been),  in  the  hope  that  time  and  re- 
flection might  apply  the  remedy.  The 
immediate  peril  arises  not  so  much  from 
these  causes,  as  from  the  fact  that  the 
incessant  and  violent  agitation  of  the 
slavery  question  throughout  the  North 
for  the  last  quarter  of  a  centur}-,  has  at 
length  produced  its  malign  influence  on 
the  slaves,  and  inspired  them  with  vague 
notions  of  freedom.  Hence  a  sense  of 
security  no  longer  exists  around  the 
family  altar!  This  feeling  of  peace  at 
home  has  given  place  to  apprehensions 
of  servile  insurrection.  Many  a  ma- 
tron throughout  the  South  retires  at 
night  in  dread  of  what  may  befall  her- 
self and  her  children  before  the  morn- 
ing. Should  this  apprehension  of  do- 
mestic danger,  whether  real  or  imagin- 
ary, extend  and  intensify  itself  until  it 
shall  pervade  the  masses  of  the  Southern 
people,  then  disunion  will  become  inev- 
itable. Self-preservation  is  the  first  law 
of  nature,  and  has  been  implanted  in  the 
heart  of  man  by  his  Creator  for  the 
wisest  purpose  ;  and  no  political  union, 
however  fraught  with  blessings  and  ben- 
efits in  all  other  respects,  can  long  con- 
tinue, if  the  necessary  consequence  be 
to  render  the  homes  and  the  firesides  of 
nearly  half  the  parties  to  it  habitually 
and  hopelessly  insecure.  Sooner  or  later 
the  bonds  of  such  a  union  must  be  sev- 
ered. It  is  my  conviction  that  this  fatal 
1  period   has   not   yet   arrived  ;  and  my 


24 


THE   WAR  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


prayer  to  God  is,  that  he  would  preserve 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union  tkrough- 
out  all  generations. 

"  But  let  us  take  warning  in  time,  and 
remove  the  cause  of  danger.  It  can  not 
be  denied  that  for  five-aud-twenty  jeavs 
the  agitation  at  the  North  against  slav- 
ery in  the  South  has  been  incessant.  In 
1835,  pictorial  handbills  and  inflamma- 
tory appeals  were  circulated  extensively 
thi'oughout  the  South,  of  a  character  to 
excite  the  passions  of  the  slaves  ;  and, 
in  the  language  of  Gen.  Jackson,  '  to 
stimulate  them  to  insurrection,  and  pi-o- 
duce  aU  the  hoiTors  of  a  servile  war.' 
This  agitation  has  ever  since  been  con- 
tinued by  the  public  press,  by  the  pro- 
ceedings of  State  and  county  conven- 
tions, and  by  abohtion  sermons  and 
lectures.  The  time  of  Congress  has 
been  occupied  in  violent  speeches  on 
this  never-ending  subject,  and  appeals 
in  pamphlet  and  other  foi*ms,  indorsed 
by  distinguished  names,  have  been  sent 
forth  from  this  central  point,  and  spread 
broadcast  over  the  Union. 

"  How  easy  would  it  be  for  the  Amer- 
ican people  to  settle  the  slavery  question 
forever,  and  to  restore  peace  and  har- 
mony to  this  distracted  country  ! 

"They,  and  they  alone,  can  do  it. 
AU  that  is  necessary  to  accomplish  the 
object,  and  all  for  which  the  slave  States 
have  ever  contended,  is  to  be  let  alone 
and  permitted  to  manage  their  domestic 
institutions  in  their  own  way.  As  sov- 
ereign States,  they,  and  they  alone,  are 
responsible  before  God  and  the  world 
for  the  slavery  existing  among  them. 
For  this,  the  people  of  the  North  are  not 


more  responsible,  and  have  no  more 
right  to  interfere,  than  with  similar  in- 
stitutions in  Russia  or  in  Brazil.  Upon 
their  good  sense  and  patriotic  forbear- 
ance I  confess  I  still  greatly  rely.  With- 
out their  aid,  it  is  beyond  the  power  of 
any  President,  no  matter  what  may  be 
his  own  political  proclivities,  to  restore 
peace  and  harmony  among  the  States. 
Wisely  limited  and  restrained  as  is  his 
power,  under  our  Constitution  and  laws, 
he  alone  can  accomplish  but  little,  for 
good  or  for  evil,  on  such  a  momentous 
question. 

"  And  this  brings  me  to  observe  that 
the  election  of  any  one  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  to  the  office  of  President  does 
not  of  itself  afford  just  cause  for  dis- 
solving the  Union.  This  is  more  espe- 
cially true  if  his  election  has  been 
effected  by  a  mere  plurality,  and  not 
a  majority,  of  the  people,  and  has  re- 
sulted from  transient  and  temporary 
causes,  which  may  probably  never  again 
occur.  In  order  to  justify  a  resort  to 
revolutionary  resistance,  the  Federal 
Government  must  be  guilty  of  '  a  dehb- 
erate,  palpable,  and  dangerous  exercise' 
of  powers  not  granted  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. The  late  Presidential  election, 
however,  has  been  held  in  strict  con- 
formity with  its  express  provisions. 
How,  then,  can  the  result  justify  a  rev- 
olution to  destroy  this  very  Constitu- 
tion ?  Reason,  justice,  a  regard  for  the 
Constitution,  all  require  that  we  shall 
wait  for  some  overt  and  dangerous  act 
on  the  part  of  the  President-elect  before 
resorting  to  such  a  remedy. 

' '  It  is  said,  however,  that  the  ante- 


THE  SOUTH  AND  ITS  RIGHTS. 


25 


cedents  of  the  President-elect  have  been 
sufficient  to  justify  the  fears  of  the  South 
that  he  will  attempt  to  invade  their  con- 
stitutional rights.  But  are  such  appre- 
hensions of  contingent  danger  in  the 
future  sufficient  to  justify  the  immediate 
destruction  of  the  noblest  system  of 
government  ever  devised  by  mortals  ? 
From  the  very  nature  of  his  office,  and 
its  high  responsibihties,  he  must  neces- 
saril}'  be  conservative.  The  stern  duty 
of  administering  the  vast  and  compU- 
cated  concerns  of  this  Government  af- 
fords in  itself  a  guarantee  that  he  will 
not  attempt  any  violation  of  a  clear 
constitutional  right.  After  all,  he  is  no 
more  than  the  chief  executive  officer  of 
the  Government.  His  province  is  not 
to  make,  but  to  execute,  the  laws  ;  and 
it  is  a  remarkable  fact  in  our  history, 
that,  notwithstanding  the  repeated  ef- 
forts of  the  Anti-Slavery  party,  no  single 
act  has  ever  passed  Congress,  unless  we 
may  possibly  except  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise, impairing  in  the  slightest  de- 
gree the  rights  of  the  South  to  their 
property  in  slaves.  And  it  may  also  be 
observed,  judging  from  the  present  in- 
dications, that  no  probabihty  exists  of 
the  passage  of  such  an  act,  by  a  ma- 
jority of  both  Houses,  either  in  the 
present  or  the  next  Congress.  Surely, 
under  these  circumstances,  we  ought  to 
be  restrained  from  present  action  by  the 
precept  of  Him  who  spake  as  never  man 
spoke,  that  '  sufficient  unto  the  day  is 
the  e^dl  thereof  The  day  of  evil  may 
never  come,  unless  we  shall  rashly  bring 
it  upon  ourselves. 

"  It  is  alleged  as  one  cause  for  imme- 

4 


diate  secession,  that  the  Southern  States 
are  denied  equal  rights  with  the  other 
States  in  the  common  Territories.  But 
by  what  authority  are  these  denied  ? 
Not  by  Congress,  which  has  never  passed, 
and  I  believe  never  will  pass,  any  act  to 
exclude  slavery  from  these  Territories  ; 
and  certainly  not  by  the  Supreme  Coiu-t, 
which  has  solemnly  decided  that  slaves 
are  property,  and,  like  all  other  prop- 
erty, their  owners  have  a  riglit  to  take 
them  into  the  common  Territories,  and 
hold  them  there  under  the  protection  of 
the  Constitution. 

"  So  far,  then,  as  Congress  is  con- 
cerned, the  objection  is  not  to  anything 
they  have  already  done,  but  to  what 
they  may  do  hereafter.  It  will  surely 
be  admitted  that  this  apprehension  of 
future  danger  is  no  good  reason  for  an 
immediate  dissolution  of  the  Union.  It 
is  true  that  the  Territorial  Legislature 
of  Kansas,  on  the  23d  of  February,  1860, 
passed  in  great  haste  an  act,  over  the 
veto  of  the  governor,  declaring  that 
slavery  '  is,  and  shall  be,  forever  pro- 
hibited in  this  Territory.'  Such  an  act, 
however,  plainly  violating  the  rights  of 
property  secured  by  the  Constitution, 
will  surely  be  declared  void  by  the  ju- 
diciary whenever  it  shaU  be  presented  in 
a  legal  form. 

"  Only  three  days  after  my  inaugura- 
tion, the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  solemnly  adjudged  that  the  power 
did  not  exist  in  a  Territorial  Legislature. 
Yet  such  has  been  the  factious  temper 
of  the  times,  that  the  correctness  of  this 
decision  has  been  extensively  impugned 
before  the  people,  and  the  question  has 


26 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


given  rise  to  angry  political  conflicts 
throughout  the  country.  Those  who 
have  appealed  from  this  judgment  of  our 
highest  constitutional  tribunal  to  pop- 
ular assemblies  would,  if  they  could,  in- 
vest a  Territorial  Legislature  with  power 
to  annul  the  sacred  rights  of  property. 
This  power  Congress  is  expressly  for- 
bidden, by  the  Federal  Constitution,  to 
exercise.  Every  State  Legislature  in 
the  Union  is  forbidden,  by  its  own  Con- 
stitution, to  exercise  it.  It  can  not  be 
exercised  in  any  State  except  by  the 
people,  in  their  highest  sovereign  capac- 
ity, when  Iraming  or  amending  their 
State  Constitution. 

' '  In  like  manner  it  can  only  be  exer- 
cised by  the  people  of  a  Territory  rep- 
resented in  a  convention  of  delegates, 
for  the  purpose  of  framing  a  constitution, 
preparatory  to  admission  as  a  State  into 
the  Union.  Then,  and  not  until  then, 
are  they  invested  with  power  to  decide 
the  question,  whether  slavery  shall  or 
shall  not  exist  within  their  limits.  This 
is  an  act  of  sovereign  authority,  and  not 
of  subordinate  territorial  legislation. 
Were  it  otherwise,  then  indeed  would 
the  equality  of  the  States  in  the  Terri- 
tories be  destroyed,  and  the  right  of 
property  in  slaves  would  depend,  not 
upon  the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution, 
but  upon  the  shifting  majorities  of  an 
irresponsible  Territorial  Legislature. 
Such  a  doctrine,  from  its  intrinsic  un- 
soundness, can  not  long  influence  any 
considerable  portion  of  our  people, 
much  less  can  it  afford  a  good  reason 
for  a  dissolution  of  the  Union. 

"  The  most  palpable  violations  of  con- 


stitutional duty  which  have  yet  been 
committed,  consist  in  the  acts  of  differ- 
ent State  legislatures  to  defeat  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law.  It 
ought  to  be  remembered,  however,  that 
for  these  acts  neither  Congress  nor  any 
President  can  justly  be  held  responsible. 
Having  been  passed  in  violation  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  they  are,  there- 
fore, nuU  and  void.  All  the  courts, 
both  State  and  national,  before  whom 
the  question  has  arisen,  have  from  the 
beginning  declared  the  Fugitive  Slave 
law  to  be  constitutional.  The  single 
exception  is  that  of  a  State  court  in 
Wisconsin  ;  and  this  has  not  only  been 
reversed  by  the  proper  apjsellate  tri- 
bunal, but  has  met  with  such  universal 
reprobation  that  there  can  be  no  danger 
from  it  as  a  jjrecedent.  The  validity  of 
this  law  has  been  estabhshed  over  and 
over  again  by  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  with  perfect  unan- 
imity. It  is  founded  upon  an  express 
provision  of  the  Constitution,  requiring 
that  fugitive  slaves  who  escape  from 
service  in  one  State  to  another  shall  be 
'  delivered  up'  to  their  masters.  With- 
out this  provision,  it  is  a  well-known 
historical  fact  that  the  Constitution  itself 
could  never  have  been  adopted  by  the 
Convention. 

' '  In  one  form  or  other,  under  the 
acts  of  1793  and  1850,  both  being  sub- 
stantially the  same,  the  Fugitive  Slave 
law  has  been  the  law  of  the  land  from 
the  days  of  Washington  until  the  present 
moment.  Here,  then,  a  clear  case  is 
presented,  in  which  it  will  be  the  duty 
of  the  next  President,  as  it  has  been  my 


BUCHANAN    ON   SECESSION. 


27 


own,  to  act  with  vigor  in  executing  this 
sujjreme  law  against  the  conflicting  en- 
actments of  State  legislatures.  Should 
he  fail  in  the  performance  of  this  high 
duty,  he  will  then  liavc  manifested  a  dis- 
regard of  the  Constitution  and  laws,  to 
the  great  injury  of  the  people  of  nearl}- 
one  half  of  the  States  of  the  Union. 
But  are  we  to  presume  in  advance  that 
he  will  thus  violate  his  duty  ?  This 
would  be  at  war  with  every  principle  of 
justice  and  of  Christian  charit3^  Let 
us  wait  for  the  overt  act.  The  Fugitive 
Slave  law  has  been  carried  into  execu- 
tion in  every  contested  case  since  the 
commencement  of  the  present  adminis- 
tration ;  though  often,  it  is  to  be  re- 
gretted, with  great  loss  and  inconveni- 
ence to  the  master,  and  with  consider- 
able expense  to  the  Government.  Let 
us  trust  that  the  State  legislatures  will 
repeal  their  unconstitutional  and  obnox- 
ious enactments.  Unless  this  shall  be 
done  without  any  necessary  delay,  it  is 
impossible  for  any  human  power  to  save 
the  Union. 

"The  Southern  States,  standing  on 
the  basis  of  the  Constitution,  have  a 
I'ight  to  demand  this  act  of  justice  from 
the  States  of  the  North.  Should  it  be 
refused,  then  the  Constitution,  to  whicli 
all  the  States  are  parties,  will  have  been 
willfully  violated  by  one  portion  of  them 
in  a  provision  essential  to  the  domestic 
security  and  happiness  of  the  remahi- 
der.  In  that  event,  the  injured  States, 
after  having  first  used  all  peaceful  and 
constitutional  means  to  obtain  redress, 
would  be  justified  in  revolutionary  re- 
sistance to  the  Government  of  the  Union. 


"I  have  purposely  confined  my  re- 
marks to  revolutionary  resistance,  be- 
cause it  has  been  claimed  within  the  last 
few  years  that  any  State,  whenever  this 
shall  be  its  sovereign  will  and  pleasure, 
may  secede  from  the  Union,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Constitution,  and  without 
any  violation  of  the  constitutional  rights 
of  the  other  members  of  the  confed- 
eracy. That,  as  each  became  parties  to 
the  Union  by  a  vote  of  its  own  people 
assembled  in  convention,  so  any  one  of 
them  may  retire  from  the  Union  in  a 
similar  manner  by  the  vote  of  such  a 
convention. 

' '  In  order  to  justify  secession  as  a 
constitutional  remedy,  it  must  be  on  the 
principle  that  the  Federal  Government 
is  a  mere  voluntary  association  of  States, 
to  be  dissolved  at  pleasure  by  any  one 
of  the  contracting  parties.  If  this  be 
so,  the  confederacy  is  a  rope  of  sand,  to 
be  penetrated  and  dissolved  by  the  first 
adverse  wave  of  public  opinion  in  any 
of  the  States.  In  this  manner  our 
thirty-three  States  may  resolve  them- 
selves into  as  many  petty,  jarring,  and 
hostiles  republics,  each  one  retiring  from 
the  Union,  without  responsibility,  when- 
ever any  sudden  excitement  might  impel 
them  to  such  a  course.  By  this  process 
a  union  might  be  entirely  broken  into 
fragments  in  a  few  weeks,  which  cost 
our  forefathers  many  years  of  toil,  pri- 
vation, and  blood  to  establish. 

"Such  a  principle  is  wholly  incon 
sistent  with  the  history  as  well  as  the 
character  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 
After  it  was  framed,  with  the  greatest 
deliberation  and  care,  it  was  submitted 


28 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


to  conventions  of  the  people  of  the 
several  States  foi'  ratification.  Its  pro- 
visions were  discussed  at  length  in  these 
bodies,  composed  of  the  first  men  of  the 
comitry.  Its  opponents  contended  that 
it  conferred  powers  upon  the  Federal 
Government  dangerous  to  the  rights  of 
the  States,  while  its  advocates  main- 
tained that  under  a  fair  construction  of 
the  instrument  there  was  no  foundation 
for  such  apprehensions.  In  that  mighty 
struo-srle  between  the  first  intellects  of 
this  or  any  other  country,  it  never  oc- 
curred to  any  individual,  either  among 
its  opponents  or  advocates,  to  assert,  or 
even  to  intimate,  that  their  efforts  were 
all  vain  labor,  because  the  moment  any 
State  felt  herself  aggrieved  she  might 
secede  from  the  Union.  What  a  crush- 
ing argument  would  this  have  proved 
against  those  who  dreaded  that  the 
rights  of  the  States  would  be  endangered 
by  the  Constitution !  The  trut|h  is,  that 
it  was  not  until  many  years  after  the 
origin  of  the  Federal  Government  that 
such  a  proposition  was  first  advanced. 

"  It  was  then  met  and  refuted  by  the 
conclusive  arguments  of  General  Jack- 
son, who,  in  his  message  of  16th  Janu- 
ary, 1833,  transmitted  the  nullifying  or- 
dinance of  South  Carolina  to  Congress, 
employs  the  following  language  :  '  The 
right  of  the  people  of  a  single  State  to 
absolve  themselves  at  will,  and  without 
the  consent  of  the  other  States,  from 
their  most  solemn  obligations,  and  haz- 
ard the  liberty  and  happiness  of  the 
millions  composing  this  Union,  can  not 
be  acknowledged.  Such  authority  is 
believed  to  be  utterly  repugnant  both  to 


the  principles  upon  which  the  General 
Government  is  constituted,  and  to  the 
objects  which  it  was  expressly  formed 
to  attain.' 

"  It  is  not  pretended  that  any  clause 
in  the  Constitution  gives  countenance  to 
such  a  theory.  It  is  altogether  founded 
upon  inference,  not  from  any  language 
contained  in  the  instrument  itself,  but 
from  the  sovereign  character  of  the 
several  States  by  which  it  was  ratified. 
But  is  it  beyond  the  power  of  a  State, 
like  an  individual,  to  yield  a  portion  of 
its  sovereign  rights  to  secure  the  re- 
mainder ?  In  the  language  of  Mr.  Mad- 
ison, who  has  been  called  the  Father  of 
the  Constitution :  '  It  was  formed  by 
the  States — that  is,  by  the  people  in 
each  of  the  States,  acting  in  their  high- 
est sovereign  capacity  ;  and  foi'med  con- 
sequently by  the  same  authority  which 
formed  the  State  constitutions.' 

"  Nor  is  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  created  by  the  Constitution,  less 
a  government  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
term,  within  the  sphere  of  its  powers, 
than  the  governments  created  by  the 
constitutions  of  the  States  are,  within 
their  several  sjiheres.  It  is,  like  them, 
organized  into  legislative,  executive,  and 
judiciary  departments.  It  operates,  like 
them,  directly  on  persons  and  things  ; 
and,  like  them,  it  has  at  command  a 
physical  force  for  executing  the  powers 
committed  to  it. 

"  It  was  intended  to  be  perpetual,  and 
not  be  annulled  at  the  pleasure  of  any 
one  of  the  contracting  parties.  The  old 
articles  of  confederation  were  entitled 
'  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpet- 


PERPETXriTT   OF   THE  UNION. 


29 


ual  Union  between  the  States  ;'  and  by 
the  13th  article  it  is  expressly  declared 
that  '  the  articles  of  this  Confederation 
shall  be  inviolably  observed  by  every 
State,  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual.' 
The  preamble  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  having  express  reference 
to  the  articles  of  Confederation,  recites 
that  it  was  established  '  in  order  to  form 
a  more  perfect  union.'  And  yet  it  is 
contended  that  this  '  more  perfect  union' 
does  not  include  the  essential  attribute 
of  perpetuity. 

"  But  that  the  Union  was  designed  to 
be  perpetual,  appears  conclusively  from 
the  nature  and  extent  of  the  powers 
conferred  by  the  Constitution  on  the 
Federal  Government.  These  powers 
embrace  the  very  highest  attributes  of 
national  sovereignty.  They  place  both 
the  sword  and  the  purse  under  its  con- 
trol. Congress  has  power  to  make  war, 
and  to  make  peace  ;  to  raise  and  sup- 
port armies  and  navies,  and  to  conclude 
treaties  with  foreign  governments.  It  is 
invested  with  the  power  to  coin  money, 
and  to  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  to 
regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations, 
and  among  the  several  States.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  enumerate  the  other  high 
powers  which  have  been  conferred  upon 
the  Federal  Government.  In  order  to 
carry  the  enumerated  powers  into  effect, 
Congress  possesses  the  exclusive  right  to 
lay  and  collect  duties  on  imports,  and  in 
common  with  the  States  to  lay  and  col- 
lect all  other  taxes. 

' '  But  the  Constitution  has  not  only 
conferred  these  high  powers  upon  Con- 
gress, but  it  has  adopted  effectual  means 


to  restrain  the  States  from  interferinsr 
with  their  exercise.  For  that  purpose 
it  has,  in  strong  prohibitory  language, 
expressly  declared  that  '  no  State  shall 
enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  con- 
federation ;  grant  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal ;  coin  money  ;  emit  bills  of 
credit  ;  make  anything  but  gold  and 
silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts  ; 
pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto 
law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of 
contracts.'  Moreover,  '  without  the  con- 
sent of  Congress,  no  State  shall  lay  any 
imposts  or  duties  on  any  imports  or  ex- 
ports, except  what  may  be  absolutely 
necessary  for  executing  its  inspection 
laws  ;'  and  if  they  exceed  this  amount, 
the  excess  shall  belong  to  the  United 
States. 

"  And  '  no  State  shall,  witliout  the  con- 
sent of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  tonnage  ; 
keep  troops,  or  ships  of  war,  in  time  of 
peace  ;  enter  into  any  agreement  or 
compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a 
foreign  power  ;  or  engage  in  war,  unless 
actually  invaded,  or  in  such  imminent 
danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay.' 

' '  In  order  still  further  to  secure  the 
uninterrupted  exercise  of  these  high 
powers  against  State  interposition,  it  is 
provided  '  that  this  Constitution,  and 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  shall 
be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all 
treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made, 
under  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the 
land  ;  and  the  judges  in  every  State 
shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the 
Constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to  the 
contrary  notwithstanding.' 


30 


THE   WAR  \VITH  THE   SOUTH. 


"The  solemn  sanction  of  religion  has 
been  superadded  to  the  obligations  of 
official  duty,  and  all  Senators  and  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  United  States,  all 
members  of  State  Legislature,  and  all 
executive  and  judicial  officers,  '  both  of 
the  United  States  and  of  the  several 
States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirm- 
ation to  support  this  Constitution.' 

"  In  order  to  carry  into  effect  these 
powers,  the  Constitution  has  established 
a  perfect  government  in  all  its  forms, 
legislative,  executive,  and  judicial ;  and 
this  Government,  to  the  extent  of  its 
powers,  acts  directly  upon  the  individual 
citizen  of  every  State,  and  executes  its 
own  decrees  by  the  agency  of  its  own 
officers.  In  this  respect  it  differs  en- 
tirely from  the  Government  under  the 
old  confederation,  which  was  confined 
to  making  requisitions  on  the  States  in 
their  sovereign  character.  This  left  it 
in  the  discretion  of  each  whether  to  obey 
or  to  refuse,  and  they  often  declined  to 
comply  with  such  requisition.  It  thus 
became  necessary,  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
moving this  barrier,  and,  '  in  order  to 
form  a  more  perfect  union,'  to  establish 
a  government  which  could  act  directly 
upon  the  people,  and  execute  its  own 
laws  without  the  intermediate  agency  of 
the  States.  This  has  been  accomplished 
by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

"  In  short,  the  Government  created  by 
the  Constitution,  and  deriving  its  au- 
thority from  the  sovereign  people  of 
each  of  the  several  States,  has  jDrecisely 
the  same  right  to  exercise  its  power  over 
the  people  of  all  these  States,  in  the 
enumerated    cases,    that    each    one    of 


them  possesses  over  subjects  not  del- 
egated to  the  United  States,  but  '  re- 
served to  the  States  respectively,  or  to 
the  people.' 

"To  the  extent  of  the  delegated  pow- 
ers, the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
is  as  much  a  part  of  the  Constitution  of 
each  State,  and  is  as  binding  upon  its 
people,  as  though  it  had  been  textually 
inserted  therein. 

"  This  Government,  therefore,  is  a 
great  and  powerful  government,  in- 
vested with  all  the  attributes  of  sov- 
ereignty over  the  special  subjects  to 
which  its  authority  extends.  Its  framers 
never  intended  to  implant  in  its  bosom 
the  seeds  of  its  own  destruction,  nor 
were  they,  at  its  creation,  guilty  of  the 
absurdity  of  providing  for  its  own  disso- 
lution. It  was  not  intended  by  its 
framers  to  be  the  baseless  fabric  of  a 
vision  which,  at  the  touch  of  the  en- 
chanter, would  vanish  into  thin  air,  but 
a  substantial  and  mighty  fabric,  capable 
of  resisting  the  slow  decay  of  time,  and 
of  defying  the  storms  of  ages.  Indeed, 
well  may  the  jealous  patriots  of  that  day 
have  indulged  fears  that  a  government 
of  such  high  powers  might  violate  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  States,  and  wisely 
did  they  adopt  the  rule  of  a  strict  con- 
struction of  these  powers  to  prevent  the 
danger !  But  they  did  not  fear,  nor  had 
they  any  reason  to  imagine,  that  the 
Constitution  would  ever  be  so  inter- 
preted as  to  enable  any  State,  by  her 
own  act,  and  without  the  consent  of  her 
sister  States,  to  discharge  her  people 
from  all  or  any  of  their  Federal  obliga- 
tions. 


THE   DUTY   OF  THE   PRESIDENT. 


31 


"  It  may  be  asked,  then,  are  the  peo- 
ple of  the  States  without  redress  against 
the  tyranny  and  oppression  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government  ?  By  no  means.  The 
right  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
governed  against  the  oppression  of  their 
governments  can  not  be  denied.  It  ex- 
ists independently  of  aU  constitutions, 
and  has  been  exercised  at  all  periods  of 
the  world's  history.  Under  it  old  gov- 
ernments have  been  destroyed,  and  new 
ones  have  taken  their  place.  It  is  em- 
bodied in  strong  and  express  language 
in  our  own  Declaration  of  Independence. 
But  the  distinction  must  ever  be  ob- 
served, that  this  is  revolution  against  an 
established  government,  and  not  a  vol- 
untary secession  from  it  by  virtue  of  an 
inherent  constitutional  right.  In  short, 
let  us  look  the  danger  fairly  in  the  face  : 
secession  is  neither  more  nor  less  than 
revolution.  It  may  or  it  may  not  be  a 
justifiable  revolution,  but  still  it  is  revo- 
lution. 

"  What,  in  the  mean  time,  is  the  re- 
sponsibility and  true  position  of  the 
Executive  ?  He  is  bound  by  solemn 
oath  before  God  and  the  country  '  to 
take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  ex- 
ecuted,' and  from  this  obligation  he  can 
not  be  absolved  by  any  human  power. 
But  what  if  the  performance  of  this 
duty,  in  whole  or  in  part,  has  been  ren- 
dered impracticable  by  events  over  which 
he  could  have  exercised  no  control  ? 
Such,  at  the  present  moment,  is  the  case 
throughout  the  State  of  South  Carolina, 
so  far  as  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
to  secure  the  administration  of  justice 
by  means  of  the  Federal  judiciary  are 


concerned.  All  the  Federal  officers 
within  its  limits,  through  whose  agency 
alone  these  laws  can  be  carried  into  ex- 
ecution, have  already  resigned.  We  no 
longer  have  a  district  judge,  a  district 
attorney,  or  a  marshal,  in  South  Caro- 
lina. In  fact,  the  whole  machinery  of 
the  Federal  Government  necessary  for 
the  distributionof  remedial  justice  among 
the  peojjle  has  been  demolished,  and  it 
would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
replace  it. 

"  The  only  acts  of  Congress  on  the 
statute-book,  bearing  upon  this  subject, 
are  those  of  the  28th  February,  1795, 
and  3d  March,  1807.  These  authorize 
the  President,  after  he  shall  have  ascer- 
tained that  the  marshal,  with  his  pofse 
comitatus,  is  unable  to  execute  civil  or 
criminal  process  in  any  particular  case, 
to  call  forth  the  militia  and  employ  the 
army  and  navy  to  aid  him  in  performing 
this  service,  having  first  by  proclama- 
tion commanded  the  insurgents  to  dis- 
perse and  retire  peaceably  to  their  re- 
spective abodes  within  a  limited  time.' 
This  duty  can  not  by  possibility  be  per- 
formed in  a  State  where  no  judicial  au- 
thority exists  to  issue  process,  and  where 
there  is  no  marshal  to  execute  it,  and 
where,  even  if  there  were  such  an  offi- 
cer, the  entire  population  would  consti- 
tute one  solid  combination  to  resist  him. 

"  The  bare  enumeration  of  these  jjro- 
visions  proves  how  inadequate  they  are 
without  further  legislation  to  overcome 
a  united  opposition  in  a  single  State,  not 
to  speak  of  other  States  who  may  place 
themselves  in  a  similar  attitude.  Con- 
gress alone  has  power  to  decide  whether 


32 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


the  i^resent  laws  can  or  can  not  be 
amended  so  as  to  carry  out  more  eflfect- 
ually  the  objects  of  the  Constitution. 

"  The  same  insuperable  obstacles  do 
not  he  in  the  wa}^  of  executing  the  laws 
for  the  collection  of  the  customs.  The 
revenue  still  continues  to  be  collected, 
as  heretofore,  at  the  custom-house  in 
Charleston  ;  and  should  the  collector 
unfortunately  resign,  a  successor  may 
be  appointed  to  perform  this  duty. 

"  Then  in  regard  to  the  property  of 
the  United  States  in  South  Carohna. 
This  has  been  purchased  for  a  fair  equiv- 
alent, '  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature 
of  the  State,'  '  for  the  erection  of  forts, 
magazines,  arsenals,'  etc.,  and  over  these 
the  authority  '  to  exercise  exclusive  leg- 
islation' has  been  expressly  granted  by 
the  Constitution  to  Congress.  It  is  not 
believed  that  any  attempt  will  be  made 
to  expel  the  United  States  from  this 
property  by  force  ;  but  if  in  this  I  should 
prove  to  be  mistaken,  the  officer  in  com- 
mand of  the  forts  has  received  orders  to 
act  strictly  on  the  defensive.  In  such  a 
contingency  the  responsibility  for  conse- 
quences would  rightfully  rest  upon  the 
heads  of  the  assailants. 

"Apart  from  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  so  far  as  this  may  be  practicable, 
the  Executive  has  no  authority  to  de- 
cide what  shall  be  the  relations  between 
the  Federal  Government  and  South  Car- 
olina. He  has  been  invested  with  no 
such  discretion.  He  possesses  no  power 
to  change  the  relations  heretofore  exist- 
ing between  them,  much  less  to  ac- 
knowledge  the  independence  of  that 
State.     This  would  be  to  invest  a  mere 


executive  officer  with  the  power  of  rec- 
ognizing the  dissolution  of  the  confed- 
eracy among  our  thirty-three  sovereign 
States.  It  bears  no  resemblance  to  the 
recognition  of  a  foreign  de  facto  govern- 
ment, involving  no  such  responsibility. 
Any  attempt  to  do  this  would,  on  his 
part,  be  a  naked  act  of  usurpation.  It 
is,  therefore,  my  duty  to  submit  to  Con- 
gress the  whole  question  in  all  its  bear- 
ings. The  course  of  events  is  so  rapidly 
hastening  forward,  that  the  emergency 
may  soon  arise,  when  you  maj^  be  called 
upon  to  decide  the  momentous  question 
whether  you  possess  the  power,  by  force 
of  arms,  to  compel  a  State  to  remain 
in  the  Union.  I  should  feel  myself 
recreant  to  my  duty  were  I  not  to 
express  an  opinion  on  this  important 
subject. 

"  The  question  fairly  stated  is  :  Has 
the  Constitution  delegated  to  Congress 
the  power  to  coerce  a  State  into  sub- 
mission which  is  attempting  to  with- 
draw, or  has  actually  withdrawn,  from 
the  confederacy?  If  answered  in  the 
affirmative,  it  must  be  on  the  jjrinciple 
that  the  power  has  been  conferred  upon 
Congress  to  declare  and  to  make  war 
against  a  State.  After  much  serious  re- 
flection, I  have  arrived  at  the  conclusion 
that  no  such  power  has  been  delegated 
to  Congress,  or  to  any  other  depart- 
ment of  the  Federal  Government.  It  is 
manifest,  upon  an  inspection  of  the  Con- 
stitution, that  this  is  not  among  the  spe- 
cific and  envunerated  powers  granted  to 
Congress  ;  and  it  is  equaU)^  apparent 
that  its  exercise  is  not  '  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into  execution'  any 


EFFECT   OF  "WAR   ON  THE  TJNIOlSr. 


one  of  these  powers.  So  far  from  tliis 
power  having  been  delegated  to  Con- 
gress, it  was  expressly  refused  by  the 
Convention  which  framed  the  Consti- 
tution. 

"  It  appears  from  the  proceedings  of 
that  body,  that  on  the  31st  May,  1787, 
the  clause  '  autliorizing  an  exertion  of  the 
force  of  the  whole  against  a  delinquent 
State,'  came  up  for  consideration.  Mr. 
Madison  opposed  it  in  a  brief  but  pow- 
erful speech,  from  which  I  shall  extract 
but  a  single  sentence.  He  observed  : 
'  The  use  of  force  against  a  State  would 
look  more  like  a  declaration  of  war  than 
an  infliction  of  punishment,  and  would 
probably  be  considered  by  the  party  at- 
tacked as  a  dis-solution  of  all  previous 
compacts  by  which  it  might  be  bound.' 
Upon  his  motion,  the  clause  was  unani- 
mously postponed,  and  was  never,  I  be- 
lieve, again  presented.  Soon  afterward, 
on  the  8th  June,  1787,  when  incident- 
ally adverting  to  the  subject,  he  said  : 
'  Any  government  for  the  United  States, 
formed  on  the  supposed  practicability 
of  using  force  against  the  unconstitu- 
tional proceedings  of  the  States,  would 
prove  as  visionary  and  fallacious  as  the 
Government  of  Congress,'  evidently 
meaning  the  then  existing  Congress  of 
the  old  confederation. 

"  Without  descending  to  particulars, 
it  may  be  safely  asserted  that  the  power 
to  make  war  against  a  State  is  at  va- 
riance with  the  whole  spirit  and  intent 
of  the  Constitution.  Suppose  such  a 
war  should  result  in  the  conquest  of  a 
State,  how  are  we  to  govern  it  after- 
ward ?     Shall  we  hold  it  as  a  province. 


and  govern  it  by  despotic  power?  In 
the  nature  of  things  we  could  not,  by 
physical  force,  control  the  wUl  of  the 
people,  and  compel  them  to  elect  Sen- 
ators and  Representatives  to  Congress, 
and  to  perform  all  the  other  duties  de- 
pending upon  their  own  volition,  and 
required  from  the  free  citizens  of  a  free 
State,  as  a  constituent  member  of  the 
confederacy. 

' '  But  if  we  possessed  this  power,  would 
it  be  wise  to  exercise  it  under  existiiig 
circumstances  ?  The  object  would  doubt- 
less be  to  preserve  the  Union.  War 
would  not  only  present  the  most  effect- 
ual means  of  destroying  it,  but  would 
banish  all  hope  of  its  peaceable  recon 
struction.  Besides,  in  the  fraternal  con- 
flict, a  vast  amount  of  blood  and  treasure 
would  be  expended,  rendering  future 
reconcihation  between  the  States  im- 
possible. In  the  mean  time,  who  can 
foretell  what  would  be  the  sufferings 
and  privations  of  the  people  during  its 
existence  ? 

"  The  fact  is,  that  our  Union  rests 
upon  public  opinion,  and  can  never  be 
cemented  by  the  blood  of  its  citizens 
shed  in  civil  war.  If  it  can  not  live  in 
the  affections  of  the  people,  it  must  one 
day  perish.  Congress  possess  many 
means  of  preserving  it  by  conciliation  ; 
but  the  sword  was  not  placed  in  their 
hand  to  preserve  it  by  force. 

"  But  may  I  be  permitted  solemnly 
to  invoke  my  countrymen  to  pause  and 
deliberate,  before  they  determine  to  de- 
stroy this,  the  grandest  temple  which 
has  ever  been  dedicated  to  human  free- 
dom  since    the  world   began?     It   haa 


34 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


been  consecrated  by  the  blood  of  our 
fathers,  by  the  glories  of  the  past,  and 
by  the  hopes  of  the  future.  The  Union 
has  ah'ead}'^  made  us  the  most  pros- 
perous and,  ere  long,  will,  if  jDreserved, 
render  us  the  most  powerful  nation  on 
the  face  of  the  earth.  In  every  foreign 
region  of  the  globe  the  title  of  American 
citizen  is  held  in  the  highest  respect, 
and  when  pronounced  in  a  foreign  land 
it  causes  the  hearts  of  our  countrymen 
to  swell  with  honest  pride.  Surely 
when  we  reach  the  brink  of  the  yawning 
abj-ss,  we  shaU  recoil  with  horror  from 
the  last  fatal  plunge.  By  such  a  dread 
catastrophe  the  hopes  of  the  friends  of 
freedom  throughout  the  world  would  be 
destroyed,  and  a  long  night  of  leaden 
despotism  would  enshroud  the  nations. 
Our  example  for  more  than  eighty  years 
would  not  only  be  lost,  but  it  would  be 
quoted  as  a  conclusive  proof  that  man 
is  unfit  for  self-government. 

"It  is  not  every  wrong — nay,  not 
every  grievous  wrong — which  can  just- 
ify a  resort  to  such  a  fearful  alternative. 
This  ought  to  be  the  last  desperate 
remedy  of  a  despairing  people,  after 
every  other  constitutional  means  of  con- 
ciliation had  been  exhausted.  We  should 
reflect  that  under  this  free  Government 
there  is  an  incessant  ebb  and  flow  in 
public  opinion.  The  slavery  question, 
like  everything  human,  wiU  have  its 
day.  I  firmly  believe  that  it  has  al- 
ready reached  and  passed  its  culmi- 
nating point.  But  if,  in  the  midst  of 
the  existing  excitement,  the  Union  shall 
perish,  the  evil  may  then  become  irrep- 


arable. 


Congress  can  contribute  much 


to  avert  it  by  ^^I'oposing  and  recom- 
mending to  the  Legislatures  of  the  sev- 
eral States  the  remedy  for  existing 
evils,  which  the  Constitution  has  itself 
provided  for  its  own  preservation.  This 
has  been  tried  at  difi'erent  critical  pe- 
riods of  our  history,  and  always  with 
eminent  success.  It  is  to  be  found  in 
the  5th  article  providing  for  its  own 
amendment.  Under  this  article,  amend- 
ments have  been  proposed  by  two  thu-ds 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  have 
been  '  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of 
three  fourths  of  the  several  States,'  and 
have  consequently  become  parts  of  the 
Constitution.  To  this  process  the  coun- 
try is  indebted  for  the  clause  prohib- 
iting Congress  from  passing  any  law 
respecting  an  estabhshment  of  religion, 
or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech,  or 
of  the  press,  or  of  the  right  of  petition. 
To  this  we  are  also  indebted  for  the  biU 
of  Rights,  which  secures  the  people 
against  any  abuse  of  power  by  the  Fed- 
eral Government.  Such  were  the  ap- 
prehensions justly  entertained  by  the 
friends  of  State  Rights  at  that  period  as 
to  have  rendered  it  extremely  doubtful 
whether  the  Constitution  could  have 
long  survived  without  these  amend- 
ments. 

' '  Again  :  the  Constitution  was  amend- 
ed by  the  same  process  after  the  election 
of  President  Jefferson  by  the  House 
of  Representatives,  in  February,  1803. 
This  amendment  was  rendered  neces- 
sary to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  the 
dangers  which  had  seriously  threatened 
the  existence  of  the  Government  during 
the  pendency  of  that  election.     The  art- 


THE  SOUTH  AND  ITS  RIGHTS. 


36 


icle  for  its  own  amendment  was  intended 
to  secure  the  amicable  adjustment  of 
conflicting  constitutional  questions  like 
the  present  which  might  arise  between 
the  governments  of  the  States  and  that 
of  the  United  States.  This  appears 
from  cotemporaneous  history.  In  this 
connection,  1  shall  merely  call  attention 
to  a  few  sentences  in  Mr.  Madison's 
justly  celebrated  report  in  1799  to  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia.  In  this  he  ably 
and  conclusively  defended  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  preceding  Legislature  against 
the  strictures  of  several  other  State  Leg- 
islatures. These  were  mainly  founded 
upon  the  protest  of  the  Virginia  Legis- 
lature against  the  '  AUeu  and  Sedition 
Acts,'  as  '  palpable  and  alarming  infrac- 
tions of  the  Constitution.'  In  pointing 
out  the  peaceful  and  constitutional  rem- 
edies— and  he  referred  to  none  other — 
to  which  the  States  were  authorized 
to  resort  on  such  occasions,  he  con- 
cludes by  saying,  '  that  the  Legislatures 
of  the  States  might  have  made  a  direct 
representation  to  Congress  with  a  view 
to  obtain  a  rescinding  of  the  two  offens- 
ive acts,  or  they  might  have  represented 
to  their  respective  senators  in  Congress 
their  wish  that  two  thirds  thereof  would 
propose  an  explanatory  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  ;  or  two  thirds  of  them- 
selves, if  such  had  been  their  option, 
might,  by  an  application  to  Congress, 
have  obtained  a  convention  for  the  same 
object.' 

"  This  is  the  very  course  which  I 
earnestly  recommend  in  order  to  obtain 
an  '  explanatoi-y  amendment'  of  the  Con- 
stitution on  the  subject  of  slavery.     This 


might  originate  with  Congress  or  tlie 
State  Legislatures,  as  may  be  deemed 
most  advisable  to  attain  the  object. 

' '  The  explanatory  amendment  might 
be  confined  to  the  final  settlement  of  the 
true  construction  of  the  Constitution  on 
three  special  points  : 

"1.  An  express  recognition  of  the 
right  of  property  in  slaves  in  the  States 
where  it  now  exists  or  may  hereafter 
exist. 

"2.  The  duty  of  protecting  this  right 
in  all  the  common  Territories  through- 
out their  territorial  existence,  and  until 
they  shall  be  admitted  as  States  into  the 
Union,  with  or  without  slavery,  as  their 
constitutions  may  prescribe. 

"  3.  A  like  recognition  of  the  right 
of  the  master  to  have  his  slave,  who  has 
escaped  from  one  State  to  another, 
restored  and  '  delivered  up'  to  him,  and 
of  the  vahdity  of  the  Fugitive  Slave 
law  enacted  for  this  purpose,  together 
with  a  declaration  that  all  State  laws 
impairing  or  defeating  this  right  are  vio- 
lations of  the  Constitution,  and  are  con- 
sequently null  and  void. 

"  It  may  be  objected  that  this  con- 
struction of  the  Constitution  has  al- 
ready been  settled  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  what 
more  ought  to  be  required  ?  The  an- 
swer is,  that  a  very  large  proportion  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  still 
contest  the  correctness  of  this  decision, 
and  never  will  cease  from  agitation  and 
admit  its  binding  force  until  clearly 
established  by  the  people  of  the  several 
States  in  their  sovereign  character. 
Such  an  explanatory  amendment  would. 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


it  is  believed,  forever  terminate  the 
existing  dissensions  and  restore  peace 
and  harmony  among  the  States. 

"  It  ought  not  to  be  doubted  that 
such  an  appeal  to  the  arbitrament  es- 
tabhshed  by  the  Constitution  itself  would 
be  received  with  favor  by  all  the  States 
of  the  confederacy.  In  any  event  it 
ought  to  be  tried  in  a  spirit  of  concilia- 
tion before  any  of  these  States  shall  sep- 
arate themselves  from  the  Union. 

"  When  I  entered  ujDon  the  duties  of 
the  Presidential  office,  the  aspect  neither 
of  our  foreign  nor  domestic  affairs  was 
at  aU  satisfactory.  We  were  involved 
in  dangerous  complications  with  several 
nations,  and  two  of  our  Territories  were 
in  a  state  of  revolution  against  the  Gov- 
ernment. A  restoration  of  the  African 
slave-trade  had  numerous  and  powerful 
advocates.     Unlawful   military    expedi- 


tions were  countenanced  by  many  of  our 
citizens,  and  were  suffered,  in  defiance 
of  the  efforts  of  the  Go\:ernment,  to  es- 
cape from  our  shores,  for  the  purpose 
of  making  war  upon  the  unoffending 
people  of  neighboring  republics  with 
whom  we  were  at  peace.  In  addition 
to  these  and  other  difficulties,  we  expe- 
rienced a  revulsion  in  monetary  affairs, 
soon  after  my  advent  to  power,  of  un- 
exampled severity  and  of  ruinous  con- 
sequences to  all  the  great  interests  of 
the  country.  When  we  take  a  retro- 
spect of  what  was  then  our  condition, 
and  contrast  this  with  its  material  pros- 
perity at  the  time  of  the  late  Presi- 
dential election,  we  have  abundant 
reason  to  return  our  grateful  thanks 
to  that  merciful  Providence  which  has 
never  forsaken  us  as  a  nation  in  all  our 
past  trials." 


CHAPTER    IV. 


Meeting  of  Congress. — little  Hope. — ^Determination  of  the  Disimionists.— Eefasal  to  Vote. — Eeasons. — Opposed  to 
Compromise. — Bold  Assei-tions  of  Southern  Senators. — A  programme  of  Rebellion. — A  Menace  of  Rebellion. — An 
Appeal  for  Union. — Caucuses  and  Conferences. — Failure. — Increased  Violence  ;md  Hostility. — Bewilderment  of  the 
Moderates. — President  Buchanan's  indisposition  to  exercise  Authority. — His  Message  an  Encouragement  to  Rebellion. 
— General  Scott's  Advice. — Advice  not  Taken. — Dissension  in  the  Cabinet. — Resignation  of  Cass. — Continued  hut 
ineffectual  attempts  of  Congress. — Firmness  of  the  Republicans. — Speech  of  Wade. — Resolutions  of  Crittenden. — 
The  state  of  Feeling  in  the  Country. — Depression  of  Trade  and  Commerce. — Bankruptcy.— Suspension  of  Specie 
Payment. — Emptiness  of  the  National  Tieasury. — Resignatiou  of  Cobb. — Appointment  of  Dlx. — A  continued  belief 
in  the  Cessation  of  Troubles. — Speech  of  Seward. 


From  the  very  first  day  of  the  meet- 
1860.  ing  of  Congress  it  became  evi- 
Dec.  3  dent  that  the  distracted  country 
had  little  to  hope  from  its  action.  All 
the  members  from  South  Carohna,  and 
most  of  those  from  Florida,  Alabama, 
Georgia,  and  Mississippi,  who  still  re- 


tained their  seats  in  the  national  legis- 
lature with  a  formal  affectation  of  alle- 
giance to  the  Union,  showed  at  once 
their  obstinate  determination  to  dis- 
solve it.  They  refused  to  vote  on  the 
resolution,  "that  so  much  of  the  Presi- 
dent's message  as  relates  to  the  present 


AUDACITT  EST  CONGRESS. 


37 


perilous  condition  of  the  country  be  re- 
ferred to  a  special  committee  of  one 
from  each  State,"  audaciously  declaring, 
as  a  reason  for  their  recreancy,  that  the 
States  to  which  they  owed  allegiance 
had,  in  their  "sovereign"  capacity,  or- 
dered conventions  to  consider  their  rela- 
tions with  the  Federal  Union,  and  that 
they  looked  to  them  for  an  authoritative 
decision  of  the  question.  Some  even 
proclaimed  that  they  were  now,  and  had 
ever  been,  opposed  to  all  compromises. 
The  introduction  of  a  resolution  ex- 
pressing fidelity  to  the  Union,  and  pledg- 
ing the  House  to  maintain  it,  was  fiercely 
opposed  by  the  disaffected  Southern 
members,  and  every  indication  was  given 
of  a  predetermined  hostility  to  all 
efforts  at  conciliation.  Such  were  the 
sentiments  and  action,  not  only  of  the 
Southern  members  of  the  less  restrained 
House  of  Representatives,  but  of  the 
more  composed  Senate.  Even  a  senator 
from  North  Carolina,  a  State  which  was 
believed  to  be  loyal  to  the  Union,  did 
not  hesitate  to  propose  a  division  of  the 
pubhc  property  between  the  North  and 
South,  while  the  senators  of  Mississippi, 
Georgia,  and  Texas  declared  any  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Federal  authorities 
to  resist  the  progress  of  insurrection 
would  be  opposed  by  force.  The  sena- 
tor* from  Georgia,  after  a  bold  avowal 
of  the  projected  rebellion,  published  by 
anticipation  its  programme,  and  flaunted 
it  in  the  face  of  the  Senate  with  the 
declaration,  that  "before  the  4th  of 
March — before  your  President  is  inaugu- 
rated— there  will  be  five  States,  if  not 

o  Mr.  Iverson. 


eight,  that  will  be  out  of  the  Union,  and 
will  have  formed  a  constitution  for  a 
frame  of  goveimment."  He  declared 
that  the  South  wanted  no  concessions, 
and  would  receive  none.  "You  can 
not,"  he  added,  "stop  this  revolution. 
It  is  not  the  liberty  laws,  but  the  mob 
law,  which  the  South  fears.  They  do 
not  dread  these  overt  acts,  for,  without 
the  power  of  the  Federal  Government, 
by  force,  under  the  Republican  rule, 
their  institution  would  not  last  ten 
years,  and  they  know  it.  They  intend 
to  go  out  of  this  Union.  Before  the 
4th  of  March  five  States  will  have 
declared  their  independence,  and  I  am 
satisfied  that  three  other  States  will 
follow  as  soon  as  the  action  of  the 
people  can  be  had.  Arkansas  will  call 
her  convention,  and  Louisiana  will  fol- 
low. And  though  there  is  a  clog  in  the 
way  in  the  lone  star  of  Texas,  in  the 
person  of  the  governor,  who  will  not 
consent  to  call  the  Legislature,  yet  the 
public  sentiment  is  so  strong,  that  even 
her  governor  may  be  over-ridden  ;  and 
if  he  will  not  yield  to  that  public  senti- 
ment, some  Texan  Brutus  may  arise  to 
rid  his  country  of  this  old,  hoary-headed 
traitor.  There  has  been  a  good  deal  of 
vaporing  and  threatening,  but  they  came 
from  the  last  men  who  would  cai'ry  out 
their  threats.  Men  talk  about  their 
eighteen  millions,  but  we  hear  a  few 
days  afterward  of  these  same  men  being 
switched  in  the  face,  and  they  tremble 
like  a  sheep-stealing  dog.  There  will 
be  no  war.  The  North,  governed  by 
such  far-seeino;  statesmen  as  the  senator 
from  New  York,  will  see  the  futihty  of 


38 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


tliis.  In  less  than  twelve  months  a 
Southern  confederacy  will  be  formed, 
and  it  will  be  the  most  successful  gov- 
ernment on  earth.  The  Southern  States, 
thus  banded  together,  will  be  able  to 
resist  any  force  in  the  world.  We  do 
not  expect  war,  but  we  wiU  be  prepared 
for  it,  and  we  are  not  a  feeble  race  of 
Mexicans  either." 

This  menace  of  rebellion  was  received 
with  a  cautious  but  defiant  silence  on 
the  part  of  most  of  the  Republicans, 
and  timid  expressions  from  the  moderate 
men  of  all  parties  of  a  hope  of  still 
allaying  the  fierce  temper  of  the  South 
by  the  persuasives  of  conciliation  and 
compromise.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky, 
the  Nestor  of  the  Senate,  ajDpealed  to 
the  sentiment  of  Union  by  an  eloquent 
exposition  of  its  blessings,  and  the 
dangers  to  the  country  of  its  dissolution. 
"  This  Union  was  established,"  he  said, 
"by  great  sacrifices,  and  it  is  worthy  of 
great  sacrifices  and  great  concessions  for 
its  maintenance.  I  trust  that  there  is 
no  senator  but  who  is  willing  to  yield 
and  concihate,  and  to  compromise,  in 
order  to  preserve  the  Union  to  the  na- 
tion and  to  the  countrj-.  I  look  with 
dismay,  and  something  like  despair,  to 
the  condition  of  this  country  when  the 
Union  is  stricken  down  and  we  shall  be 
turned  loose  to  speculate  on  the  founda- 
tions of  a  new  government.  I  look  at 
it  with  fear  and  trembling,  which  pre- 
dispose me  to  the  most  solemn  consider- 
ation that  I  am  capable  of  feeliag,  and 
to  search  out,  if  possible,  some  means 
for  the  reconciliation  of  the  different 
sections   and   members   of  tliis  Union, 


to  see  if  we  can  not  again  restore  that 
hai-mony  and  fraternity  that  belong  to 
the  Union  which  has  given  us  so  much 
blessing  and  prosperity." 

The  Senate  and  House,  with  brief 
intervals  of  adjournment,  during  which 
vain  attempts  were  made  by  caucuses 
and  conferences  to  appease  contention, 
continued  their  fruitless  deliberations. 
The  representatives  of  the  extreme 
Southern  States  became  daily  more  in- 
veterate in  their  expressions  of  hostility 
to  the  Federal  Government,  and  more 
outspoken  in  their  expressions  of  dis- 
loyalty. The  more  moderate  men  of  the 
South  and  those  of  the  North  seemed 
bewildered  and  powerless  to  counsel  or 
to  act. 

President  Buchanan,  surrounded  by 
men  whose  iU-concealed  treason  was 
soon  to  displaj^  itself  in  open  rebellion, 
showed  no  disposition  to  exercise  his 
power  in  protecting  the  authority  of  the 
Federal  Government  already  boldly  de- 
fied. His  message,  manipulated  to  their 
purpose  by  the  hands  of  traitors,  had, 
while  it  argued  against  the  right  of 
secession,  put  in  a  plea  for  its  extenua- 
tion on  the  score  of  provocation  from 
the  North,  and  by  confessing  the  impo- 
tency  of  the  Federal  authority  to  en- 
force obedience,  encouraged  the  dis- 
affected to  rebel,  with  assurances  of  im- 
punity. His  conduct  was  in  conformity 
with  the  assertion  in  his  message,  that 
coercion  was  unconstitutional,  and  he 
studiously  withheld  every  indication  of 
a  manifestation  of  the  exercise  of  ex- 
ecutive authority  to  check  the  intent  or 
to  repress  the  overt  act  of  rebeUion. 


ADVICE  OF  GENER^VL  SCOTT. 


89 


The  commander-in-chief,  Lieutenant- 
General  Scott,  had  ah-eady  at  an  early 
Off.  29  period  urged  upon  the  President 
1S60.  the  necessity  of  prompt  measures 
to  thwart  the  action  of  threatened  se- 
cession. "  From  a  knowledge  of  our 
Southern  population,"  he  wrote  in  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  "it  is  my  sol- 
emn conviction  that  there  is  some  danger 
of  an  early  act  of  rashness  preliminary 
to  secession,  viz.,  the  seizure  of  some  or 
all  of  the  following  forts  :  Forts  Jackson 
and  St.  Philip,  in  the  Mississippi,  below 
New  Orleans,  both  without  garrisons  ; 
Fort  Morgan,  below  Mobile,  without  a 
garrison  ;  forts  Pickens  and  McRae, 
Pensacola  harbor,  with  an  insufficient 
garrison  for  one  ;  Fort  Pulaski,  below 
Savannah,  without  a  garrison  ;  forts 
Moultrie  and  Sumter,  Charleston  har- 
bor, the  former  with  an  insufficient  gar- 
rison, and  the  latter  without  any  ;  and 
Fort  Monroe,  Hampton  Roads,  without 
a  sufficient  garrison.  In  my  opinion  all 
these  works  should  be  immediately  so 
garrisoned,  as  to  make  any  attempt  to 
take  any  one  of  them  by  surprise  or 
coup  de  main  ridiculous. 

"  With  the  army  faithful  to  its  alle- 
giance, and  the  navy  probably  equally 
so,  and  with  a  Federal  Executive  for  the 
next  twelve  months  of  firmness  and  mod- 
eration, which  the  countr}-  has  a  right 
to  expect — moderation  being  an  element 
of  power  not  less  than  firmness — there 
is  good  reason  to  hope  that  the  danger 
of  secession  may  be  made  to  pass  away 
without  one  conflict  of  arms,  one  exe- 
cution, or  one  arrest  for  treason." 

This    timely   advice    of   the   veteran 


Scott,  always  vigilant  to  preserve  the 
Union,  was  vmheeded  by  the  President, 
whose  feeble  will  was  guided  by  those 
who  were  seeking  to  destroy  it.  His 
ti-aitorous  associates  in  the  Government 
threatened  to  resign,  in  case  he  com- 
plied with  the  suggestions  of  Scott,  and 
extorted  from  him  the  pledge  not  to 
reinforce  the  forts.  Wliile  thus  pro- 
moting their  traitorous  purposes  with 
the  sanction  and  under  the  protection 
of  the  Federal  Executive,  these  plotters 
of  rebellion  clung  to  the  Government, 
whose  authority  they  were  daily  weak- 
ening while  they  were  strengthening 
their  own  power  of  ill. 

There  had  been,  however,  already 
some  dissension  in  the  cabinet  in  regard 
to  the  subject  of  reinforcing  the  South- 
ern forts  ;  and  when  the  expediency  of 
sending  an  additional  force  to  Major 
Anderson,  in  command  of  a  feeble  gar- 
rison at  Fort  Moultrie,  in  Charleston 
harbor,  became  manifest,  two  Northern 
members,  Cass  and  Toucey,  earnestly 
pleaded  for  it.  They  were,  however, 
overborne,  and  the  President,  hampered 
by  his  pledges  and  controlled  by  his 
Southern  advisers,  sent  not  a  single 
soldier  to  sustain  the  insulted  and 
threatened  authority  of  the  Govern- 
ment. Cass,  with  patriotic  indig-  Dg,., 
nation  at  this  remissness  of  duty,  !■*• 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  cabinet. 

While  the  President  was  thus  yield- 
ing, unresistingly,  to  the  promoters  of 
rebellion.  Congress  was  continuing  its 
futile  attempts  to  check  it  by  resolu- 
tions. The  debates,  however,  became 
only  more  angry  and  the  discord  more 


40 


THE  "WAR  "WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


obvious.  The  secessionists  increased  in 
violence  and  audacity,  and  the  extreme 
Republicans,  provoked  to  more  obsti- 
nate resistance,  renewed  their  declara- 
tions of  opposing  all  compromises. 
Wade,  the  Republican  senator  for  Ohio, 
said,  in  a  forcible  speech : 

"We  beat  you  on  the  plainest  and 
most  palpable  issue  ever  presented  to 
the  American  people,  and  one  which 
every  man  understood  ;  and  now,  when 
we  come  to  the  capital,  we  tell  you  that 
our  candidates  must  and  shall  be  in- 
augurated— must  and  shall  administer 
this  government  precisely  as  the  Con- 
stitution prescribes.  It  would  not  only 
be  humiliating,  but  highly  dishonorable 
to  us,  if  we  hstened  to  an}'  compromise 
by  which  we  should  lay  aside  the  honest 
verdict  of  the  people.  When  it  comes 
to  that,  you  have  no  government,  but 
anarchy  intervenes,  and  civil  war  may 
follow,  and  all  the  evils  that  human  im- 
agination can  raise  may  be  consequent 
upon  such  a  course  as  that.  The  Amer- 
ican people  would  lose  the  sheet-anchor 
of  Liberty  whenever  it  is  denied  on  this 
floor  that  a  majority  fairly  given  shall 
rule.  I  know  not  what  others  may  do, 
but  I  tell  you,  that  with  that  verdict  of 
the  people  in  my  pocket,  and  standing 
on  the  platform  on  which  these  candi- 
dates were  elected,  I  would  suffer  any- 
thing before  I  would  compromise  in  any 
way.  I  deem  it  no  case  where  we  have 
a  right  to  extend  courtesy  or  generosit}^ 
The  absolute  right,  the  most  sacred  that 
a  free  people  can  besto^v  upon  any  man, 
is  their  verdict  that  gives  him  a  full  title 
to  the  office  he  holds.     If  we  can  not 


stand  there  we  can  not  stand  anywhere, 
and,  my  friends,  any  other  verdict  would 
be  as  fatal  to  you  as  to  us." 

The  moderate  men  of  both  the  North 
and  the  South  with  an  amiable  persist- 
ency still  persevered  in  their  endeavors 
to  preserve  the  national  peace  by  plans 
of  conciliation  and  compromise.  These, 
however,  met  with  little  encouragement 
from  the  embittered  partisans  of  ex- 
treme opinions,  and  the  hope  of  ' '  saving 
the  Union"  by  mutual  concessions  daily 
diminished.  The  resolutions  of  Mr. 
Crittenden,  of  Kentucky,  seemed  from 
the  high  character  of  the  veteran  states- 
man who  offered  them,  to  make  the 
greatest  impression  upon  public  opinion. 
These  proposed  to  renew  the  Missouri 
Compromise  hue — prohibiting  slavery 
in  the  Territory  north  of  36  deg.  30 
min.,  and  protecting  it  south  of  that  lat- 
itude ;  to  admit  new  States  with  or  with- 
out slavery,  as  their  constitutions  shall 
provide  ;  to  prohibit  the  abohtion  of 
slavery  by  Congress  in  the  States  ;  to 
prohibit  its  abohtion  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  so  long  as  it  exists  either  in 
Virginia  or  Maryland  ;  to  permit  the 
transportation  of  slaves  in  any  of  the 
States  by  land  or  water  ;  to  provide  for 
the  payment  of  fugitive  slaves,  when 
rescued ;  to  repeal  one  obnoxious  feat- 
m-e  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law — the  ine- 
quahty  of  the  fee  to  the  commissioner  ; 
to  ask  the  repeal  of  aU  the  Personal 
Liberty  bills  in  the  Northern  States,  and 
effectually  to  execute  the  laws  for  the 
suppression  of  the  African  slave-trade. 
These  were  to  be  submitted  to  the 
people  as  amendments  to  the  Constitu- 


BANKRUPTCY. 


41 


tion,  and  to  be  changed  at  no  subse- 
quent time. 

While  treason  was  being  uttered  in 
Congress,  plotted  in  the  cabinet,  aiid 
encouraged  to  overt  act  in  the  slave 
States,  unchecked  by  the  national  au- 
thority, which  seemed  indisposed,  if  not 
incapable  of  vindicating  its  supremacy, 
there  was  a  general  feeling  of  discour- 
agement throughout  the  country.  This 
was  increased  by  the  universal  depres- 
sion in  trade  and  commerce.  The  great 
business  of  the  Northern  commercial 
and  manufacturing  cities  with  the  South 
had  been  almost  entirely  arrested.  Tlie 
Southern  merchants  made  no  new,  and 
failed  to  pay  for  their  old,  purchases. 
The  payment  of  the  great  debt  of  three 
hundred  millions  of  dollars  due  to  the 
North  suddenly  stopped,  and  fears  were 
already  entertained  that  it  would  never 
be  resumed.  The  Southern  banks  hav- 
ing suspended  the  payment  of  specie, 
had  so  depreciated  the  value  of  their 
currency,  that  exchange  upon  the  North 
rose  to  such  a  height  as  almost  to  pre- 
clude remittances  from  the  South  when- 
ever there  were  still  found  those  dis- 
posed to  make  them.  Northern  mer- 
chants, thus  suddenly  deprived  of  their 
Southern  resources,  were  forced  into 
bankruptcy.  The  banks  necessarily  sym- 
pathized with  the  ruin  of  their  custom- 
ers, and  although  those  of  New  York 
and  Boston  were  enabled,  through  the 
abundance  of  their  resources,  to  sustain 
their  credit  and  even  to  increase  their 
loans,  the  banks  of  Philadelphia,  Balti- 
more, "Washington,  and  Richmond  sus- 
pended specie  payment. 
6 


To  add  to  this  financial  embarrass- 
ment, the  national  treasury  was  threat- 
ened with  bankruptcy.  So  little  faith 
had  the  country  in  the  government  as 
controlled  by  the  Southern  advisers  of 
the  President,  that  the  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia, 
could  only  obtain  a  loan  at  a  discount 
of  25  per  cent,  of  the  usual  market  rates 
in  periods  of  national  prosperity.  Cobb 
was  so  perplexed  by  the  financial  em- 
barrassments of  his  department,  that, 
under  the  pretence  of  a  difference  of 
pohtical  views  with  the  President,  he  re- 
signed, and  betook  himself  to  the  more 
congenial  work  of  disturbing  the  loyalty 
of  his  native  State.  His  successor,  John 
A.  Dix,  of  New  York,  a  Northern  man, 
was  enabled,  however,  through  the  con- 
fidence inspired  by  his  integrity  and 
patriotism,  to  restore  the  public  credit 
and  again  fill  the  treasury. 

With  all  these  causes,  however,  tend- 
ing to  depress  the  public  feeling,  there 
was  still  a  strong  belief  among  Northern 
people,  that  the  civil  troubles  would, 
although  none  pretended  to  know  how, 
be  soon  settled.  This  seemed  to  be 
based  upon  the  supposed  attachment  to 
the  Union  among  the  people  even  in 
South  Carolina.  How  far  this  belief  in 
the  loyalty  of  the  Southern  slave  States 
prevailed  is  well  illustrated  by  a  speech 
of  Seward,  then  senator,  now  secretary 
of  state.  He  thus  jauntily  descanted  on 
the  grave  subject  of  Southern  disaffec- 
tion : 

"  Now,  gentleman,  my  belief  about  all 
this  is,  that  whether  it  is  Massachu-  d^c, 
setts  or  South  Carolina,  or  whether    22. 


42 


TPIE   WAR  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


it  is  New  York  or  Florida,  it  would  turn 
out  the  same  waj^  iu  each  case.  There 
is  no  such  thing  in  the  book,  no  such 
thing  in  reason,  no  such  thing  in  philos- 
ophy, and  no  such  thing  in  nature,  as 
any  State  existing  on  the  continent  of 
North  America  outside  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  I  do  not  believe  a 
word  of  it  ;  and  I  do  not  believe  it  for 
a  good  many  reasons.  Some  I  have 
ah-eady  hinted  at ;  and  one  is,  because  I 
do  not  see  any  good  reason  given  for  it. 
The  best  reason  I  see  given  for  it  is,  that 
the  people  of  some  of  the  Southern 
States  hate  us  of  the  free  States  very 
badly,  and  they  say  that  we  hate  them, 
and  that  all  love  is  lost  between  us. 
Well,  I  do  not  believe  a  word  of  that. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  do  know  for  my- 
self and  for  you,  that,  bating  some  httle 
diflfcrences  of  opinion  about  advantages, 
and  about  prescription,  and  about  office, 
and  about  freedom,  and  about  slavery, 
and  all  those  which  are  family  difficulties, 
for  which  we  do  not  take  any  outsiders  in 
any  part  of  the  world  into  our  councils 
on  either  side,  there  is  not  a  state  on  the 
earth,  outside  of  the  American  Union, 
which  I  like  half  so  well  as  I  do  the 
State  of  South  Carolina — [cheers] — 
neither  England,  nor  Ireland,  nor  Scot- 
land, nor  France,  nor  Turkey  ;  although 
from  Turkey  they  sent  me  Arab  horses, 
and  from  South  Carolina  they  send  me 
nothing  but  curses.  Still,  I  Uke  South 
Cai"olina  better  than  I  like  any  of  them  ; 
and  I  have  the  presumption  and  vanity 
to  believe  that  if  there  were  nobody  to 
overhear  the  State  of  South  Cai'olina 
when  she  is  talking,  she  would  confess 


that  she  lilvcd  us  tolerably  well.  I  am 
very  sure  that  if  anybody  were  to  make 
a  descent  on  New  York  to-morrow— 
whether  Louis  NajDoleon,  or  the  Prince 
of  "Wales,  or  his  mother  [laughter],  or 
the  Emperor  of  Russia,  or  the  Emperor 
of  Austria,  all  the  hills  of  South  Carolina 
would  pour  forth  their  population  for 
the  rescue  of  New  York.  [Cries  of 
'  Good,'  and  applause.]  God  knows 
how  this  may  be.  I  do  not  pretend  to 
know,  I  only  conjecture.  But  this  I  do 
know,  that  if  any  of  those  powers  were 
to  make  a  descent  on  South  Carolina, 
I  know  who  would  go  to  her  rescue. 
[A  voice — '  We'd  all  go.']  We  would 
all  go — everybody.  ['That's  so,'  and 
great  applause.]  Therefore  they  do  not 
humbug  me  with  their  secession,  and  I 
do  not  think  they  will  humbug  you  ;  and 
I  do  not  believe  that,  if  they  do  not 
humbug  you  and  me,  they  will  much 
longer  succeed  in  humbugging  them- 
selves. [Laughter.]  Now,  fellow-citi- 
zens, this  is  the  ultimate  result  of  all 
this  business.  These  States  are  always 
to  be  together — always  shall.  Talk  of 
striking  down  a  star  from  that  constella- 
tion— it  is  a  thing  which  can  not  be 
done.  [Applause.]  I  do  not  see  any 
less  stars  to-day  than  I  did  a  week  ago, 
and  I  espect  to  see  more  all  the  while. 
[Laughter.]  The  question  then  is, 
what  in  these  times — when  people  are 
laboring  under  the  delusion  that  they 
are  going  out  of  the  Union  and  going 
to  set  up  for  themselves — ought  we  to 
do  in  order  to  hold  them  in  ?  I  do  not 
know  any  better  rule  than  the  rule 
which  every  good  father  of  a  family  ob- 


SEWARD   ON  SECESSION. 


43 


serves.  It  is  this.  If  a  man  wishes  not 
to  lieep  his  family  together,  it  is  the 
easiest  thing  in  the  world  to  place  them 
apart.  He  will  do  so  at  once  if  he  only 
gets  discontented  with  his  son,  quarrels 
with  him,  complains  of  him,  torments 
him,  threatens  him,  coerces  him.  This 
is  the  way  to  get  rid  of  the  family,  and 
to  get  them  all  out  of  doors.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  you  wish  to  keep  them, 
you  have  got  only  one  way  to  do  it. 
That  is,  be  patient,  kind,  paternal,  for- 
bearing, and  wait  until  they  come  to 
reflect  for  themselves.  The  South  is  to 
us  what  the  wife  is  to  her  husband.  I 
do  not  know  any  man  in  the  world  who 
can  not  get  rid  of  his  wife  if  he  tries. 
*  *  *  J  (Jq  y^Q^  know  a  man  on  earth 
who — even  though  his  wife  was  as 
troublesome  as  the  wife  of  Socrates — 
cannot  keep  his  wife  if  he  wants  to  do 
so  ;  all  that  he  needs  is,  to  keep  his  own 
vii'tue  and  his  own  temper.  [Applause.] 
Now,  in  all  this  business  I  propose  that 
we  shall  keep  our  own  virtue,  wliich,  in 
politics,  is  loyalty,  and  our  own  temper, 
which,  in  politics,  consists  in  remember- 
ing that  men  may  differ,  that  brethren 
may  differ.  If  we  keep  entirely  cool, 
and  entirely  calm,  and  entirely  kind,  a 
debate  will  ensue  which  will  be  kindly 
in  itself,  and  it  will  prove  very  soon 
either  that  we  are  wrong — and  we  shall 
concede  to  our  offended  brethren — or 
else  that  we  are  right,  and  thej^  will 
acquiesce  and  come  back  into  fraternal 
relations  with  us.  I  do  not  wish  to  an- 
ticipate any  question.  We  have  a  great 
many  statesmen  who  demand  at  once 
to  know  what  the  North  proposes  to  do 


— what  the  Government  proposes  to  do 
— whether  we  propose  to  coerce  our 
Southern  brethren  back  into  their  allegi- 
ance. They  ask  us,  as  of  course  they 
may  rightly  ask,  what  will  be  the  value 
of  fraternity  which  is  compelled?  All 
I  have  to  say  on  that  subject  is,  that  so 
long  ago  as  the  time  of  Sir  Thomas 
More,  he  discovered,  and  set  down  the 
discovery  in  his  writings,  that  there  were 
a  great  many  schoolmasters,  and  that 
while  there  were  a  very  few  who  knew 
how  to  instruct  children,  there  were  a 
great  many  who  knew  how  to  whip 
them.  [Laughter.]  I  propose  to  have 
no  question  on  that  subject,  but  to  hear 
complaints,  to  redress  them  if  they  ought 
to  be  redressed,  and  if  we  have  the 
power  to  redress  them  ;  and  I  expect 
them  to  be  withdrawn  if  they  are  un- 
reasonable, because  I  know  that  the 
necessities  which  made  this  Union  exist, 
for  these  States,  are  stronger  to-day 
than  they  were  when  the  Union  was 
made,  and  that  those  necessities  are  en- 
during, while  the  passions  of  men  are 
short-lived  and  ejohemeral.  I  believe 
that  secession  was  stronger  on  the  night 
of  the  6th  of  November  last,  when  a 
President  and  Vice-President  who  were 
unacceptable  to  the  slave  States  were 
elected,  than  it  is  now.  That  is  now 
some  fifty  daj'S  since,  and  I  believe  that 
every  day's  sun  which  set  since  that 
time,  has  set  on  mollified  passions  and 
prejudices,  and  that  if  you  will  only  give 
it  time,  sixty  days'  more  suns  will  give 
j'ou  a  much  brighter  and  more  cheerful 
atmosphere."  [Loud  and  long  con- 
tinued applause.] 


M 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER    V. 

Tlie  Inaction  of  Government. — The  Bewilderment  of  the  North. — Movement  of  the  South. — Precipitancy  of  South 
Carolina. — Election  of  Convention  of  South  Carolina. — Impatience  of  Action. — Anticipatory  Programme. — Gov- 
ernor Gist's  last  Message. — Action  of  other  Slave  States. — ^Alabama  Declaration  of  Causes. — Immediate  Secession 
views  of  the  Governor  of  Florida. — Immediate  Secession  views  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia. — Vigilance  Committees. 
. — Arming  and  Equipping. — Conventions  called. — Meeting  of  South  Carolina  Convention. — Adjournment  to  Charles- 
ton.— Ordinance  of  Sece.ssion. — Manifestation  of  Popular  Feeling  in  the  South. — Audacity  of  Southern  Members  of 
Congress. — Proceedings  of  South  Carolina  Convention. — Proclamation  of  the  Act  of  Secession  of  South  Carolina. — 
Declaration  of  Causes. — 'Withdrawal  from  Congress  of  the  Members  of  South  Carolina. — Apparent  attempts  made  tc 
check  the  precipitate  action  of  South  Carolina. — Motives  of  such  attempts. — Opposition  to  Disunion  from  Maryland. 
— Union  Sentiments  in  Vuginia. — Loyalty  of  E;xstern  and  Western  Virginia  contrasted. — Proposed  Conferences. — 
Disposition  of  Tennessee. — Firm  stand  for  the  Union  of  Johnson  and  Etheredge. — Letter  of  BeU,  of  Tennessee. — 
Feeling  in  Kentucky. — Governor  Magoffin's  Propositions. — Manful  resistance  of  Governor  Houston,  of  Texas. — 
Silence  of  Arkansas. — Irresolution  of  Georgia. — Union  eloquence  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens. — Feeling  in  Alabama. 
— Mississippi. — Louisiana. — How  the  Propositions  of  the  other  Slave  States  were  received  by  South  Carolina. — South 
Carolina's  Assurances. — Force  of  Example. — Anticipated  Eiiect. — Ordinance  of  Concunence. 


1S60. 


While  the  President,  meekly  sub- 
missive to  the  influence  of  his  traitorous 
ad^dsers,  was  confessing  and  man- 
ifesting impotency  ;  while  the  na- 
tional councils,  alternately  frightened  by 
the  defiance  of  audacious  rebels  and  pro- 
voked by  then*  threats,  were  now  striv- 
ing to  soothe  them  by  plans  of  concilia- 
tion and  compromise,  and  again  con- 
tending with  them  in  angry  discussion  ; 
while  the  people  of  the  Xorth,  bewil- 
dered by  the  inaction  of  the  Federal 
authority,  the  perplexing  dehberations 
of  Congress,  and  the  frivolous  conjec- 
tures of  their  leaders,  seemed  doubtful 
whether  to  hope  or  to  fear,  and  willing 
to  yield  their  destiny  to  the  uncertain- 
ties of  chance,  the  South  was  moving 
with  unhesitating  strides  toward  re- 
bellion. 

South  Carolina,  with  characteristic 
precipitancy,  established  her  claim  to 
precedence  in-secession.  The  delegates 
to  the  convention  called  by  the  act  of 


the  Legislatm*e  were  elected  on  the  5th 
of  December,  to  meet  on  the  17th.  The 
leaders  of  South  Carolina,  however,  as 
if  impatient  of  all  deliberation,  did  not 
await  its  action.  They  summoned  the 
people  in  masses  thi'oughout  the  State, 
and  distinctly  announced  the  programme 
of  rebellion.  At  a  large  meeting  in 
Charleston,  Mr.  Memminger,  an  xoy, 
able  lawyer  of  that  ciij,  and  a  ^Ot 
prominent  pohtician,  declared  even  be- 
fore the  election  of  the  delegates  that 
the  convention,  within  three  days  of  its 
assembling,  would  declare  South  Caro- 
Uua  out  of  the  Union ;  that  a  commis- 
sioner would  be  sent  to  the  capital  of 
the  United  States  to  treat  in  regard  to 
the  forts  and  other  Federal  property, 
which  would  be  formally  demanded,  and 
if  not  given  up,  that  the  armed  men  of 
South  Carohna  would  take  them.  Pre- 
suming upon  the  easy  temper  of  Bu- 
chanan, or  the  corrupt  connivance  of  his 
traitorous  advisers,  he  did  not  hesitate 


DIMEDIATE  SECESSION  EEC03DIENDED. 


45 


to  declare  that  he  had  no  fear  of  the 
iulerfereuce  of  the  President,  while  he 
complacently  dwelt  upon  the  powerless- 
ness  of  his  successor,  who  would  be  too 
much  embarrassed  by  the  difficulty  of 
organizing  his  government  and  obtain- 
ing the  sanction  of  Congress,  to  apply 
coercion  to  South  Carolina,  until  she 
had  been  joined  by  the  other  cotton 
States,  when,  thus  strengthened,  she 
would  be  able  to  resist  it. 

The  governor*  of  the  State,  in  his 
Dec,  last  message,  urged  the  prospective 
T'     convention  to  immediate  action. 

"The  delay,"  he  said,  "of  the  con- 
vention for  a  single  week  to  pass  the 
ordinance  of  secession,  will  have  a  blight- 
ing and  chilling  influence  upon  the  action 
of  the  other  Southern  States.  The  op- 
ponents of  the  movement  everywhere 
will  be  encouraged  to  make  another 
effort  to  rally  their  now  disorganized 
and  scattered  forces  to  defeat  our  action 
and  stay  our  onward  march.  Fabius 
conquered  by  delay,  and  there  are  those 
of  his  school,  though  with  a  more  un- 
worthy purpose,  who,  shrinking  from 
open  and  manly  attack,  use  this  veil  to 
hide  their  deformity,  and  from  a  masked 
battery  to  discharge  their  missiles.  But 
I  trust  they  will  strike  the  armor  of  truth 
and  fall  harmless  at  our  feet,  and  that 
by  the  28th  of  December  no  flag  but  the 
Palmetto  will  float  over  any  part  of  South 
Carolina." 

Great  encouragement  had  already 
come  from  the  leaders  of  the  other  cot- 
ton States,  who  hoped,  by  the  hasty 
action  of  South  Carolina,  to  precipitate 

*  Gist. 


their  fellow-citizens  into  a  separation 
from  that  Union  for  which  there  mieht 
be  still  a  traditional  reverence.  At  an 
early  meeting  at  Mobile  the  secession 
leaders  of  Alabama  had  issued  a  jvov, 
declai-ation  of  causes  for  separation  15. 
which  they  emphatically  urged.  After 
a  long  and  bitter  exposition  of  the 
wrongs  they  had  suffered  from  the 
North,  they  declared : 

"The  time  has  come  for  us  'to  put 
our  house  in  order,'  and,  if  need  be,  to 
stand  by  our  arms. 

"  We  will  not  give  the  enemy  time  to 
collect  his  strength  and  wield  the  powers 
of  government  against  us,  by  waiting  for 
any  further  '  overt  act.'     Therefore,  be  it 

"  Resolved,  1.  That  the  election  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  Presidencj'upon 
the  principles  avowed  by  the  Black  Re- 
publican party  is,  in  our  opinion,  a  vir- 
tual overthrow  of  the  Constitution  and 
of  the  equal  right  of  the  States. 

"2.  That  the  idea  of  submission  by 
the  South  to  the  rule  of  such  a  man  and 
such  a  party  should  be  repudiated  from 
one  end  of  her  borders  to  the  other. 

"  3.  That  in  the  language  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  Alabama,  under  which  she 
was  admitted  into  the  Union,  '  All  po- 
Utical  power  is  inherent  in  the  people, 
and  all  free  governments  are  founded 
on  their  authority,  and  intended  for 
their  benefit ;  and,  therefore,  they  have 
at  all  times  an  inalienable  and  indefeas- 
ible right  to  alter,  reform,  or  abolish 
their  form  of  government  in  such  man- 
ner as  they  may  think  expedient.' 

"  4.  That,  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  it  is  the    deliberate  opinion  of 


46 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


this  meeting,  assembled  without  distinc- 
tion of  parties,  that  the  State  of  Ala- 
bama should  withdraw  from  the  Federal 
Union  without  any  further  delay  than 
may  be  necessary  to  obtain  in  the  speed- 
iest manner  a  consultation  with  other 
slaveholding  States,  in  the  hope  of  se- 
curing theh'  co-operation  in  a  move- 
ment which  we  deem  essential  to  our 
safety." 

It  is  true  that  in  this  document  a  con- 
sultation with  other  slaveholding  States 
was  recommended,  with  the  hope  of  se- 
curing their  co-operation,  but  at  the 
same  time  it  advised  immediate  action. 
A  meeting  was  held  in  Louisiana,  at 
which  a  similar  declaration  was  sug- 
gested. 

The  Governor  of  Florida  invoked  the 
\Qy,  Legislature  to  immediate  secession. 
26.  "For  mj^self,"  he  said,  "  in  full  view 
of  the  responsibihty  of  my  position,  I 
most  decidedly  declare  that,  in  my  opin- 
ion, the  only  hope  the  Southern  States 
have  for  domestic  peace  or  safety,  or  for 
future  respectability  and  prosperity,  is 
dependent  on  their  action  now  ;  and  that 
the  proper  action  is,  secession  from  our 
faithless,  perjured  confederates."  Gov- 
ernor Brown,  too,  of  Georgia — a  State 
thought  to  be  extremely  reluctant  to 
dissolve  its  connection  with  the  Union — 
Pec,  had  written  a  letter  in  favor  of  early 
^'  secession.  Mississippi  had  sent  com- 
missioners to  all  the  slaveholding  States 
to  confer  with  them  on  the  means  ' '  for 
their  common  defence  and  safety."  Vig- 
ilance committees  had  been  formed  in 
the  cotton  States,  money  appropriated 
for  equipping  and  arming,  and  conven- 


tions called,  whose  piupose  was  une- 
quivocally the  severance  of  then-  con- 
nection with  the  Federal  Union. 

The  Convention  of  South  Carolina 
assembled  on  the  day  appointed,  but  in 
consequence  of  the  prevalence  of  j)gc, 
an  epidemic  of  small-pox  at  the  l^* 
capital,  adjourned  from  Columbia  to 
Charleston,  where,  by  a  unanimous  vote 
on  the  20th  of  December,  this,  the  first 
formal  act  of  secession,  was  passed  : 

"Ajf  Op.Drs'AH^cE  TO  Dissolve  the  Uniox  be- 
tween THE  State  of  South  Caeolixa  ajjd 
OTHEE  States  united  wtth  hee  trsDEE  the 
compact  entitled  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  of  America  : 

"  We,  the  people  of  the  State  of  South 
Carohna,  in  convention  assembled,  do 
declare  and  ordain,  and  it  is  hereby 
declared  and  ordained,  that  the  ordi- 
nance adopted  bj^  us  in  convention,  on 
the  23d  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1788,  whereby  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  of  America  was  rati- 
fied, and  also  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts 
of  the  General  Assembly  of  this  State 
ratifying  the  amendments  of  the  said 
Constitution,  are  hereby  repealed,  and 
that  the  Union  now  subsisting  between 
South  Carolina  and  other  States  under 
the  name  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica is  hereby  dissolved." 

That  in  Charleston  and  throughout 
South  Carolina  the  passage  of  this  or- 
dinance should  be  received  with  a  mani- 
festation of  popular  joy  was  expected  , 
that  in  Mobile,  and  New  Orleans,  Mem- 
phis, Macon,  Norfolk,  and  even  in  Balti- 
more, it  should  be  welcomed  bj"  the  fii'iug 
of  guns,  the  cheers  of  the  people,  mih- 


AUDACITY   OF  TREASON 


47 


tary  parades,  the  singing  of  the  Marseil- 
laise, the  decorating  of  busts  of  CaUioun 
with  secession  cockades,  the  raising  of  the 
Palmetto  flag,  the  burning  of  bonfires, 
and  the  illuminating  of  the  streets,  was, 
if  a  discouraging,  not  a  surprising,  exhi- 
bition on  the  part  of  an  excited  and  de- 
luded people  ;  that,  however,  a  member 
of  the  Federal  Congress,  in  the  very 
capital  of  the  Union,  should  venture  to 
applaud  this  attempt  to  dissolve  it  by 
declaring  that  "  one  of  the  sovereign 
States  of  this  confederacy  has,  by  the 
glorious  act  of  her  people,  withdrawn,  in 
vindication  of  her  rights,  from  the 
Union,"*  and  that  some  of  his  fellows 
should  clap  their  hands  in  sympathetic 
response,  was  an  audacity  of  treason  as 
astounding  as  it  was  unexampled. 

The  Convention  of  South  Carolina 
proceeded  rapidly  in  its  work  of  disso- 
Dfc,  lution.  Commissioners  were  ap- 
21«  pointed  to  proceed  to  Washington, 
and  to  treat  for  a  peaceful  settlement  of 
the  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  the  "sovereign"  State  of  South 
Carohna,  and  negotiate  for  the  transfer 
of  forts  and  other  public  property. 

The  newly  elected  governor,  Pickens, 
Dec.  proclaimed  to  the  world,  in  accord- 
22i  ance  with  the  act  of  secession,  that 
' '  South  Carolina  is,  and  has  a  right  to 
be,  a  separate,  sovereign,  free,  and  in- 
dependent State,  and,  as  such,  has  a 
right  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  ne- 
gotiate treaties,  leagues,  or  covenants, 
and  to  do  all  acts  whatever  that  ri2;ht- 
Pec,  fnlly  appertain  to  a  free  and  inde- 
24.    pendent  State." 

'  Mr.  Garnet,  member  of  Congress  for  Virginia. 


This  was  followed  by  the — 

"  Declakation  of  Causes  wuicu  rNDxrcED  the 
Secession  op  Soutu  Carolina. 

"The  people  of  the  State  of  South 
Carolina,  in  convention  assembled,  on 
the  2d  day  of  April,  A.D.  1852,  de- 
clared that  the  frequent  violations  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  by  the 
Federal  Govei-nment,  and  its  encroach- 
ments upon  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
States,  fully  justified  this  State  in  their 
withdrawal  from  the  Federal  Union  ; 
but  in  deference  to  the  oj^inions  and 
wishes  of  the  other  slaveholding  States, 
she  forbore  at  that  time  to  exercise  this 
right.  Since  that  time  these  encroach- 
ments have  continued  to  increase,  and 
further  forbearance  ceases  to  be  a 
virtue. 

"  And  now  the  State  of  South  Carolina 
having  resumed  her  separate  and  equal 
place  among  nations,  deems  it  due  to 
herself,  to  the  remaining  United  States 
of  America,  and  to  the  nations  of  the 
world,  that  she  should  declare  the  im- 
mediate causes  which  have  led  to  this 
act. 

"  In  the  year  1765,  that  portion  of  the 
British  empire  embracing  Great  Britain 
undertook  to  make  laws  for  the  govern- 
ment of  that  23ortion  composed  of  the 
thirteen  American  Colonies.  A  struggle 
for  the  right  of  self-government  ensued, 
which  resulted,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1776, 
in  a  declaration,  by  the  Colonies,  '  that 
they  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free 
AND  INDEPENDENT  STATES  ;  and  that,  as 
free  and  independent  states,  they  have 
full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace, 
contract  alliances,   establish  commerce. 


48 


THE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


and  to  do  all  other- acts  and  things  which 
independent  states  may  of  riglit  do.' 

' '  They  further  solemnly  declared  that 
whenever  any  '  form  of  government  be- 
comes destructive  of  the  ends  for  which 
it  was  established,  it  is  the  right  of  the 
people  to  alter  or  aboHsh  it,  and  to  in- 
stitute a  new  government.'  Deeming 
the  Government  of  Great  Britain  to 
have  become  destructive  of  these  ends, 
they  declare  that  the  Colonies  '  are  ab- 
solved from  all  allegiance  to  the  British 
Crown,  and  that  all  political  connection 
between  them  and  the  state  of  Great 
Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dis- 
solved.' 

"In  pursuance  of  this  Declaration  of 
Independence,  each  of  the  thirteen 
States  proceeded  to  exercise  its  separate 
sovereignty  ;  adopted  for  itself  a  consti- 
tution, and  appointed  officers  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  government  in  all  its 
departments— legislative,  executive,  and 
judicial.  For  purposes  of  defence  they 
united  their  arms  and  their  counsels  ; 
and  in  1778  they  entered  into  a  league 
known  as  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
whereby  they  agreed  to  intrust  the  ad- 
ministration of  their  external  relations  to 
a  common  agent,  known  as  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  expressly  declar- 
ing, in  the  first  article,  '  that  each  State 
retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  in- 
dependence, and  every  power,  jurisdic- 
tion, and  right  which  is  not,  by  this  con- 
federation, expressly  delegated  to  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled.' 

"  Under  this  confederation  the  war  of 
the  Revolution  was  carried  on  ;  and  on 
the  3d  of  September,  1783,  the  contest 


ended,  and  a  definite  treaty  was  signed 
by  Great  Britain,  in  which  she  acknow- 
ledged the  independence  of  the  Colonies 
in  the  following  terms  : 

"'Article  1.  His  Britannic  Majesty 
acknowledges  the  said  United  States, 
viz.  :  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts 
Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  to  be  free, 

SOVEREIGN,     AND     INDEPENDENT      STATES  ; 

that  he  treats  with  them  as  such  ;  and, 
for  himself,  his  heirs,  and  successors, 
rehnquishes  all  claims  to  the  govern- 
ment, property,  and  territorial  rights  of 
the  same  and  every  part  thereof.' 

"  Thus  were  established  the  two  great 
principles  asserted  by  the  Colonies, 
namely,  the  right  of  a  state  to  govern 
itself;  and  the  right  of  a  people  to 
abolish  a  government  when  it  becomes 
destructive  of  the  ends  for  which  it  was 
instituted.  And  concurrent  with  the 
establishment  of  these  principles  was 
the  fact,  that  each  Colony  became,  and 
was  recognized  by  the  mother  country, 

as  a  FREE,  SOVEREIGN,  AND  INDEPENDENT 
STATE. 

"In  1787,  deputies  were  appointed 
by  the  States  to  revise  the  articles  of 
confederation  ;  and  on  17th  September, 
1787,  these  deputies  recommended,  for 
the  adoption  of  the  States,  the  articles 
of  union  known  as  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States. 

"The  parties  to  whom  this  constitu- 
tion was  submitted  were  the  several 
sovereign  States  ;  they  were  to  agree  or 


M^    NATSQilAL    WO^K    ON    THE    LATE    REBELLiOr^. 

Now  P)ihJ)>ilnn(],  in  P<trt!<  at  50  cants,  and  Divisions  at  $1, 

E  GREAT  CIVIL  WAR: 

A    mSTOKY   OF 

fHl  LAfl  llBlLLIOHp 

Being  a  complete  Narrative  of  the  Events  connected  with  the  Origin,  Progress,  and  Conclusion  of  the  War,  with  Biographical 
Sketches  of  Leading  Statesmen  and  Distinguished  Military  and  Naval  Commanders,  etc.,  etc. 

By    ROBERT    TOMES,    M.D. 

Continued  from  the  beginning  of  the  year  1SG4  to  the  end  of  the  Wlir, 

By    BEX.T.    G.    smith,    Esq. 

Illustrated  by  uismerous  hijh'.y  G::ishc(l  Steel  ruijraviiiss,  Colored  :^Iai)s,  Plans,  etc.,  from  Drawings  by  F.  0.  €.  Darley 

and  other  eminent  .\rtists. 


The  four  years'  war,  now  happily  ended — .so  remarkable  for  its  sudden  outbreak,  its  unexpected 
duration,  and  its  entire  terniiuation — not  only  absorbed  universal  attention  at  home,  but  had,  during  its 
continuance,  a  paramount  interest  for  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  was  the  subject  of  constant  comment 
and  prophec}-  on  the  part  of  both  the  friends  and  enemies  of  national  self-government.  It  not  only 
displayed  the  astonishing  resources  of  the  country,  and  exhibited,  even  while  the  struggle  continued,  in 
the  vast  armies  raised  and  the  persistent  spirit  of  the  people,  a  capacity  for  war' that  entitles  the  United 
States  to  the  first  rank  among  military  nations,  but  also  demonstrated  the  enduring  character  of  the 
government  and  institutions,  which  have  proved  themselves  able  to  withstand  even  the  fearful  shocks  of  * 
a  gigantic  civil  war.  " 

A  history  of  this  great  war  will  be  a  necessit}'^  to  every  loyal  American.  To  be  Avithout  a  know- 
lodge  of  the  causes  and  events  of  the  great  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  would  be  as 
niexcusable  as  to  be  ignorant  of  the  events  which  led  to  its  formation. 

The  present  work  will  be  a  complete  history  of  tlie  war  and  of  its  immediate  causes,  from  the 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  commencement  of  actual  hostilities  by  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  to  the 
evacuation  of  Richmond  and  the  surrender  of  the  armies  of  Lee,  Johnston,  and  Kirby  Smith.  It  will 
contain  detailed  accounts  of  ihe  great  battles,  sieges,  marches,  and  naval  operations,  a  record  of  polit- 
ical events,  remarks  on  ibreign  relations,  statistical  facts  with  regard  to  the  resources  of  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  descriptions  of  fortresses  and  battle-fields,  and  a  large  niunber  of  bio- 
graphical sketches  of  distiugiiished  commanders  and  statesmen,  to  which  will  be  appended  a  copious  and 
elaborate  Index. 

Not  the  least  attractive  feature  of  the  work  will  be  the  large  number  of  beautiful  and  costlj-'stecl 
engravings,  comprising  portr.iils  of  statesmeii  and  military  and  naval  commanders,  Northern  and  South- 
ern, who  \\:\w  become  famous  i;i  the  course  of  the  war. 

Among  the  illustrations  are  also  splendid  bird's-eye- A-iews  of  Fortress  ^lonroe  and  vicinity,  Charles- 
ton, Richmond,  and  New  Orleans  ;  representations  of  battle-scenes,  views  of  forts  and  battle-fields, 
sea  views,  and  a  lunnber  of  carefully  jn-epared  colored  maps  and  plans,  highly  useful  in  making  clear 
the  movements  and  positions  of  armies. 


Tlie  work  will  lie  printt-d  in  a  cle.ir,  lx)ld  typo,  on  superfine,  calendered 
paper,  and  issueil  in  Parts  at  Fifty  Cents,  and  Divi.sicms  at  $1  each. 

The  llUistratioDs  will  (omprise  (ifty-t'uur  portniits  and  thirty-six  battle- 
scenes,  plans,  maps.  liirir.s-eyi;  view.s.  etc. 

A  Part  will  be  pulilisiied  every  two  weeks  and  a  Division  every  month 


CONDITIONS      OF      PUBLICATION. 

until  completed,  the  whole  not  to  exceed  forty  five  Parts,  at  Fifty  Cents 
each. 

No  Buliscrilicr's  name  received  for  less  than  the  whole  work;  .ind  each 
Part  or  Division  will  he  payahle  on  ileiivcry.  the  airrier  not  benig  allowed 
1  to  give  credit  or  receive  payment  in  advanoiu  ■ 


VIHTUE   &   VORSTON.    iZ   OEV   STREETt    ^   544   BROADWAY,    NEW   VORK. 

/-  y  And  Sold  by  ttieip  Ag etits  in  alt  the  Prtnetpal  Gitfes  of  the  United  States  and  Canadast 


/^^'ti 


(Y^. 


mi 


i*'coxa  an,  Ambxotypa  ~by  B£4kd7 


^..,  A^rJ..^».,^jHI.^bMn^t.»*'ACwXM; 


^ 


53 


© 


DECLARATION   OF  SOUTH   CAROLINA. 


49 


disagree,  aud  when  nine  of  thein  agreed, 
the  compact  was  to  take  effect  among 
those  concurring  ;  and  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, as  the  common  agent,  was 
then  to  be  invested  with  their  authority. 

"  If  only  nine  of  the  thirteen  States 
had  concurred,  the  other  four  would  have 
remained  as  they  then  were — separate 
sovereign  states,  independent  of  any  of 
the  provisions  of  tlie  Constitution.  In 
fact,  two  of  the  States  did  not  accede  to 
the  Constitution  until  long  after  it  had 
gone  into  operation  among  the  other 
eleven  ;  and  during  that  interval,  they 
each  exercised  the  functions  of  an  inde- 
pendent nation. 

"  By  this  constitution,  certain  duties 
were  imposed  upon  the  several  States, 
aud  the  exercise  of  certain  of  their 
powers  was  restrained,  which  necessarily 
impelled  their  continued  existence  as 
sovereign  states.  But,  to  remove  all 
doubt,  an  amendment  was  added,  which 
declared  that  the  powers  not  delegated 
to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution, 
nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are 
reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or 
to  the  people.  On  the  23d  May,  1788, 
South  Carolina,  by  a  convention  of  her 
people,  passed  an  ordinance  assenting  to 
this  Constitution,  aud  afterwards  altered 
her  own  Constitution  to  conform  herself 
to  the  obligations  she  had  undertaken. 

"Thus  was  established,  by  compact 
between  the  States,  a  government  with 
defined  objects  and  powers,  limited  to 
the  express  words  of  the  grant.  This 
limitation  left  the  whole  remaining  mass 
of  power  subject  to  the  clause  reserving 
it  to  the  States  or  the  people,  and  ren- 
1 


dered  unnecessary  any  specification  of 
reserved  rights.  We  hold  that  the 
Government  thus  established  is  subject 
to  the  two  great  principles  asserted  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  and 
we  hold  further,  that  the  mode  of  its 
formation  subjects  it  to  a  third  funda- 
mental principle,  namely,  the  law  of 
compact.  We  maintain  that  in  every 
compact  between  two  or  more  parties, 
the  obligation  is  mutual ;  that  the  fiiilure 
of  one  of  the  contracting  parties  to  per- 
form a  material  part  of  the  agreement 
entirely  releases  the  obligation  of  the 
other  ;  and  that  where  no  arbiter  is  pro- 
vided, each  party  is  remitted  to  his  own 
judgment  to  determine  the  fact  of  fail- 
ure, with  all  its  consequences. 

"In  the  present  case,  that  fact  is 
estabhshed  with  certainty.  We  assert 
that  fourteen  of  the  States  have  deUber- 
ately  refused  for  years  past  to  fulfil  their 
constitutional  obligations,  and  we  refer 
to  their  own  statutes  for  proof. 

"  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  in  its  fourth  article,  provides  as 
follows  : 

"  'No  person  held  to  service  or  labor 
in  one  State  under  the  laws  thereof, 
escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  conse- 
quence of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or 
labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up,  on 
claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service 
or  labor  may  be  due.' 

"This  stipulation  was  so  material  to 
the  compact,  that  without  it  that  compact 
would  not  have  been  made.  The  greater 
number  of  the  contracting  parties  held 
slaves,  and  they  had  previously  evinced 


50 


TIEE  AVAPv  Vrrni  THE   SOrTO. 


their  estimate  of  the  value  of  such  a 
stipulation  hy  making  it  a  condition  in 
j  the  ordinance  for  the  government  of  the 
I  territory  ceded  by  Virginia,  which  ob- 
hgations,  and  the  laws  of  the  General 
Government,  have  ceased  to  effect  the 
objects  of  the  Constitution.  The  States 
of  Maine,  Xew  Hampshire,  Vermont, 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Isl- 
and, New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Michigan,  "Wisconsin,  and  Iowa 
have  enacted  laws  which  either  nullify 
the  acts  of  Congress,  or  render  useless 
any  attempt  to  execute  them.  In  many 
of  these  States  the  fugitive  is  discharged 
from  the  service  of  labor  claimed,  and 
in  none  of  them  has  the  State  Govern- 
ment comphed  with  the  stipulation  made 
in  the  Constitution.  The  State  of  Xew 
Jersey,  at  an  early  day,  passed  a  law  in 
conformity  with  her  constitutional  obh- 
gation ;  but  the  current  of  anti-slavery 
feeling  has  led  her  more  recently  to 
enact  laws  which  render  inoperative  the 
remedies  provided  by  her  own  laws  and 
by  the  laws  of  Congress.  In  the  State 
of  New  York,  even,  the  right  of  transit 
for  a  slave  has  been  denied  by  her  tri- 
bunals :  and  the  States  of  Ohio  and 
Iowa  have  refused  to  surrender  to 
justice  fugitives  charged  with  murder, 
and  with  inciting  servile  insurrection  in 
the  State  of  Virginia.  Thus  the  con- 
stitutional compact  has  been  deliberately 
broken  and  disregarded  by  the  non- 
slaveholding  States ;  and  the  conse- 
quence follows,  that  South  Carohna  is 
released  from  her  obligation. 

"  The  ends  for  which  this  Constitution 
was  framed  are  declared  by  itself  to  be 


'  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  to  estab- 
lish justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility, 
provide  for  common  defence,  promote  the 
general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings 
of  Uberty  to  om-selves  and  our  posterity.' 

"  These  ends  it  endeavored  to  accom- 
plish by  a  federal  government,  in  which 
each  State  was  recognized  as  an  equal, 
and  had  separate  control  over  its  own 
institutions.  The  right  of  property  in 
slaves  was  recognized  by  giving  to  free 
persons  distinct  poHtical  rights  ;  by  giv- 
ing them  the  right  to  represent,  and 
burdening  tliem  with  direct  taxes  for, 
three-fifths  of  their  slaves  ;  by  authoriz- 
ing the  importation  of  slaves  for  twenty 
years  ;  and  by  stipulating  for  the  rendi- 
tion of  fugitives  from  labor. 

"  We  affirm  that  these  ends  for  which 
this  Government  was  instituted  have 
been  defeated,  and  the  Government 
itself  has  been  destructive  of  them  by 
the  action  of  the  non-slaveholding 
States.  Those  States  have  assumed  the 
right  of  deciding  upon  the  propriety  of 
our  domestic  institutions ;  and  have 
denied  the  rights  of  property  established 
in  fifteen  of  the  States  and  recognized 
by  the  Constitution ;  they  have  de 
nounced  as  sinful  the  institution  of 
slavery  ;  they  have  permitted  the  open 
establishment  among  them  of  societies, 
whose  avowed  object  is  to  disturb  the 
peace  of  and  eloin  the  property  Of  the 
citizens  of  other  States.  They  have 
encouraged  and  assisted  thousands  of 
our  slaves  to  leave  their  homes  ;  and 
those  who  remain  have  been  incited  by 
emissaries,  books,  and  pictures  to  ser- 
vile insurrection. 


WITHDRAWAL  OF  SOUTH  CAROLLS^A  SEXATORS. 


51 


"  For  tweuty-five  years  this  agitation 
has  been  steadily  increasing,  until  it  has 
now  secured  to  its  aid  the  power  of  the 
common  govermnent.  Observing  the 
forms  of  the  Constitution,  a  sectional 
party  has  found  within  that  article  es- 
tablishing the  Executive  department,  the 
means  of  subverting  the  Constitution 
itself.  A  geographical  Une  has  been 
drawn  across  the  Union,  and  all  the 
States  north  of  that  line  have  united  in 
the  election  of  a  man  to  the  high  office 
of  President  of  the  United  States  whose 
opinions  and  purposes  are  hostile  to 
slavery.  He  is  to  be  intrusted  with  the 
administration  of  the  common  govern- 
ment, because  he  has  declared  that  that 
'  government  can  not  endure  permanently 
half  slave,  half  free,'  and  that  the  public 
mind  must  rest  in  the  belief  that  slavery 
is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction. 

"  This  sectional  combination  for  the 
subversion  of  the  Constitution  has  been 
aided,  in  some  of  the  States,  by  elevating 
to  citizenshfp  persons  who,  by  the  su- 
preme law  of  the  land,  are  incapable  of 
becoming  citizens  ;  and  their  votes  have 
been  used  to  inaugurate  a  new  policy 
hostile  to  the  South,  and  destructive  of 
its  peace  and  safety. 

"  On  the  4th  of  March  next  this  party 
will  take  possession  of  the  Government. 
It  has  announced  that  the  South  shall 
be  excluded  from  the  common  territory, 
that  the  judicial  tribunal  shall  be  made 
sectional,  and  that  a  war  must  be  waged 
against  slavery  until  it  shall  cease 
throughout  the  United  States. 

"  The  guarantees  of  the  Constitution 
will   then   no    longer  exist ;  the  equal 


riglits  of  the  States  will  be  lost.  The 
slaveholding  States  will  no  longer  have 
the  power  of  self-government  or  self- 
protection,  and  the  Federal  Government 
will  have  become  their  enemy. 

"  Sectional  interest  and  animosity 
will  deepen  the  irritation,  and  all  hope 
of  remedy  is  rendered  vain  by  the  fact 
that  the  public  opinion  at  the  North  has 
invested  a  great  political  error  with  the 
sanctions  of  a  more  erroneous  religious 
belief. 

"  We,  therefore,  the  people  of  South 
Carolina,  by  our  delegates  in  convention 
assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme 
Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of 
our  intentions,  have  solemnly  declared 
that  the  Union  heretofore  existing  be- 
tween this  State  and  the  other  States  of 
North  America  is  dissolved,  and  that  the 
State  of  South  Carolina  has  resumed  her 
position  among  the  nations  of  the  world 
as  a  separate  and  independent  state, 
with  fuU  power  to  levy  war,  conclude 
peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  com- 
merce, and  to  do  all  other  acts  and 
things  which  independent  states  may  of 
right  do.'"' 

The  South  Carolina  members,  at 
the  same  time  that  their  State  declared 
its  independence,  formally  withdrew 
from  Congi-ess  with  a  studious  expres- 
sion in  their  letter  to  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  a  desire  to 
do  so  with  a  feeling  of  "  mutual  regard 
and  respect  for  each  other,  and  the 
hope  that  in  our  future  relations  we 
may  better  enjoy  that  peace  and  har- 
mony essential  to  the  happiness  of  a 
free  and  enlightened  people." 


52 


TIIE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


ApiDarent  attempts  had  been  made  by- 
some  of  the  political  leaders  of  the  South 
to  arrest  this  precij^itate  action  of  South 
Carolina.  Some  of  these  were  undoubt- 
edly prompted  by  a  sincere  attachment 
to  the  Union  and  a  desire  to  preserve  it. 
Some  only  affected  the  sentiment  of  pa- 
triotism, while  others,  equally  resolved 
upon  secession  with  the  men  of  South 
Carolina,  were  desirous  of  a  concert  of' 
action,  in  order  to  secure  strength  of 
effort  and  certainty  of  effect  by  combi- 
nation. The  Governor  of  Maryland, 
though  beset  by  a  strong  secession  sen- 
timent in  his  State,  resolutely  opposed 
any  indication  of  opposition  to  the  legit- 
imate authority  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. In  answer  to  a  memorial  of  some 
of  the  more  influential  inhabitants  of 
Maryland,  urging  him  to  convene  the 
Legislature,  he  declared  : 

"  Identified  as  I  am  by  birth  and  every 
other  tie  with  the  South,  a  slaveholder, 
Kov.  ^''^^  feeling  as  warmly  for  my  native 
27»  State  as  any  man  can  do,  I  am  yet 
compelled  by  my  sense  of  fair  dealing, 
and  my  respect  for  the  Constitution  of 
our  country,  to  declare  that  I  see  noth- 
ing in  the  bare  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
which  would  justify  the  South  in  taking 
any  steps  tending  toward  a  separation 
of  these  States.  Mr.  Lincoln  being- 
elected,  I  am  willing  to  await  further 
results.  If  he  wiU  administer  the  gov- 
ernment in  a  proper  and  patriotic  man- 
ner, we  are  all  bound  to  submit  to  his 
administration,  much  as  we  may  have 
opposed  his  election." 
Dec,  At  a  later  period,  at  a  Demo- 
6«    cratic  convention  held  in  the  city 


of  Baltimore,  the  following  resolution 
was  passed  : 

"Resolved,  That  we  deplore  the  action 
taken  by  our  sister  State  of  South  Caro- 
lina, and  earnestly  protest  against  an 
ordinance  of  secession  on  her  part  as 
being  unconstitutional,  disorganizing, 
and  precipitate,  and  unfriendlj^,  if  not 
arrogant,  toward  the  counsels  and  situa- 
tions of  the  other  slaveholding  States  ; 
and  we  believe  that  such  act  of  secession 
win  weaken  and  must  divide  their  idti- 
mate  position  ;  and  while  we  declare  for 
co-operation,  we  will  firmly  resist  being 
dragged  into  secession.  Maryland  will 
not  stand  as  a  sentinel  at  the  bidding  of 
South  Carohna,  and  we  remind  her,  by 
the  memories  of  the  Revolution,  that 
such  purpose  can  not  be  justified  ;  and, 
in  conclusion,  in  a  fraternal  spirit,  we 
entreat  South  Carolina  to  suspend  all 
further  action  until  such  measures  of 
peaceful  adjustment  have  first  been  tried 
and  have  failed." 

Virghiia,  though  many  of  her  leaders, 
deeply  infected  with  the  heresies  of  Cal- 
houn, were  known  to  regard  secession 
from  the  United  States  as  an  act  if  not 
immediately  desirable,  at  any  rate  legal 
and  justifiable,  seemed  to  stand  firm  for 
the  Union.  Her  pohtical  writers,  in  an 
emphatic  protest  against  the  assumed 
right  of  South  Carolina  to  individual 
action,  thus  rebuked  her  presumption  : 

' '  Throwing  aside  the  question  of  con- 
stitutional right  to  secede  at  all,  there  is 
something  due  to  comity,  to  neighbor- 
hood associations,  to  i^ropriety.  JSTo  man 
has  a  'right,'  by  setting  fire  to  his  own 
house,   to    endanger   the    house    of  his 


DISPOSITION  OF  TENNESSEE. 


53 


neighbor.  Virginia,  in  this  Union,  or 
out  of  it  as  a  sovereign,  and  as  poten- 
tial as  South  Carohna,  has  her  own  in- 
terests to  look  after,  her  own  rights  to 
be  secured,  her  own  feelings  to  be  re- 
spected— and  she  will  demand  this  from 
South  Carolina  just  as  much  as  she 
would  from  any  other  State  in  the  pres- 
ent United  States.  It  would  seem  as  if 
in  the  course  now  pursued,  fearing  the 
conservative  action  of  Virginia,  and  not 
desiring,  in  truth,  *  a  united  South,'  cer- 
tain cotton  States  were  for  going  off  by 
themselves,  for  the  mere  sake  of  '  form- 
ing a  cotton  confederacy,'  totally  ii're- 
spective  of  other  Southern  States  which 
do  not  recognize  cotton  as  their  king, 
and  totally  regardless  of  any  interests  or 
any  views  but  their  own.  It  used  to  be 
a  '  united  South  !'  It  was  formerly  dis- 
union and  secession  for  aggression  by 
the  General  Government.  It  is  now  a 
disunited  South — secession  on  account 
of  the  untoward  result  of  a  Presidential 
election !  This  is  not  the  way  to  uphold 
the  rights  of  the  States  and  the  rights 
of  the  South.  It  is  weakening  our 
own  position,  and  destroying  our  own 
strength." 

The  Virginian  leaders,  even  the  most 
headstrong  advocates  of  States'  Rights, 
seemed  desirous  of  making  an  effort  to 
hold  fast  by  the  Union.  At  a  polit- 
j)ee,  ical  banquet  in  Richmond,  "  The 
5«  Union,"  "Virginia  in  the  Union," 
and  other  patriotic  toasts,  were  drunk 
and  responded  to  with  enthusiasm. 
While  there  might  be  doubt  of  the  con- 
tinued loyalty  of  Eastern,  there  was  no 
question  of  the  persistency  of  that  of 


Western,  Virginia,  whose  proximity  to 
the  free  States  of  lUinois  and  Ohio,  and 
identity  of  origin,  habits,  and  interests, 
made  them  as  one  people.  The  loyalty 
of  the  East  was  conditional  upon  such 
concessions  to  the  slave  power  as  the 
most  sanguine  believers  in  compromise 
could  hardly  anticipate.  The  loyalty 
of  the  West,  comparatively  free  of  the 
entanglement  of  slave  interests,  was  sin- 
cere and  unconstrained. 

Virginia  strove  to  check  the  precip- 
itancy of  South  Carolina  by  appointing 
a  commissioner  to  urge  an  arrest  of 
proceedings  until  there  might  be  a  con- 
ference among  the  slave  States. 

Tennessee,  though  her  governor  was 
suspected  even  at  that  early  period  of  a 
strong  sympathy,  if  not  active  concur- 
rence, with  the  leaders  of  the  rebeUiou, 
was  apparently  indisposed  to  secession. 
Her  United  States  senator,  and  formerly 
governor,  Andrew  Johnson,  and  Emer- 
son Etheredge,  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  were  among  the  first 
to  deny  emphatically  the  assumed  right 
of  secession,  and  to  call  it  treason.  They 
both  in  their  respective  spheres  were  the 
firm  assertors  of  the  Federal  authority 
and  the  resolute  opponents  of  its  ene- 
mies. Johnson,  in  the  Senate  of  yec, 
the  United  States,  while  even  l^- 
Northern  men  were  doubting  the  right 
of  the  Government  to  suppress  a  re- 
beUion  against  its  authority,  thus  em- 
phatically argued  not  only  for  its  ex- 
istence, but  for  its  exercise  : 

"Have  we  not  the  power  to  enforce 
the  laws  in  the  State  of  South  Carolina, 
as  well  as  in  the  State  of  Vermont  or 


5-i 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


any  other  State  ?  And  notwithstanding 
they  may  resolve  and  dedare  them- 
selves absolved  from  all  allegiance  to 
this  Union,  yet  it  does  not  save  them 
from  the  compact.  If  South  Carolina 
drives  out  the  Federal  courts  from  the 
State,  then  the  Federal  Government  has 
a  right  to  re-establish  the  courts.  If 
she  excludes  the  mails,  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment has  a  right  and  the  authority  to 
carry  the  mails.  If  she  resists  the  collec- 
tion of  revenue  in  the  port  of  Charleston, 
or  any  other  ports,  then  the  Government 
has  a  right  to  enter  and  enforce  the  law. 
If  she  undertakes  to  take  possession  of 
the  property  of  the  Government,  the  Gov- 
ernment has  a  right  to  take  aU  means  to 
retain  that  property.  And  if  they  make 
any  effort  to  dispossess  the  Government, 
or  to  resist  the  execution  of  tlie  judicial 
S3rstem,  then  South  Carolina  puts  her- 
self in  the  wrong,  and  it  is  the  duty  of 
the  Government  to  see  the  judiciary 
faithfully  executed.  In  1805,  South 
Carolina  made  a  deed  of  cession  of  the 
land  on  which  these  forts  stand — a  full 
cession— with  certain  conditions.  The 
Government  complied  with  the  condi- 
tions, and  has  had  possession  of  these 
forts  tiU  this  day.  And  now  has  South 
Carolina  any  right  to  attempt  to  drive 
the  Government  from  that  property  ? 
If  she  secedes,  and  makes  an}'  attempt 
of  this  kind,  does  she  not  come  within 
the  meaning  of  the  Constitution,  where 
it  speaks  of  levying  war  ?  And  in  levy- 
ing war,  she  does  what  the  Constitution 
declares  to  be  treason.  We  may  as  well 
tallc  of  things  as  they  are,  for  if  anything 
can  be  treason,  within  the  scope  of  the 


Constitution,  is  not  levying  war  upon 
the  Government,  treason  ?  Is  not  at- 
tempting to  take  the  property  of  the 
Government  and  expel  the  Government 
soldiers  therefrom,  treason  ?  Is  not  at- 
tempting to  resist  the  collection  of  the 
revenue,  attempting  to  exclude  the  mails, 
and  driving  the  Federal  court  from  her 
borders,  treason  ?  What  is  it  ?  I  ask, 
in  the  name  of  the  Constitution,  what 
is  it  ?  It  is  treason,  and  notliing  but 
treason." 

With  a  sympathy  among  many  of  the 
political  leaders  of  Tennessee  with  seces- 
sion, and  an  undisguised  effort  to  pro- 
mote it,  there  yet  seemed  to  exist  among 
the  people  throughout  the  State,  but 
especially  in  the  eastern  districts,  a  firm 
attachment  to  the  Union.  A  secession 
meeting  at  Memphis  was  disturbed  jf^^^ 
by  manifestations  of  opposition  on  30. 
the  jjart  of  a  large  gathering  of  union- 
ists. The  Honorable  John  BeU,  of  Nash- 
ville, who  had  been  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  in  a  letter  in  answer  to  an 
invitation  to  an  assemblage  of  secession- 
ists, declared  that  he  was  for  the  Union, 
that  he  did  not  think  that  the  election 
of  Lincoln  was  a  just  cause  for  its  disso- 
lution, and  that  the  South,  equally  with 
the  North,  was  responsible  for  the  angry 
sectionahsm  of  feeling  which  prevailed. 

In  Kentucky  the  Union  sentiment  ap- 
peared at  this  time  to  be  jiredominant. 
There  was,  however,  great  uneasiness 
of  feehng  and  a  disposition  on  the  part 
of  many  of  tlie  political  leadei's  of  the 
State  to  act  concurrently  with  the  cotton 
States,  or  to  demand  excessive  conces- 
sions from  the  North  as  the  condition  of 


CONCILIATION    FROM  KENTUCKY. 


55 


loyalty.     Governor  Magoffin  seemed  by 

0gj;,  this  circular  sent  to  the  governors 

9«    of  the  various  slave  States,  to  have 

made  a  sincere  effort  toward  conciliation. 

"  COMMONWEAXTH  OF  KENTUCKY,  EXECUTIVE  ) 

Depaktsient,  Frankfort,  Dec.  9,  1860.  ) 
"  Entertaining  the  opinion  that  some 
movement  should  be  instituted  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  events  which  seem  to  be 
rapidly  hurrying  the  Government  of  the 
Union  to  dismemberment,  as  an  initia- 
tory step  I  have,  with  great  diffidence, 
concluded  to  submit  to  the^overnor^  of 
the  slave  States  a  series  of  propositions, 
and  to  ask  their  counsel  and  co-operation 
in  bringing  about  a  settlement  upon 
them  as  a  basis.  Should  the  proposi- 
tions be  approved,  they  can  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  assembling  legislatures 
and  conventions  of  the  slave  States,  and 
a  convention  of  all  of  said  States,  or  of 
those  only  approving,  be  called  to  pass 
upon  them,  and  ask  a  general  convention 
of  all  the  States  of  the  Union  that  may 
be  disposed  to  meet  us  on  this  basis  for 
a  full  conference.  The  present  good  to 
be  accomplished  would  be  to  ai'rest  the 
secession  movement  until  the  question 
as  to  whether  the  Union  can  be  pre- 
served upon  fair  and  honorable  terms 
can  be  fully  tested.  If  there  be  a  basis 
for  the  adjustment  of  our  difficulties 
within  the  Union,  nothing  should  be  left 
undone  in  order  to  its  development. 
To  this  end,  it  seems  to  me  there  should 
be  a  conference  of  the  States  in  some 
form,  and  it  appears  to  me  the  form 
above  suggested  would  be  most  effect- 
ive.    I,  therefore,  as  the  governor  of  a 


State  having  as  deep  a  stake  in  the  per- 
petuity of  the  Union,  and  at  the  same 
time  as  much  solicitude  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  institution  of  slavery  as  any 
other,  would  respectfully  beg  leave  to 
submit  for  your  consideration  the  fol- 
lowing outline  of  propositions  : 

"  First.  Repeal,  by  an  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  all 
laws  in  the  free  States  in  any  degree 
nullifying  or  obstructing  the  execution 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law. 

"■Second.  Amendments  to  said  law  to 
enforce  its  thorough  execution  in  all  the 
free  States,  providing  compensation  to 
the  owner  of  the  slave  from  the  State 
which  fails  to  deliver  him  up  under  the 
requirements  of  the  law,  or  throws  ob- 
structions in  the  way  of  his  recovery. 

"  Third.  The  passage  of  a  law  by 
Congress  compelling  the  governors  of 
free  States  to  return  fugitives  from 
justice,  indicted  by  a  grand  jury  in  an- 
other State  for  stealing  or  enticing  away 
a  slave. 

"  Fourth.  To  amend  the  Constitution 
so  as  to  divide  all  the  Territories  be- 
longing to  the  United  States,  or  here- 
after to  be  acquired,  between  the  free  and 
the  slave  States,  say  upon  the  line  of  the 
37th  degree  of  north  latitude — all  north 
of  that  line  to  come  into  the  Union  with 
requisite  population  as  free  States,  and 
all  south  of  the  same  to  come  in  as  slave 
States. 

''Fifth.  To  amend  the  Constitution 
so  as  to  guarantee  forever  to  all  the 
States  the  free  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi River. 

"  /Sixth.  To  alter  the  Constitution  so 


5G 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


as  to  give  the  South  the  power,  say  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  to  protect  it- 
self from  unconstituti,onal  and  oppressive 
legislation  upon  the  subject  of  slavery. 
"  Respectfull}^, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  B.  Magoffin." 

Governor  Houston,  of  Texas,  man- 
fully resisted  the  progress  of  the  se- 
cessionists of  that  State  by  refusing  to 
convene  the  Legislature,  and  strove  to 
check  the  precipitancy  of  South  Caro- 
lina by  recommending  a  conference  of 
the  slave  States.  The  governor  of  Ar- 
kansas uttered  no  expression  of  opinion 
in  this  crisis,  but  it  was  hoped  that  his 
silence  was  an  indication  that  the  people 
were  loyal  to  the  Union. 

Georgia  was  evidently  still  irresolute. 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  one  of  her  lead- 
ing men,  afterwad  Vice-President  of 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  spoke  elo- 
quently in  behalf  of  the  Union,  and  the 
Dec,  Legislature  urged  the  other  slave 
15.  States,  in  a  circular  addressed  to 
them,  not  to  act  separately  and  precip- 
itately. 

Even  in  Alabama,  at  a  meeting  held 
jfQy,  in    Baldwin  County,  a  unanimous 
24«  resolution  was  passed  against  se- 
cession ;  in  Mississippi  a  large  gathering 
Nov.  of  citizens  in  Vicksburg  expressed 
29.   the  beUcf  by  a  resolution  that  there 
were  "yet  remedies  within  the  Union  ;" 
in  Louisiana  a  leading  journal  declared 
Pfc,  that  there  was  a   "  disposition  to 
15.    move  with  deliberation  and  to  try 
all  remedies,  until  means  of  security  and 
equality  in  the  Union   are  exhausted, 
before  the  State  considers  the  United 


States  as  a  foreign  government  and  its 
citizens  as  aliens." 

South  Carolina  had,  however,  treated 
with  contempt  this  lingering  loyalty, 
and  gave  no  heed  to  the  suggestions  of 
the  other  slave  States.  The  convention 
refused  to  listen  to  the  commissioners 
of  Kentucky  and  Virginia,  and  even  laid 
upon  the  table  the  proposition  of  the 
Legislature  of  Georgia  without  read- 
ing it.  South  Carolina  was  doubtless 
strengthened  in  resolution  by  secret  al- 
liances and  pledges  of  conformity  on  the 
part  of  the  political  leaders  in  the  other 
slave  States,  and  could  estimate  at  its 
just  value  a  public  affectation  of  loyalty 
to  the  Union  by  men  who  had  conspired 
to  destroy  it.  In  South  Carolina  itself 
the  people  had  been  long  prepared  for 
secession,  and  required  no  persuasions 
or  threats  to  effect  what  they  impa- 
tiently desired.  In  the  other  "  cotton" 
States,  however,  partly  from  an  attach- 
ment to  the  Union  and  partly  from  a 
reluctance  to  assume  the  responsibility  of 
dissolving  it,  there  was  a  hesitating  dis- 
affection which  could  only  be  quickened 
to  rebellion  by  the  force  of  example. 
South  Carolina,  though  professing  her 
willingness  and  boasting  her  ability  to 
stand  alone,  did  not  doubt  that  her  lead 
would  be  soon  followed  by  her  sister 
States. 

Confident  in  this  belief,  a  committee  of 
the  convention  at  Charleston  introduced 
the  following  ordinance,  in  which  the 
concurrence  in  secession  of  the  Dec, 
slaveholding  States  and  their  or-  25. 
ganization  into  a  separate  government, 
were  already  assumed  by  anticipation  : 


FASTIN^G  AND   PRAYER. 


67 


' '  First.  That  the  conventions  of  the 
seceding  slaveholding  States  of  the 
United  States  unite  with  South  Caro- 
lina, and  hold  a  convention  at  Mont- 
gomery, Ala.,  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
a  Southern  confederacy. 

'^Second.  That  the  said  seceding  States 
appoint,  by  their  respective  conventions 
or  legislatures,  as  many  delegates  as 
they  have  ref)resentatives  in  the  present 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  to  the 
said  convention  to  be  held  at  Mont- 
gomery, and  that  on  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution  of  the  Southern  confederacy, 
the  vote  shall  be  by  States. 

"  Third.  That  whenever  the  terms  of 
the  constitution  shall  be  agreed  upon  by 
the  said  convention,  the  same  shall  be 


submitted  at  as  early  a  day  as  practi- 
cable to  the  convention  and  legislature 
of  each  State  respectively,  so  as  to  en- 
able them  to  ratify  or  reject  the  said 
constitution. 

"  Fourth.  That  in  the  opinion  of  South 
Carohna,  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  will  form  a  suital^lc  basis  for  the 
confederacy  of  the  Southern  States  with- 
drawing. 

"Fifth.  That  the  South  Carolina  con- 
vention appoint  by  ballot  eight  delegates 
to  represent  South  Carolina  iu  the  con- 
vention for  the  formation  of  a  Southern 
confederacy. 

"Lastly.  That  one  commissioner  in 
each  State  be  elected  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  people  to  this  ordinance." 


CHAPTER    VI 

Eaergetic  Action  of  the  Convention  at  Charleston. — Proclamation  for  Fasting  and  Prayer  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States. — Compromise  Committees  :  their  ineflfectireness. — ^The  Senator  of  Georgia's  opinion  of  them. — 
Despair  of  the  Senator  from  Kentucky. — Feeling  at  the  North. — Activity  of  South  Carolina. — Resolution  of  Inquiry 
passed  by  the  Charleston  Convention  in  regard  to  the  Federal  Forts. — Intense  interest  of  the  Charleston  people. — 
Description  of  the  Forts. — Anxiety  of  Major  Anderson. — Hopelessness  of  the  Defence  of  Fort  Moultrie. — A  Call  of 
Duty. — A  Kesolution  taken. — Preparations  to  abandon  Fort  Moultrie. — Ruse. — Expedition  at  Night. — In  possession 
of  Fort  Sumter. — Excitement  in  Charleston. — The  abandoned  Federal  Forts  taken  possession  of  by  the  South  Oaro- 
linians. — The  condition  of  Fort  Moultrie  described. — Seizure  of  Public  Property. — Indigiuition  agaiust  Major  An- 
derson.— Anderson  assumes  the  Responsibility. — Energetic  Preparations  at  Charleston  for  War. — Sympathy  from  the 
Gulf  States. — Feeling  at  the  North. — The  great  Robbery  of  the  Indian  Trust  Fimd. — ^The  supposed  Criminals. — The 
order  for  the  removal  of  Arms  from  Pittsburg  — Excitement  of  the  Citizens. — Relief  iu  a  M.ass  Meeting. — Fears 
at  the  North. — The  deed  of  Anderson  hailed  witli  enthusiasm. — Newspaper  Rhetoric. — The  effect  at  Washington. — 
Resign.ation  of  Floyd. — A  strange  Correspondence. — Departure  of  the  South  Carolina  Commissioners  from  Wash- 
ington, and  Correspondence. 


While  the  convention  at  Chai'leston 
was  energetically  pursuing  its  course  of 
indejjendent  government,  the  President 
at  "Washinglon  did  nothing  but  be- 
wail the  misfortunes  of  the  country 
m  a  proclamation  of  a  day  to  be  set  apart 
8 


1S60. 


for  humiliation,  fasting,  and  prayer,  and 
Congress  continued  its  futile  attempts  at 
compromise.  The  committees  of  "Thir- 
ty-three" and  "Thirteen,"  appointed  to 
consider  and  report  on  the  crisis  of  the 
country,  met,  adjourned,  and  met  again 


58 


TILE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


without  any  result  but  the  increased 
couvictiou  that  coucihation  was  imprac- 
ticable. That  there  were  some  sincere 
efforts  made  by  the  moderate  men  of  the 
South,  with  the  desire  of  appeasing  dis- 
union, ma}'  be  believed,  but  that  the 
representatives  of  the  extreme  opinions 
of  the  cotton  States  had,  if  the  wish  for, 
not  the  least  expectation  of,  their  success, 
Dec,  may  be  inferred  from  this  telegram 
23.  dispatched  to  his  constituents  by 
the  United  States  senator  from  Georgia  : 

"  I  came  here  to  secure  youi*  consti- 
tutional rights,  and  to  demonstrate  to 
you  that  you  can  get  no  guarantee  for 
those  rights  from  your  Northern  con- 
federates. 

"  The  whole  subject  was  referred  to  a 
committee  of  thirteen  in  the  Senate.  I 
was  apjDoInted  on  the  committee,  and 
accepted  the  trust.  I  submitted  proj^o- 
sitions  which,  so  far  from  receiving  a 
decided  support  from  a  single  member 
of  the  Repubhcan  party  of  the  com- 
mittee, were  all  treated  with  derision  or 
contempt.  A  vote  was  then  taken  in 
the  committee  on  amendments  to  the 
Constitution,  proposed  by  Hon.  J.  J. 
Crittenden,  and  each  and  all  of  them 
were  voted  against,  uuanimousl}',  by 
the  Black  Republican  members  of  the 
committee. 

"  In  addition  to  these  facts,  a  majority 
of  the  Black  Republican  members  of  the 
committee  declared  distinctly  that  they 
had  no  guarantees  to  offer,  which  was 
silently  acquiesced  in  by  the  other  mem- 
bers. 

"  The  Black  Republican  members  of 
this  committee  are  representative  men 


of  the  party  and  section,  and,  to  the  ex- 
tent of  my  information,  truly  represent 
them. 

"The  Committee  of  Thirty-Thi-ee  on 
Friday  adjourned  for  a  week,  without 
coming  to  any  vote,  after  solemnly  pledg- 
ing themselves  to  vote  on  all  the  propo- 
sitions then  before  them  that  day.  It  is 
controlled  by  the  Black  Republicans, 
your  enemies,  who  only  seek  to  amuse 
you  with  delusive  hope  until  your  elec- 
tion, that  you  may  defeat  the  friends  of 
secession. 

' '  If  you  are  deceived  by  them,  it  shall 
not  be  my  fault.  I  have  put  the  test 
fairly  and  frankly.  It  is  decisive  against 
you  now.  I  tell  you,  upon  the  faith  of 
a  true  man,  that  all  further  looking  to 
the  North  for  security  for  your  constitu- 
tional rights  in  the  Union  ought  to  be 
instantly  abandoned. 

"It  is  fraught  with  nothing  but  ruin 
to  yourselves  and  to  your  posterity. 
Secession,  by  the  -ith  day  of  March 
next,  should  be  thundered  from  the 
ballot-box  by  the  unanimous  voice  of 
Georgia  on  the  2d  day  of  January  next. 
Such  a  voice  will  be  your  best  guarantee 
for  liberty,  tranquility,  and  glory. 

"R.  Toombs." 

The  venerable  Crittenden,  of  Ken- 
tucky, whose  fidelity  to  the  Union  was 
beyond  peradventure,  even  despaired, 
and  seeing  no  prospect  in  congressional 
action  of  an  accommodation,  exclaimed, 
that  it  was  the  darkest  day  of  his  hfe — 
that  he  was  overwhelmed  with  solicitude 
for  the  country,  and  that  nothing  but  the 
affection  of  the  people  for  the  Union 
could    restore    peace.      In    the    mean 


THE  CIIARLESTOlSr  FORTS. 


59 


while,  the  people  of  the  North  remained 
in  a  state  between  fear  and  hope.  The 
timid  gave  expression  to  their  alarms  in 
"union  meetings,"  and  petitions  comi- 
selling  concession  ;  while  the  hopeful  de- 
luded themselves  with  the  supposed 
strength  of  the  loyal  men  in  the  South. 
A  few  contemplated  the  possibility  of 
war,  but  most  fondly  believed  that  the 
country  would  be  spared  its  horrors. 

South  Carolina,  however,  though  se- 
cured for  the  present  by  the  pledges  of 
President  Buchanan  and  the  corrupt 
connivance  of  his  cabinet,  was  yet  dis- 
trustful of  the  future,  and  began  to  pre- 
pare for  its  possible  dangers.  A  reso- 
Dfc,  lution  was  offered  in  the  conven- 
2<5«  tiou  at  Charleston  that  the  governor 
be  requested  to  communicate  in  secret 
session  any  information  he  might  pos- 
sess in  regard  to  the  condition  of  forts 
Moultrie  and  Sumter,  and  Castle  Pinck- 
ney,  the  number  of  guns  in  e'ach,  the 
number  of  workmen  and  kind  of  labor 
employed,  the  number  of  soldiers  in 
each,  and  what  additions,  if  any,  had 
been  made  since  the  20th  of  December  ; 
also,  whether  any  assurance  had  been 
given  that  the  forts  would  not  be  rein- 
forced, and  if  so,  to  what  extent  ;  also, 
what  police  or  other  regulations  had 
been  made,  if  any,  in  reference  to  the 
defences  of  the  harbor  of  Charleston,  the 
coast,  and  the  State. 

At  the  same  time  the  condition  of  these 
forts  and  their  capability  of  defence  be- 
came a  subject  of  intense  interest  to  the 
people  of  South  Carolina,  who  were  evi- 
dently determined  upon  possessing  them- 
selves of  them.     A  minute  survey  of  the 


works  was  made  and  published,  in  which 
the  efforts  in  progress  to  improve  their 
strength  were  studiously  detailed  and 
exaggerated,  with  the  view  of  exciting 
the  impatient  ardor  of  the  South  Caro- 
linians to  wrest  them  from  the  Federal 
Government. 

This  account,  as  it  conveys  a  tolerably 
accurate  idea  of  the  forts  in  the  harbor 
of  Charleston,  is  here  given  as  published 
in  the  Charleston  Mercury  : 

"  Fort  Moultrie  is  an  inclosed  water 
battery,  having  a  front  on  the  south,  or 
water  side,  of  about  300  feet,  and  a 
depth  of  about  240  feet.  It  is  built 
with  salient  and  re-entering  angles  on 
all  sides,  and  is  admirably  adapted  for 
defence,  either  from  the  attack  of  a 
storming  party  or  by  regular  approaches. 

"  The  outer  and  inner  walls  are  of 
brick,  capped  with  stone,  and  filled  in 
with  earth,  making  a  solid  wall  15  or  16 
feet  in  thickness.  The  work  now  in 
progress  consists  in  cleaning  the  sand 
from  the  walls  of  the  fort ;  ditching  it 
around  the  entire  circumference,  and 
erecting  a  glacis  ;  closing  up  the  postern 
gates  in  the  east  and  west  walls,  and, 
instead,  cutting  sally-ports  which  lead 
into  strong  outworks  on  the  southeast 
and  southwest  angles,  in  which  twelve- 
pounder  howitzer  guns  will  be  placed, 
enabling  the  garrison  to  sweep  the  ditch 
on  three  sides  with  grape  and  canister. 
The  northwest  angle  of  the  fort  has  also 
been  strengthened  by  a  bastionette  to 
sustain  the  weight  of  a  heavy  gun  which 
will  command  the  main  street  of  the 
island.  The  main  entrance  has  also 
been  better  secured,  and   a  trap-door. 


60 


THE   WAE,  WTTR  THE   SOUTPI. 


two  feet  square,  cut  iu  the  door  for  in- 
gress and  egress.  At  this  time,  the 
height  of  tJie  wall  from  the  bottom  of 
the  ditch  to  the  top  of  the  jDarajoet  is  20 
feet.  The  ditch  is  from  12  to  15  feet 
wide  at  the  base,  and  15  feet  deep.  The 
nature  of  the  soil  would  not  seem  to 
admit  of  this  depth  being  increased, 
quicksand  having  been  reached  in  many 
places.  The  work  on  the  south  side  is 
nearly  finished.  The  counterscarp  is 
substantially  built  with  plank,  and 
sjjread  with  tu.f.  The  glacis  is  also 
finished.  It  is  composed  of  sand,  and 
covered  with  layers  of  loam  and  turf, 
all  of  which  are  kept  firmly  in  place  by 
the  addition  of  sections  of  plank  nailed 
to  uprights  sunk  in  the  sand,  and  cross- 
ing each  other  at  right  angles,  making 
squares  of  10  feet  each.  The  purpose 
of  the  glacis,  which  is  an  inclined  plane, 
is  to  expose  an  attacking  party  to  the 
fire  of  the  guns,  which  are  so  placed  as 
to  sweep  it  from  the  crest  of  the  coun- 
terscarp to  the  edge  of  the  beach.  On 
the  north  side  all  the  wooden  gun-cases 
have  been  placed  close  together  on  the 
ramparts,  apparently  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  it  against  an  escalade,  but  jdos- 
sibly  as  a  screen  for  a  battery  of  heavy 
guns.  A  good  many  men  are  engaged 
in  clearing  the  ramparts  of  turf  and 
earth,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  down 
a  very  ugly-looking  arrangement,  which 
consists  of  strips  of  planks  four  inches 
wide,  one  and  a  half  inches  thick,  and 
six  or  eight  feet  long,  sharpened  at  the 
point,  and  nailed  down  so  as  to  project 
about  three  feet  horizontally  from  the 
lop  of  the  walls. 


"A  noticeable  fact  in  the  bastionettes, 
to  which  we  have  above  alluded,  is  the 
haste  in  which  one  of  them  has  been  built. 
The  one  completed  is  formed  of  solid 
masonry.  In  constructing  the  other, 
however,  a  framework  of  plank  has  been 
substituted.  Against  the  inside  of  this 
wooden  outwork  loose  bricks  have  been 
placed.  Both  bastionettes  are  armed 
with  a  small  caiTonade,  and  a  howitzer 
pointed  laterally  so  as  to  command  the 
whole  intervening  moat  by  a  cross-fire. 

"  In  the  hurried  execution  of  these 
extensive  improvements,  a  large  force — 
about  170  men — are  constantly  engaged. 
Additions  are  daily  made  to  this  num- 
ber, and  the  work  of  putting  the  post 
in  the  best  ^^ossible  condition  for  de- 
fence is  carried  on  with  almost  incred- 
ible vigor. 

"  A  few  days  ago.  Colonel  Gardiner, 
who  for  years  had  held  the  command- 
aut's  position,  and  whose  courtesy  and 
bearing  had  won  the  friendship  of  all 
who  knew  him,  was  relieved  in  the 
command  by  Major  Robert  Anderson, 
of  Kentucky.  Major  Anderson  received 
his  first  commission  as  brevet  second  lieu- 
tenant second  artillery,  July  1st,  1825, 
was  acting  inspector-general  in  the 
Black  Hawk  war,  and  received  the  rank 
of  brevet  captain,  August,  1838,  for  his 
successful  conduct  in  the  Florida  war. 
On  September  8th,  1817,  he  was  made 
brevet-major  for  his  gallant  and  merito- 
rious conduct  in  the  battle  of  Molina 
del  Rey. 

' '  The  other  officers  are  :  Captain  Ab- 
ner  Doubleday,  Captain  T.  Seymour, 
Lieutenant  T.  Talbot,  Lieutenant  J.  C. 


CONDITION   OF  FORT  SIBITER. 


61 


Davis,  Lieutenant  N".  J.  Hall — all  of  the 
first  regiment  artillery. 

"  Captain  J.  G.  Foster  and  Lieuten- 
ant G.  W.  Snyder,  of  the  engineer  corps. 

"  Assistant  Surgeon  S.  W.  Ci'awford, 
of  the  medical  stalF. 

"The  force  under  these  gentlemen 
consists  of  two  companies  of  artillery. 
The  companies,  however,  are  not  full, 
the  two  comprising,  as  we  are  informed, 
only  about  seventy  men,  including  the 
band.  A  short  time  ago  two  additional 
companies  were  expected,  but  they  have 
not  come  ;  and  it  is  now  positively 
stated  that  there  will  be,  for  the  pres- 
ent at  least,  no  reinforcement  of  the 
garrison. 

"  While  the  working-men  are  doing 
wonders  on  the  outside,  the  soldiers 
within  are  by  no  means  idle.  Field- 
pieces  have  been  placed  in  position  upon 
the  green  within  the  fort,  and  none  of 
the  expedients  of  military  engineering- 
have  been  neglected  to  make  the  posi- 
tion as  strong  as  possible.  It  is  said 
that  the  greatest  vigilance  is  observed 
in  every  regulation  at  this  time,  and 
that  the  guns  are  regularly  shotted  every 
night.  It  is  YQvy  certain  that  ingress  is 
no  longer  an  easy  matter  for  an  out- 
sider, and  the  visitor  who  hopes  to  get 
in  must  make  up  his  mind  to  approach 
with  all  the  caution,  ceremony,  and  cir- 
cumlocution with  which  the  allies  are  ad- 
vancing upon  the  capital  of  the  Celestial 
Empire. 

"  Fort  Sumter,  the  largest  of  our  fort- 
resses, is  a  work  of  solid  masonry, 
octagonal  in  form,  pierced  on  the  north, 
east,  and  west  sides  with  a  double  row 


of  port-holes  for  the  heaviest  guns,  and 
on  the  south  or  land  side,  in  addition  to 
openings  for  guns,  loop-holes  for  mus- 
ketry ;  stands  in  the  middle  of  the  har- 
bor, on  the  edge  of  the  ship  channel, 
and  is  said  to  be  bomb-proof.  It  is  at 
present  without  any  regular  garrison. 
There  is  a  large  force  of  workmen — 
some  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  all — • 
busily  employed  in  mounting  the  guns 
and  otherwise  putting  this  great  strat- 
egic point  in  order.  The  armament 
of  Fort  Sumter  consists  of  140  guns, 
many  of  them  being  the  formidable  ten- 
inch  '  columbiads,'  which  throw  either 
shot  or  shell,  and  which  have  a  fearful 
range.  Only  a  few  of  these  are  yet  in 
position,  and  the  work  of  mounting 
pieces  of  this  calibre  in  the  casemates 
is  necessarily  a  slow  one.  There  is  also 
a  large  amount  of  artillery  stores,  con- 
sisting of  about  40,000  pounds  of  pow- 
der, and  a  proportionate  quantity  of 
shot  and  shell.  The  workmen  engaged 
here  sleep  in  the  fort  every  night,  owing 
to  the  want  of  any  regular  communica- 
tion with  the  city.  The  wharf  or  land- 
ing is  on  the  south  side,  and  is  of  course 
exposed  to  a  cross  fire  from  all  the  open- 
ings on  that  side. 

' '  The  fortress  most  closely  command- 
ing the  city  and  its  roadstead  is  Castle 
Pinckney,  which  is  located  on  the 
southern  extremity  of  a  narrow  slip  of 
marsh  land,  which  extends  in  a  north- 
erly direction  to  Hog  Island  Channel. 
To  the  harbor  side  the  so-called  castle 
presents  a  circular  front.  It  has  never 
been  considered  of  much  consequence 
as  a  fortress,  although  its  proximity  to 


62 


THE   Y\'AR   "WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


the  cit}-  would  give  it  importance,  if 
properly  armed  and  garrisoned.  From 
hasty  observation,  we  find  that  there  are 
about  fifteen  guns  mounted  on  the  par- 
apet ;  the  majority  of  them  are  eighteen 
and  twenty-four  pounders.  Some  '  co- 
lumbiads'  are,  however,  within  the  walls. 
There  are  also  supplies  of  powder,  shot, 
and  shell.  At  present  there  is  no  gar- 
rison at  the  post ;  the  only  residents  are 
one  or  two  watchmen,  who  have  charge 
of  the  harbor  light.  Some  thirty  or 
forty  day  laborers  are  employed  repair- 
ing the  cisterns,  and  putting  the  place 
generally  in  order." 

Major  Anderson,  the  Federal  officer 
in  command,  informed  of  the  action  of 
the  convention  in  regard  to  the  forts, 
witnessing  the  pubhc  excitement  in 
Charleston,  conscious  of  the  intense 
desire  of  the  people  of  South  Carolina 
to  possess  them,  and  beheving  that  they 
would  not  long  hesitate  to  make  the 
attemj)t,  became  solicitous  about  their 
safety.  He  had  no  hope  of  being  able 
to  defend  Fort  Moultrie,  whose  feeble 
and  unprotected  walls  he  held  with  a 
meagre  garrison  of  only  sixty  effective 
men.  He  despaired  of  any  aid  from  the 
Federal  Government,  for  he  had  been 
told  by  the  secretary  of  war,  Floyd, 
how,  with  a  natural  regard  for  the 
safety  of  his  fellow-conspirators,  he  had 
"carefully  abstained  from  increasing  the 
fox'ce  at  this  point,  or  taking  any  meas- 
ures which  might  add  to  the  present  ex- 
cited state  of  the  public  mind,  or  which 
would  throw  any  doubt  on  tlie  confi- 
dence he  feels  that  South  Carolina  will 
not  attempt  by  violence  to  obtain  pos- 


session of  the  public  works,  or  interfere 
with  their  occupancy."* 

It  was  not,  therefore,  surprising  that 
Anderson  should  write  thus  despair- 
ingly : 

"  When  I  inform  you  that  my  garri- 
son consists  of  only  sixty  effective  d^c, 
men,  and  that  we  are  in  a  very  24. 
indifferent  work,  the  walls  of  which  are 
only  about  fourteen  feet  high,  and  that 
we  have,  within  one  hundred  and  sixty 
yards  of  our  walls,  sand-hills  which 
command  our  work,  and  which  afford 
admirable  sites  for  batteries  and  the 
finest  covers  for  sharp-shooters,  and 
that  besides  this  there  are  numerous 
houses,  some  of  them  within  pistol-shot, 
you  will  at  once  see  that,  if  attacked  in 
force,  headed  by  any  one  but  a  simple- 
ton, there  is  scarce  a  possibility  of  our 
being  able  to  hold  out  long  enough  to 
enable  our  friends  to  come  to  our  succor. 

"Trusting  that  God  will  not  desert 
us  in  our  hour  of  trial,  I  am  sincerely 
yours. 

"  Robert  Anderson, 

"  Major  1st  Artillery,  etc." 

Anderson,  however,  was  not  the  man 
to  3'ield  to  despair  while  the  call  of 
duty  invoked  to  effort.  He  accordingly 
determined,  that  if  Fort  Moultrie  could 
not  be  defended,  he  would  place  his 
meagre  garrison  in  Fort  Sumter,  which 
could.  His  preparations  were  made 
with  a  prudent  secrecy.  In  order  to 
deceive  the  inhabitants  of  Sullivan 
Island,  upon  which  the  fort  is  situated, 
it  was  studiously  reported  among  them, 
that  in  consequence  of  the  probability 

=  Verbal  Instructions  to  Major  Anderson,  Dec.  11,  1860. 


OCCUPATION  OF  FORT  SUMTER. 


63 


of  an  attack  by  tlie  people  of  Charles- 
ton, the  wives  and  children  of  the  gar- 
rison were  about  to  be  removed  to  a 
safer  place.     Under  the   cover  of  this 
pretext,    three    schooners   were    hired, 
brought  up   to  the  wharf,   and  loaded 
with  what  was  supposed  by  the  people 
of  the  island  merely  ordmary  baggage. 
These  vessels,  however,   contained  not 
only  the  women  and  children,  but  pro- 
visions, munitions  of  war,  and  the  per- 
sonal effects  of  the  officers  and  soldiers. 
Thus  laden,  the  three  schooners  put  off, 
and   sailed,   not  to    Fort   Johnson,    on 
James  Island,  as  had  been  carefully  re- 
ported, and  for  which  they  apparently 
steered,    but   to    Fort    Sumter,    where, 
after   a  circuitous    course,   they  finally 
arrived  in  the  evening  and  discharged 
their    important   burthens.      Anderson 
waited  for  the    darkness  of  the   night 
before    embarking   his   men.     At   half- 
Deci  P^^^  rime  o'clock,  row-boats  having 
26«    been  got  ready,   the  whole  force, 
with  the  exception  of  Captain  Foster 
and   eight   men,  left  to  dismantle  and 
spike  the  guns  and  burn  their  carriages, 
pushed  off.     Before  daylight  next  morn- 
ing Major  Anderson  was  in  full  posses- 
sion of  Fort  Sumter,  with  his  little  gar- 
rison.    The  smoke  from  Fort  Moultrie, 
stiU  rising  at  early  dawn,  was  the  first 
to  arouse  the  attention  of  the   people 
of  Charleston.     They  gathered  in  ex- 
cited crowds  upon  the  wharfs  and  the 
battery,  and  anxiously  sought  the  cause. 
Great  alarm  spread  throughout  the  town, 
and   the    troops  were    called   to  arms. 
Various   were    the    conjectures :    some 
thought  that  a  fresh  United  States  force 


had  arrived  ;  some  supposed  that  Ander- 
son had  evacuated  the  harbor  altogether, 
after  having  destroyed  the  fort ;  but 
none  seemed  to  suspect  his  masterly 
movement.  All  doubt,  however,  was 
soon  removed  by  the  arrival  in  the  city 
of  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Sullivan's 
Island. 

When  the  fact  became  known,  the  ex- 
citement increased.  The  convention  met 
immediately,  and  issued  orders  for  the 
occupation  of  the  deserted  Fort  Moultrie 
and  the  other  defences  of  the  harbor  by 
the  State  troops.  The  Federal  ai-seual 
at  Charleston,  which  had  been  so  gen- 
erouslj^  supplied  by  the  treasonable  fore- 
cast of  the  secretary  of  war,  yielded  up 
its  stores  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  the 
eager  asserters  of  "State  sovereignty." 
Colonel  Pettigrew,  in  obedience  to  the 
command  of  the  convention,  took  pos- 
session, with  two  hundred  men,  of  Castle 
Pinckney,  which  was  found  without  a 
man  to  defend  it,  but  with  its  entrances 
barricaded,  its  guns  spiked,  its  ammu- 
nition gone,  and  its  flagstaff  prostrate. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  De  Saussure,  also 
with  two  hundred  men,  proceeded  to 
take  possession  of  the  abandoned  Fort 
Moultrie.  As  he  approached.  Captain 
Foster  and  his  eight  soldiers,  who  had 
been  left  to  destroy  the  guns  and  keep 
nominal  possession,  pushed  off  in  a  row- 
boat  for  Fort  Sumter. 

As  soon  as  the  South  Carolinians  got 
possession,  they  commenced  to  repair 
the  damage  effected  by  Anderson,  and 
to  add  to  the  former  efficiency  and 
strength  of  the  fort.  The  condition  in 
which  it  was  found  after  its  abandon- 


64 


THE  WAE  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Dec,  mcnt  b}'  the  Federal  force,  is  thus 
27»  minutel}'  described  by  a  writer  in 
the  Charleston  Courier: 

"On  the  waj-  across  the  harbor,  the 
hoisting  of  the  American  flag  from  the 
staff  of  Fort  Sumter,  at  precise!}'  twelve 
o'clock,  gave  certain  indication  that  the 
stronghold  was  occupied  by  the  troops 
of  the  United  States.  Od  a  nearer  ap- 
proach the  fortress  was  discovered  to 
be  occupied,  the  guns  appeared  to  be 
mounted,  and  sentinels  were  discovered 
on  dut}^,  and  the  place  to  give  every 
sign  of  occupancy  and  military  dis- 
cipline. The  grim  fortress  frowned  de- 
fiance on  every  side  ;  the  busy  notes  of 
preparation  resounded  thi'ough  its  un- 
forbidding  recesses,  and  everything 
seemed  to  indicate  the  utmost  alacrity 
in  the  work  on  hand. 

"Turning  toward  Fort  Moultrie,  a 
dense  cloud  of  smoke  was  seen  to  pour 
from  the  end  facing  the  sea.  The  flag- 
staff was  down,  and  the  whole  place  had 
an  air  of  desolation  and  abandonment 
quite  the  reverse  of  its  busy  look  one 
week  ago,  when  scores  of  laborers  were 
engaged  in  adding  to  its  strength  all  the 
works  skill  and  experience  could  sug- 
gest. 

"In  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
rear  or  landside  entrance,  however, 
greater  activit}-  was  noticeable.  At  the 
time  of  our  visit,  a  large  force  of  hands 
had  been  summoned  to  deliver  up  their 
imjilements  for  transpox'tation  to  Fort 
Sumter.  Around  on  every  side  were 
tlie  evidences  of  labor  in  the  fortifica- 
tion of  the  work.  In  manj'  places  a 
portion  of  the  defences  were  strength- 


ened by  every  appliance  that  art  could 
suggest  or  ingenuity  devise  ;  while  in 
others,  the  uncompleted  works  gave 
evidences  of  the  utmost  confusion.  Ou 
aU  hands  the  process  of  removing  goods, 
furniture,  and  munitions  was  yet  going 
on.  The  heavy  guns  upon  the  ramparts 
of  the  fort  were  thrown  down  from  their 
carriages  and  spiked.  Every  ounce  of 
powder  and  every  cartridge  had  been 
removed  from  the  magazines,  and,  in 
fact,  everything  hke  small-arms,  cloth- 
ing, provisions,  accoutrements,  and  other 
munitions  of  war  had  been  removed  off 
and  deposited  ;  nothing  but  heavy  balls 
and  useless  cannon  remained. 

"  The  entire  place  was,  to  all  appear- 
ances, littered  up  with  the  odds,  ends, 
and  fragments  of  war's  desolation.  Con- 
fusion could  not  have  been  more  com- 
plete had  the  late  occupants  retired  in 
the  face  of  a  besieging  foe.  Fragments 
of  gun-carriages,  etc.,  broken  to  pieces, 
bestrewed  the  ramparts.  Sand-bags  and 
barrels  filled  with  earth  crowned  the 
waUs,  and  were  firmly  imbedded  in  their 
bomb-proof  surface  as  an  additional  safe- 
guard ;  and  notwithstanding  the  hetero- 
geneous scattering  of  materials  and  im- 
plements, the  walls  of  the  fort  evinced 
a  vague  degree  of  energy  in  preparing 
for  an  attack.  A  ditch  some  fifteen  feet 
wide  and  about  the  same  in  depth  sm-- 
rounds  the  entire  wall  on  three  sides. 
On  the  south  side,  or  front,  a  glacis  has 
been  commenced  and  prosecuted  nearly 
to  completion,  with  a  rampart  of  sand- 
bags, barrels,  etc. 

"  On  one  side  of  the  fort  a  palisade 
of  palmetto  logs  is  extended  around  the 


ANDERSON   DENOUNCED. 


65 


ramparts  as  a  complete  defence  against 
an  escalatling  party.  New  embrasures 
have  been  cut  in  the  walls  so  as  to  com- 
mand the  laces  of  the  bastion  and  ditch. 
These  new  defences  are  all  incomplete, 
and  are  evidence  of  the  haste  with  which 
they  were  erected.  Considering  the  in- 
ferior force,  in  point  of  numbers,  under 
his  command,  Major  Anderson  had  paid 
particular  attention  to  strengthening 
only  a  small  part  of  the  fort. 

"A  greater  portion  of  the  labor  ex- 
pended was  spent  upon  the  citadel,  or 
centre  of  the  west  point  of  the  position. 
This  he  had  caused  to  be  strengthened 
in  every  way  ;  loop-holes  were  cut,  and 
everything  was  so  arranged  that  in  case 
a  well-concerted  attack  was  made,  he 
would  have  retired  from  the  outer  bas- 
tions to  the  citadel,  and  afterward  blow 
up  the  other  portions  of  the  fort.  For 
this  purpose  mines  had  already  been 
sprung,  and  trains  had  been  laid  ready 
for  the  application  of  the  match.  The 
barrack-rooms  and  every  other  part  of 
the  fort  that  was  indefensible  would  have 
gone  at  a  touch. 

"  On  the  ramparts  of  the  fort  fronting 
Fort  Sumter  were  nine  eight-inch  co- 
lumbiads,  mounted  on  wooden  carriages. 
As  soon  as  the  evacuation  of  the  fort 
was  complete,  the  carriages  of  these 
guns  were  fired,  and  at  the  time  of  vis- 
iting the  fort  yesterday,  were  nearly 
consumed,  and  the  guns  tliereby  dis- 
mounted. These  guns,  as  well  as  those 
constituting  the  entire  armament  of  the 
fortress,  were  spiked  before  it  was  aban- 
doned. This  is  the  only  damage  done 
the  fortification,  further  than  cutting- 
9 


down  the  flagstaff,  and  the  breaking  up 
of  ammunition-wagons  to  form  ramparts 
on  the  walls  of  the  fort." 

The  seizure  of  the  Federal  forts  was 
followed  by  that  of  the  arsenal,  the  cus- 
tom-house, and  the  post-office,  upon  each 
of  which  was  raised  the  Palmetto  flag. 
The  South  Carolinians  were  pleased  to 
consider  the  simple  movement  of  a  Fed- 
eral officer  from  one  Federal  fort  to  an- 
other an  act  of  war.  "  Major  Robert 
Anderson,  United  States  army,"  wrote  a 
journaUst,*  "has  achieved  the  unen- 
viable distinction  of  opening  civil  war 
between  American  citizens  by  an  act  of 
gross  breach  of  faith.  He  has,  under 
counsels  of  a  panic,  deserted  his  post  at 
Fort  Moultrie,  and  under  false  pretexts 
has  transferred  his  garrison  and  military 
stores  and  supplies  to  Fort  Sumter." 

Another  writerf  declared  :  "  It  is  due 
to  South  Carolina  and  to  good  faith  that 
the  act  of  this  officer  (Major  Anderson) 
should  be  repudiated  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  that  the  troops  be  removed 
forthwith  from  Fort  Sumter." 

The  governor  of  South  Carohna  de- 
manded of  Anderson  by  what  authority 
he  had  acted,  and  what  was  the  object 
of  his  movement.  Anderson  replied, 
that  it  was  merely  a  military  measure 
for  the  purpose  only  of  defence,  whicli 
he  had  executed  on  his  own  responsi- 
bihty. 

The  convention,  however,  of  South 
Carohna  made  the  act  of  Anderson  the 
pretext  for  the  most  energetic  prepara- 
tions for  war.  Assuming  the  whole  con- 
duct of  government,  it  organized  a  mil- 


Couricr. 


f  Mercury. 


C6 


THE  WAR  WYTIl  THE  SOUTH. 


itary  force  and  a  complete  system  of 
coast  defence.  The  buoys  from  the 
channels  were  removed,  the  lights  in 
the  light-houses  extinguished,  fortifica- 
tions built,  an  army  was  enlisted,  and  a 
most  formidable  show  of  defiance  to  the 
Federal  authorities  exhibited  everj'- 
where  throughout  the  State.  Most  of 
the  officers  of  the  United  States  army 
and  navy  who  were  natives  of  South 
Carolina  had,  on  the  announcement  of 
its  act  of  secession,  resigned  from  the 
Federal  service  and  oflfered  their  alle- 
giance to  the  seceded  State.  South  Car- 
olina was  thus  at  once  provided  with 
officers  capable  of  organizing  its  military 
force  and  directing  the  works  necessary 
for  its  defence. 

Thi'oughout  the  cotton  States  the 
movement  of  Major  Anderson  was  con- 
sidered an  aggressive  act,  and  they 
showed  their  disposition  to  make  com- 
mon cause  with  South  Carohna  by  lib- 
eral offerings  of  aid.  Georgia,  Alabama, 
and  even  North  Carohna,  tendered  the 
services  of  troops. 

At  the  North,  pubHc  attention  had 
been  diverted  for  a  time  from  South 
Carolina  by  exciting  events  occurring 
nearer  home,  which,  however,  from  theii' 
supposed  relation  to  the  Southern  move- 
ment, served  to  increase  the  general  in- 
quietude, and  prepare  the  pubhc  for 
Pec,  further  developments  of  treason. 
25.  A  great  defalcation  had  been  dis- 
covered in  the  Indian  trust  fund,  by 
which  the  Government  had  been  de- 
frauded of  eight  hundred  and  thirty 
thousand  dollars.  Thompson,  the  secre- 
tary of  the  interior,  who  had  been  ab- 


sent from  his  Federal  post,  striving  as  a 
secession  commissioner  from  Mississippi 
to  stir  up  the  people  of  North  Carolina 
to  rebellion,  was  summoned  to  Wash- 
ington. His  disbursing  clerk  was  ab- 
sent, and  the  key  of  the  safe  missing. 
The  former  was  discovered,  but  the 
latter  was  lost.  The  safe  was  broken 
open  ;  no  property,  however,  was  found. 
It  was  difficult  to  trace  the  degree  of 
criminahty  which  belonged  to  those  to 
whom  the  trust  had  been  confided.  The 
superiors  asserted  their  innocence,  and 
to  the  inferior  was  imputed  the  crime  ; 
but  public  opinion  did  not  hesitate  to 
charge  the  secretary  of  war,  Floyd,  and 
the  secretary  of  the  interior,  Thompson, 
as  accomplices  in  the  fraud,  which  had 
been  committed,  if  not  for  personal  ad- 
vantage, at  any  rate  for  the  advance- 
ment of  Southern  interests. 

Another  event,  no  less  exciting,  oc- 
curred at  the  same  moment.  An  order 
had  been  received  from  Washing-  0^^, 
ton  at  Pittsburg  to  scud  imme-  25. 
diately  from  the  Alleghany  arsenal  there 
78  large  cannon  to  Fort  Newport,  near 
Galveston,  and  48  to  Ship  Island,  near 
Biloxi,  oflf  the  coast  of  Mississippi. 

As  the  government  of  Buchanan  was 
stiU  guided  by  those  whoso  fidelity  to 
the  Union  was  suspected,  the  pui-pose 
of  this  order  was  naturally  supposed  to 
further  Southern  secession.  This  aroused 
the  indignation  of  the  citizens  of  Pitts- 
burg, who  expressed  a  determination  not 
to  aUow  the  arms  to  leave  the  arsenal. 
Finally,  the  excitement  of  Pittsburg 
found  relief  in  a  "mass  meeting,"  at 
which   resolutions  were    adopted    "  de- 


FEELING  AT  THE   NORTH. 


67 


daring  lo3'alty  to  the  Union,  and  ability 
to  defend  themselves  against  all  enemies 
of  the  Union  ;  deprecating  any  inter- 
ference with  the  shipment  of  arms  under 
government  orders,  however  inoppor- 
tune or  impolitic  the  order  might  ap- 
pear ;  deploring  the  existing  state  of 
things  in  connection  with  the  adminis- 
tration of  important  departments  of  the 
public  service  so  as  to  have  shal^en 
confidence  in  the  people  of  the  free 
States  ;  declaring  that  while  Pennsyl- 
vania is  on  guard  at  the  Federal  capital, 
it  is  her  special  duty  to  look  to  the 
fidelity  of  her  sons,  and  in  that  view 
call  on  the  President,  as  a  citizen  of  this 
Commonwealth,  to  see  that  the  public 
receive  no  detriment  at  his  hands,  and 
to  purge  his  cabinet  of  every  man  known 
to  give  aid  and  comfort  to,  or  in  any 
way  countenancing  the  revolt  of,  any 
State  against  the  authority  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  the  laws  of  the  Union." 

These  events,  the  robbery  of  the  public 
treasury  and  arsenals,  seemed  to  reveal 
more  clearly  to  the  public  mind  of  the 
North  the  extent  and  danger  of  the  South- 
ern conspiracy.  Alarm  and  distrust  now 
became  more  general,  and  the  people 
began  to  fear  for  the  safety  of  that  Union 
which  they  had  fondly  believed  to  be 
too  greatly  endeared  to  the  universal 
American  heart  to  be  in  peril  from  any 
sectional  disaffection.  "While  thus  de- 
pressed, the  news  came  of  the  move- 
ment of  Major  Anderson,  and  that  sim- 
ple act  of  mihtary  duty  was  hailed  as  a 
deed  of  heroism,  and  its  author  as  an 
heroic  defender  of  the  Union. 

The    feehug   of   patriotic    exultation 


found  vent  through  the  press  in  a  burst 
of  ardent  rhetoric  : 

"  We  must  own,"  exclaimed  a  writer 
in  the  Boston  Courier,  ' '  that  the  news 
of  the  transaction  in  Charleston  harbor 
was  learned  by  us  yesterday  with  a 
prouder  beating  of  the  heart.  We  could 
not  hut  feel  once  more  thai  we  had  a  coun- 
try— a  fact  which  had  been  to  a  certain 
degree  in  suspense  for  some  weeks  past. 
What  is  given  up  for  the  moment  is  of 
no  consequence,  provided  the  one  point 
stands  out  clear,  that  the  United  States 
means  to  maintain  its  jposition,  where  its 
rights  exist,  and  that  its  officers,  civil  and 
military,  intend  to  discharge  their  dxdy. 
The  concentration  of  the  disposable  force 
in  Charleston  harbor  in  a  defensible  post 
is  thus  a  bond  of  union.  It  is  a  decisive 
act,  calculated  to  rally  the  national  heart. 
*  *  We  are  not  disposed  to  allow  the 
Union  to  be  broken  up  for  grievances 
of  South  Carohua,  which  might  be  set- 
tled within  the  Union  ;  and  if  there  is 
to  be  any  fighting,  we  prefer  it  within, 
rather  than  without.  The  abandonment 
of  Fort  Moultrie  was  obviously  a  neces- 
sary act,  in  order  to  carry  into  effect  the 
purpose  contemplated  with  such  an  in- 
ferior force  as  that  under  the  command 
of  Major  Anderson. 

"  If  anybody  ever  doubted  Major  An- 
derson's eminent  militaiy  capacity,  that 
doubt  must  be  dispelled  by  the  news 
that  we  publish  in  another  column," 
wrote  the  editor  of  the  Boston  Atlas. 
"  Of  his  own  accord,  without  orders 
from  Washington,  but  acting  on  the  dis- 
cretion which  an  officer  in  an  inde- 
pendent   command     always    possesses, 


68 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Major  Anderson,  commander  of  the  de- 
fences of  Charleston  harbor,  transports 
his  troops  to  the  key  of  his  position, 
Fort  Sumter,  against  which  no  gun  can 
be  laid  which  is  not  itself  commanded 
by  a  10-inch  columbiad  in  the  embra- 
sures of  that  octagon  citadel.  This 
rapid,  unexpected  manoeuvre  has  dis- 
concerted treason,  and  received  the 
highest  military  commendation  in  the 
country. 

"  Brave  major  of  artillery,  true  serv- 
ant of  your  country,  soldier  of  pene- 
trating and  far-seeing  genius,  when  the 
right  is  endangered  by  fraud  or  force, 
at  the  proper  time  the  needed  man  is 
always  provided.  The  spirit  of  the  age 
provides  him,  and  he  always  regards 
the  emergency.  Washington,  Gtaki- 
BALDi,  Anderson." 

Washington,  in  the  mean  time,  had 
been  no  less  stirred  by  the  great  event. 
Floyd,  the  secretary  of  war,  who  had 
been  so  long  pretending  to  serve  the 
Union,  while  he  had  given  himself  up 
totally  to  the  demon  of  rebellion,  re- 
signed, and  was  succeeded  by  Holt,  of 
Kentucky,  a  patriot  of  unquestioned 
loyalty  to  the  Union.  The  correspond- 
ence between  Floyd  and  the  President 
is  a  curious  memorial  of  the  times  when 
an  obvious  duty  of  government  was 
construed  into  a  justifiable  cause  for  dis- 
aifection  and  hostile  defiance. 

'•Wak  Departhext,  Dec.  29,  1860. 

"  Sir  :  On  the  morning  of  the  27th 
inst.  I  read  the  following  paper  to  you 
in  the  presence  of  the  cabinet : 

'  CotrsfCiL  Ch.vmber,  ExECurnrE  SL\2«sion. 
'  Sir  :  It   is    evident  now,  from   the 


action  of  the  commander  of  Fort  Moul- 
trie, that  the  solemn  pledges  of  the  Gov- 
ernment have  been  violated  by  Major 
Anderson.  In  my  judgment,  but  one 
remedy  is  now  left  us  by  which  to  vindi- 
cate our  honor  and  prevent  civil  war. 
It  is  in  vain  now  to  hope  for  confidence 
on  the  part  of  the  people  of  South  Caro- 
lina in  any  further  pledges  as  to  the 
action  of  the  military.  One  remedy  is 
left,  and  that  is  to  withdraw  the  gar- 
rison from  the  harbor  of  Charleston.  I 
hope  the  President  wiU  allow  me  to 
make  that  order  at  once.  This  order, 
in  my  judgment,  can  alone  prevent 
bloodshed  and  civil  war. 

'  John  B.  Floyd, 

'  Secretary  of  War.' 
"I  then  considered  the  honor  of  the 
administration  pledged  to  maintain  the 
troops  in  the  position  they  occupied,  for 
such  had  been  the  assurances  given  to 
the  gentlemen  of  South  Carolina  who 
had  a  right  to  speak  for  her.  South 
Carolina,  on  the  other  hand,  gave  recip- 
rocal pledges  that  no  force  should  be 
brought  by  them  against  the  troops  or 
against  the  property  of  the  United  States. 
The  sole  object  of  both  parties  in  these 
reciprocal  pledges  was  to  preA^ent  a  col- 
lision and  the  effusion  of  blood,  in  the 
hope  that  some  means  might  be  found 
for  a  peaceful  accommodation  of  the  ex- 
isting troubles,  the  two  Houses  of  Con- 
gress having  both  raised  committees 
looking  to  that  object.  Thus  affairs 
stood  until  the  action  of  Major  Ander- 
son, taken  unfortunately  while  the  com- 
missioners were  on  their  way  to  this 
capital  on  a  peaceful  mission  looking  to 


DEJMAND  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA  COJBIISSIOJSIERS. 


69 


the  avoidance  of  bloodshed,  has  comph- 
cated  matters  in  the  existing  manner. 
Our  refnsal  or  even  delay  to  place  af- 
fairs back  as  they  stood  under  our  agree- 
ment invites  a  collision,  and  must  in- 
evitably inaugurate  civil  war.  I  cannot 
consent  to  be  the  agent  of  such  calam- 
ity. I  deeply  regret  that  I  feel  myself 
under  the  necessity  of  tendering  to  you 
my  resignation  as  secretary  of  war,  be- 
cause I  can  no  longer  hold  it  under  my 
convictions  of  patriotism,  nor  with  hon- 
or, subjected  as  I  am  to  a  violation  of 
solemn  pledges  and  phghted  faith. 
"  With  the  highest  personal  regard, 
"  I  am  most  trul}^  yours, 

"  John  B.  Floyd. 

"  To  His  Excellency  the  President 

OF   THE   UiSlTED   StaTES." 

The  President's  Reply. 

"  "Wasuington,  Dec.  21,  1860. 
"My  dear  Sir  :  I  have  received  and 
accepted  your  resignation  of  the  office 
of  secretary  of  war  ;  and  not  wishing  to 
impose  upon  you  the  task  of  perform- 
ing its  mere  routine  duties,  which  you 
have  so  kindly  offered  to  do,  I  have  au- 
thorized Postmaster-General  Holt  to  ad- 
minister the  affairs  of  the  department 
until  3'our  successor  shall  be  appointed. 
"Yours,  very  respectfully, 

"James  Buchanan. 
"Hon.  John  B.  Floyd." 
The  commissioners  appointed  by  the 
convention  of  South  Carolina  to  treat 
with  the  President  in  regard  to  the  de- 
livery of  the  forts  and  other  Federal 
property,  made  the  event  of  Anderson's 
performance  of  his  duty  the  occasion 
for  their  abrupt  departure  from  Wash- 


ington, after  an  insolent  demand  for 
satisfaction  from  the  Federal  authority, 
followed  by  an  audacious  defiance  of  its 
power,  and  a  threat  of  resistance.  The 
correspondence  between  the  commis- 
sioners of  South  Carolina  and  the  Presi- 
dent, is  another  strange  memorial  of 
that  period  of  humiliation  for  the  Union 
when  its  chief  magistrate  was  called  to 
account  in  the  capital  of  the  United 
States  by  confessed  rebels,  for  not  re- 
pudiating a  simple  act  of  national  de- 
fence, performed  by  an  officer  in  the 
course  of  his  military  duties. 

The  Cokrespondence  between  the  South 
Carolina  Commissioners  and  the  President 
OF  THE  United  States. 

"Washington,  Dec.  29,  1860. 
' '  Sir  :  We  have  the  honor  to  transmit 
to  you  a  cojjy  of  the  full  powers  from 
the  convention  of  the  people  of  South 
Carolina,  under  which  we  are  '  authorized 
and  empowered  to  treat  with  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  for  the 
delivery  of  the  forts,  magazines,  Hght- 
houses,  and  other  real  estate,  with  their 
appurtenances,  in  the  hmits  of  South 
Carolina  ;  and  also  for  an  apportionment 
of  the  public  debt,  and  for  a  division  of 
all  other  property  held  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  as  agent  of 
the  confederated  States,  of  which  South 
Carolina  was  recently  a  member,  and 
generally  to  negotiate  as  to  all  other 
measures  and  arrangements  proper  to 
be  made  and  adopted  in  the  existing 
relation  of  the  parties,  and  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  peace  and  amity  between 
this  Commonwealth  and  the  Government 
at  Washington.' 


70 


THE  WAR  "Wrra  THE  SOUTH. 


"  lu  the  execution  of  this  trust  it  is 
our  duty  to  furnish  you,  as  we  now  do, 
with  an  official  copy  of  the  Ordinance 
of  Secession,  by  which  the  State  of 
South  CaroUna  has  resumed  the  powers 
she  delegated  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  has  declared  her  per- 
fect sovereignty  and  independence. 

"It  would  also  have  been  our  duty  to 
have  informed  you  that  we  were  ready 
to  negotiate  with  you  upon  all  such 
questions  as  are  necessarily  raised  by 
the  adoiDtion  of  this  Ordinance,  and  that 
we  were  prepared  to  enter  upon  this 
negotiation  with  the  earnest  desire  to 
avoid  aU  unnecessary  and  hostile  coUi- 
sion,  and  so  to  inaugurate  our  new  re- 
lations as  to  secure  mutual  respect,  gen- 
eral advantage,  and  a  future  of  good- 
will and  harmony,  beneficial  to  aU  the 
parties  concerned. 

"But  the  events  of  the  last  twent3^-four 
hours  render  such  an  assurance  impossi- 
ble. We  came  here  the  representatives 
of  an  authority  which  could,  at  any  time 
within  the  past  sixty  days,  have  taken 
possession  of  the  forts  in  Charleston 
harbor,  but  which,  upon  pledges  given 
in  a  manner  that  we  cannot  doubt,  de- 
termined to  trust  to  your  honor  rather 
than  to  its  own  power.  Since  our 
arrival  here,  an  officer  of  the  United 
States,  acting,  as  we  are  assured,  not 
only  without,  but  against,  your  orders, 
has  dismantled  one  fort  and  occupied 
another — thus  altering  to  a  most  import- 
ant extent  the  condition  of  affairs  under 
which  we  came. 

"  Until  tliese  cii'cumstauces  are  ex- 
plained in  a  manner  which  reheves  us 


of  aU  doubt  as  to  the  spirit  in  which 
these  negotiations  shaU  be  conducted, 
we  are  forced  to  suspend  all  discussion 
as  to  any  arrangement  by  which  our 
mutual  interests  may  be  amicably  ad- 
justed. 

"  And,  in  conclusion,  we  would  urge 
upon  you  the  immediate  withdrawal  of 
the  troops  from  the  harbor  of  Charles- 
ton. Under  present  circumstances,  they 
are  a  standing  menace  which  renders 
negotiation  impossible,  and,  as  our  re- 
cent experience  shows,  threatens  speed- 
ily to  bring  to  a  bloody  issue  questions 
which  ought  to  be  settled  with  temper- 
ance and  judgment.  TVe  have  the  honor 
to  be, 

"  Very  respectfully. 

"Your  obedient  servants, 

"R.  W.  Barnwell,  ^ 

"J.  H.  Adams,  y  Commissioners. 

"  Jas.  L.  Ore,         ; 

"  To  the  President  of  tile  U^^TED  States." 

The  President's  Reply, 
"Washixgton  City,  Dee.  30,  1860. 

"Gentlemen:  I  have  had  the  honor 
to  receive  your  communication  of  28th 
inst.,  together  with  a  copy  of  '  your  fuU 
powers  from  the  convention  of  the 
people  of  South  Carolina,'  authorizing 
j-ou  to  treat  with  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  on  various  important 
subjects  therein  mentioned,  and  also  a 
copy  of  the  Ordinance,  bearing  date  on 
the  20th  inst.,  declaring  that  '  the 
union  now  subsisting  between  South 
Carohna  and  otlier  States,  under  the 
name  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
is  hereby  dissolved.' 

"  In  answer  to  this  communication,  I 


PRESroENT'S   REPLY. 


71 


have  to  say  that  my  positiou  as  Presi- 
dout  of  the  United  States  was  clearly 
defined  in  the  message  to  Congress  on 
the  3d  iust.  In  that  I  stated  that, 
'  apart  from  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
so  far  as  this  may  be  practicable,  the 
Executive  has  no  authority  to  decide 
what  shall  be  the  relations  between  the 
Federal  Government  and  South  Carolina. 
He  has  been  invested  with  no  such  dis- 
cretion. He  possesses  no  power  to 
change  the  relations  hitherto  existing 
between  them,  much  less  to  acknow- 
ledge the  independence  of  that  State. 
This  would  be  to  invest  a  mere  execu- 
tive officer  with  the  power  of  recogniz- 
ing the  dissolution  of  the  confederacy 
among  our  thirty-three  sovereign  States. 
It  bears  no  resemblance  to  the  recogni- 
tion of  a  foreign  de  facto  government — 
involving  no  such  responsibility.  Any 
attempt  to  do  this  would,  o-n  his  part, 
be  a  naked  act  of  usurpation.  It  is 
therefore  my  duty  to  submit  to  Con- 
gress the  whole  question  in  all  its  bear- 
ings. 

"  Such  is  my  opinion  still.  I  could, 
therefore,  meet  you  only  as  private 
gentlemen  of  the  highest  character,  and 
was  entirely  willing  to  communicate  to 
Congress  any  proposition  you  might 
have  to  make  to  that  body  upon  the 
subject.  Of  this  you  were  well  aware. 
It  was  my  earnest  desire  that  such  a 
disposition  might  be. made  of  the  whole 
subject  by  Congress,  who  alone  possess 
the  power,  as  to  prevent  the  inaugura- 
tion of  a  civil  war  between  the  parties 
in  regard  to  the  possession  of  the  Fed- 
eral forts  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston  ; 


and  I  therefore  deeply  regret  that,  in 
your  ojiinion,  '  the  events  of  the  last 
twenty-four  hours  render  this  impossi- 
ble.' In  conclusion,  you  urge  upon  me 
'  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  troops 
from  the  harbor  of  Charleston,'  stating 
that  '  under  present  circumstances  they 
are  a  standing  menace,  which  renders 
negotiation  impossible,  and,  as  our  re- 
cent experience  shows,  threatens  speed- 
ily to  bring  to  a  bloody  issue  questions 
which  ought  to  be  settled  with  temper- 
ance and  judgment.' 

"The  reason  for  this  change  in  your 
position  is,  that  since  your  arrival  in 
Washington,  '  an  officer  of  the  United 
States,  acting,  as  we  [you]  are  assured, 
not  only  without,  but  against,  your  \va.y~\ 
orders,  has  dismantled  one  fort  and 
occupied  another — thus  altering  to  a 
most  important  extent  the  condition  of 
afi'airs  under  which  we  [you]  came.' 
You  also  allege  that  you  came  here,  '  the 
representatives  of  an  authority  which 
could,  at  any  time  within  the  past  sixty 
days,  have  taken  possession  of  the  forts 
in  Charleston  harbor,  but  which,  upon 
pledges  given  in  a  manner  that  we  [you] 
cannot  doubt,  determined  to  trust  to 
your  [my]  honor  rather  than  to  its 
power.' 

"  This  brings  me  to  a  consideration  of 
the  nature  of  those  alleged  pledges,  and 
in  what  manner  they  have  been  observed. 
In  my  message  of  the  3d  of  December 
last,  I  stated,  in  regard  to  the  property 
of  the  United  States  in  South  Carolina, 
that  it  '  has  been  purchased  for  a  fair 
equivalent,  by  the  consent  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  the  State,  for  the  erection  of 


72 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  etc.,  and  over 
these  the  authority  '  to  exercise  exclu- 
tive  legislation'  has  been  expressly 
granted  by  the  Constitution  to  Congress. 
It  is  not  believed  that  any  attempt  will 
be  made  to  expel  the  United  States  from 
this  property  by  force  ;  but  if  in  this  I 
should  prove  to  be  mistaken,  the  officer 
in  command  of  the  forts  has  received 
orders  to  act  strictly  on  the  defensive. 
In  such  a  contingency,  the  responsibility 
for  consequences  would  rightfully  rest 
upon  the  heads  of  the  assailants.'  This 
being  the  condition  of  the  parties,  on 
Saturday,  8th  December,  four  of  the 
representatives  from  South  Carolina 
called  upon  me,  and  requested  an  inter- 
view. We  had  an  earnest  conversation 
on  the  subject  of  these  forts,  and  the 
best  means  of  preventing  a  collision 
between  the  parties,  for  the  purpose  of 
sparing  the  effusion  of  blood.  I  sug- 
gested, for  prudential  reasons,  that  it 
would  be  best  to  put  in  writing  what 
they  said  to  rde  verbally.  They  did  so, 
accordingly,  and  on  Monday  morning, 
the  10th  inst.,  three  of  them  presented 
to  me  a  paper  signed  bj''  all  the  repre- 
sentatives from  South  Carolina,  with  a 
single  exception,  of  which  the  following 
is  a  copy  : 

'  To  His  Excellency  James  Buchanan,  Pres- 
ident OP  THE  United  States. 
'  In  compliance  with  our  statement  to 
you  yesterday,  we  now  express  to  you 
our  strong  convictions,  that  neither  the 
constituted  authorities,  nor  any  body  of 
the  people  of  the  State  of  South  Caro- 
Una,  will  either  attack  or  molest  the 
United   States   forts   in  the  harbor  of 


Charleston  previously  to  the  act  of  the 
convention,  and  we  hoj^e  and  believe 
not  until  an  offer  has  been  made,  through 
an  accredited  representative,  to  nego- 
tiate for  an  amicable  arrangement  of  all 
matters  between  the  State  and  the  Fed- 
eral Government,  provided  that  no  re- 
inforcements shall  be  sent  into  those 
forts,  and  their  relative  military  status 
shall  remain  as  at  present. 

'  John  McQueen, 
'  m.  l.  bonham, 

'  W.   W.   BOTCE, 

'  Lawrence  M.  Keitt. 
'Washington,  Dec.  9,  I860.' 

"  And  here  I  must,  in  justice  to  my- 
self, remark  that  at  the  time  the  paper 
was  presented  to  me,  I  objected  to  the 
word  'pi'ovided,'  as  it  might  be  con- 
strued into  an  agreement  on  my  part, 
which  I  never  would  make.  They  said 
that  nothiiig  was  further  from  their  in- 
tention— they  did  not  so  understand  it, 
and  I  should  not  so  consider  it.  It  is 
evident  they  could  enter  into  no  recip- 
rocal agreement  with  me  on  the  subject. 
They  did  not  profess  to  have  authority 
to  do  this,  and  were  acting  in  their  in- 
dividual character.  I  considered  it  as 
nothing  more,  in  effect,  than  the  ^aromise 
of  highly  honorable  gentlemen  to  exert 
their  influence  for  the  purpose  expressed. 
The  event  has  proven  that  they  have 
faithfully  kept  this  promise,  although  I 
have  never  since  received  a  line  from 
any  one  of  them,  or  from  any  member ' 
of  the  convention  on  the  subject.  It  is 
well  known  that  it  was  my  determina- 
tion— and  this  I  freely  expressed — not 
to  reinforce  the  forts  in  the  harbor,  and 


BUCHANAlSr  AND   SOUTHERN   COMMISSIONERS. 


73 


thus  produce  a  collision,  until  they  had 
been  actually  attacked,  or  until  I  had 
certain  evidence  that  they  were  about  to 
be  attacked.  This  paper  I  received  most 
cordially,  and  considered  it  as  a  happy 
omen  that  peace  might  be  still  pre- 
served, and  that  time  might  be  thus 
given  for  reflection.  This  is  the  whole 
foundation  for  the  alleged  pledge. 

"  But  I  acted  in  the  same  manner  as 
I  would  have  done  had  I  entered  into  a 
positive  and  formal  agreement  with  par- 
ties capable  of  contracting,  although  such 
an  agreement  would  have  been  on  my 
part,  from  the  nature  of  mj^  official  du- 
ties, impossible.  The  world  knows  that 
I  have  never  sent  any  reinforcements  to 
the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor,  and  I 
have  certainly  never  authorized  any 
chansre  to  be  made  '  in  their  relative 
military  status.'  Bearing  upon  this  sub- 
ject, I  refer  you  to  an  order  issued  by 
the  secretary  of  war,  on  the  11th  inst.  to 
Major  Anderson,  but  not  brought  to  my 
notice  until  the  21st  inst.    It  is  as  follows : 

'  Memoeandutm  of  Vekbal  Instructions  to 
Major  Anderson,  First  Artillery,  com- 
i£Ain>iNG  Fort  Moultrie,  S.  C. 

'  You  are  aware  of  the  great  anxiety 
of  the  secretary  of  war  that  a  collision 
of  the  troops  with  the  people  of  this 
State  shall  be  avoided,  and  of  his  studied 
determination  to  pursue  a  course  with 
reference  to  the  military  force  and  forts 
in  this  harbor,  which  shall  guard  against 
such  a  collision.  He  has  therefore  care- 
fully abstained  from  increasing  the  force 
at  this  point,  or  taking  any  measures 
which  might  add  to  the  present  excited 

state  of  the  public  mind,  or  which  would 
10 


throw  any  doubt  on  the  confidence  he 
feels  that  South  Carolina  will  not  at- 
tempt b}'  violence  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  public  works,  or  interfere  with 
their  occupancy. 

'  But  as  the  counsel  and  acts  of  rash 
and  impulsive  persons  may  possibly  dis- 
appoint these  expectations  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, he  deems  it  proper  that  you 
should  be  prepared  with  instructions  to 
meet  so  unhappy  a  contingency.  He 
has  therefore  directed  me,  verbally,  to 
give  you  such  instructions. 

'  You  are  carefully  to  avoid  every 
act  which  would  needlessly  tend  to  pro- 
voke aggression,  and  for  that  reason 
you  are  not,  without  necessity,  to  take 
up  any  jiosition  which  could  be  con- 
strued into  the  assumption  of  a  hostile 
attitude  ;  but  you  are  to  hold  possession 
of  the  forts  in  the  harhor,  and  if  attached, 
you  are  to  defend  yourself  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity.  The  smallness  of  your  force 
will  not  permit  you,  perhaps,  to  occupy 
more  than  one  of  the  three  forts,  but  an 
attack  on,  or  attempt  to  take  possession 
of,  either  of  them,  will  be  regarded  as 
an  act  of  hostility,  and  you  may  then 
put  your  command  into  either  of  them 
which  you  may  deem  most  proper  to  in- 
crease its  power  of  resistance.  You  are 
also  authorized  to  take  similar  steps  when- 
ever you  have  tangible  evidence  of  a  design 
to  proceed  to  a  hostile  act. 

"D.    P.    BUTLEK, 

'  Assistant  Adjutant- General. 
'Fort  Moultrie,  S.  C,  Dee.  11,  I860.' 

'  This  is  in  conformity  to  my  in- 
structions to  Major  Bucll. 

'  John  B.  Floyu,  Secretary  of  War.' 


74 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


"  These  were  the  last  iustructioii* 
transmitted  to  Major  Anderson  before 
his  removal  to  Fort  Sumter,  with  a 
single  exception  in  regard  to  a  partic- 
ular which  does  not  in  any  degree  affect 
the  present  question.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, it  is  clear  that  Major  An- 
derson acted  upon  his  own  responsi- 
bility, and  without  authority,  unless,  in- 
deed, he  had  '  tangible  evidence  of  a 
design  to  proceed  to  a  hostile  act'  on  the 
part  of  South  Carolina,  which  has  not 
yet  been  alleged.  Still,  he  is  a  brave 
and  honorable  officer,  and  justice  re- 
quires that  he  should  not  be  condemned 
without  a  fair  hearing. 

"  Be  this  as  it  may,  when  I  learned 
that  Major  Anderson  had  left  Port  Moul- 
trie and  proceeded  to  Fort  Sumter,  my 
first  promptings  were  to  command  him 
to  return  to  his  former  position,  and 
there  to  await  the  contingencies  pre- 
sented in  his  instructions.  This  would 
only  have  been  done  with  any  degree 
of  safety  to  the  command  by  the  con- 
currence of  the  South  Carolina  author- 
ities. But  before  any  step  could  pos- 
sibly have  been  taken  in  this  direction, 
we  received  information  that  the  '  Pal- 
metto flag  floated  out  to  the  breeze  at 
Castle  Pinckney,  and  a  large  military 
force  went  over  last  night  (the  27th)  to 
Fort  Moultrie.'  Thus  the  authorities  of 
South  Carolina,  without  waiting  or  ask- 
ing for  any  explanations,  and  doubtless 
beheving,  as  you  have  expressed  it,  that 
the  officer  had  acted  not  only  without, 
but  against,  my  orders,  on  the  very  next 
day  after  the  night  when  the  removal 
was  made,  seized  by  a  military  force  two 


of  the  Federal  forts  in  the  harbor  of 
Charleston,  and  have  covered  them  un- 
der their  own  flag  instead  of  that  of  the 
United  States. 

"  At  this  gloomy  period  of  our  his- 
tory, startling  events  succeed  each  other 
rapidly.  On  the  very  day,  the  27th  in- 
stant, that  possession  of  these  two  forts 
was  taken,  the  Palmetto  flag  was  raised 
over  the  Federal  custom-house  and  post- 
oSice  in  Charleston  ;  and  on  the  same 
day  every  officer  of  the  customs — col- 
lector, naval  officer,  surveyor,  and  ap- 
praiser— resigned  their  offices.  And  this, 
although  it  was  well  known  from  the 
language  of  my  message  that,  as  an  ex- 
ecutive officer,  I  felt  myself  bound  to  col- 
lect the  revenue  at  the  port  of  Charles- 
ton under  the  existing  laws.  In  the 
harbor  of  Charleston  we  now  find  three 
forts  confronting  each  other,  over  all  of 
which  the  Federal  flag  floated  only  four 
days  ago  ;  but  now,  over  two  of  them, 
this  flag  has  been  supplanted,  and  the 
Palmetto  flag  has  been  substituted  in  its 
stead.  It  is  under  all  these  circum- 
stances that  I  am  urged  immediately 
to  withdraw  the  troops  from  the  harbor 
of  Charleston,  and  am  informed  that 
without  this,  negotiation  is  impossible. 
This  I  cannot  do— this  I  will  not  do. 
Such  an  idea  was  never  thought  of  by 
me  in  any  possible  contingency.  No 
such  allusion  had  been  made  in  any 
communication  between  myself  and  any 
human  being.  But  the  inference  is  that 
I  am  bound  to  withdraw  the  troops  from 
the  only  fort  remaining  in  the  possession 
of  the  United  States  in  the  harbor  of 
Charleston,  because  the  officer  there  in 


A  SECOND  LETTER  TO  BUCHANAN. 


75 


command  of  all  of  the  forts  thought 
proper,  without  mstructious,  to  change 
his  position  from  one  of  them  to  an- 
other. 

"  At  this  point  of  writing,  I  have  re- 
ceived information  by  telegraph  from 
Captain  Humphreys,  in  command  of  the 
arsenal  at  Charleston,  that  '  it  has  to- 
day (Sunday,  the  30th)  been  taken  by 
force  of  arms.'  It  is  estimated  that  the 
munitions  of  war  belonging  to  this  ar- 
senal are  worth  half  a  million  of  dollars. 

"  Comment  is  needless.  After  this 
information,  I  have  only  to  add,  that 
while  it  is  my  duty  to  defend  Fort 
Sumter,  as  a  portion  of  the  public  prop- 
erty of  the  United  States,  against  hos- 
tile attacks,  from  whatever  quarter  they 
may  come,  by  such  means  as  I  possess 
for  this  purpose,  I  do  not  perceive  how 
such  a  defence  can  be  construed  into  a 
menace  against  the  city  of  Charleston. 
With  great  personal  regard,  I  remain 
yours,  very  respectfully, 

"James  Buchanan. 
"To  Hon.  Robert  W.  Barnwell,  James  H. 

Adams,  James  L.  Orr." 

Second  Letter  op  the  Commissioners  to  tue 
President. 
"Washington,  D.  C,  Jan.  1,  1801. 

"Sir  :  We  have  the  honor  to  acknowl- 
edge the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the 
30th  December,  in  reply  to  a  note  ad- 
dressed by  us  to  you,  on  the  28th  of 
the  same  month,  as  commissioners  from 
South  Carolina. 

"  In  reference  to  the  declai'atiou  with 
which  your  reply  commences,  that  your 
'  jDOsition  as  President  of  the  United 
States  was  already  defined  in  the  mes- 


sage to  Congress  of  the  3d  instant,'  that 
you  possess  '  no  power  to  change  the 
relations  heretofore  existing  between 
South  Carolina  and  the  United  States,' 
'  much  less  to  acknowledge  the  inde- 
peiidence  of  that  State,'  and  that  conse- 
quently you  could  meet  us  only  as 
private  gentlemen  of  the  highest  char- 
acter, with  an  entire  willingness  to  com- 
municate to  Congress  any  proposition 
we  might  have  to  make — we  deem  it 
only  necessary  to  say  that  the  State  of 
South  Carolina  having,  in  the  exercise 
of  that  great  right  of  self-government 
which  underlies  all  our  political  organ- 
izations, declared  herself  sovereign  and 
independent,  we,  as  her  representatives, 
felt  no  special  solicitude  as  to  the  char- 
acter in  which  you  might  recognize  us. 
Satisfied  that  the  State  had  simply  ex- 
ercised her  unquestionable  right,  we 
were  prepared,  in  order  to  reach  sub- 
stantial good,  to  waive  the  formal  con- 
siderations which  your  constitutional 
scruples  might  have  prevented  you  from 
extending.  We  came  here,  therefore, 
expecting  to  be  received  as  you  did  re- 
ceive us,  and  perfectly  content  with  that 
entire  willingness,  of  which  you  assured 
us,  to  submit  any  ^proposition  to  Con- 
gress which  we  might  have  to  make 
upon  the  subject  of  the  independence  of 
the  State.  The  willingness  was  ample 
recognition  of  the  condition  of  public  af- 
fairs which  rendered  our  presence  nec- 
essary. In  this  position,  however,  it  is 
our  duty,  both  to  the  State  which  we 
represent  and  to  ourselves,  to  correct 
several  important  misconceptions  of  our 
letter  into  which  you  have  fallen. 


76 


THE  AVAR  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


"  You  say  :  '  It  was  my  earnest  de- 
sire that  such  a  disposition  might  be 
made  of  the  whole  subject  by  Congress, 
who  alone  possess  the  power,  to  prevent 
the  inauguration  of  a  civil  war  between 
the  parties  in  regard  to  the  possession 
of  the  Federal  forts  in  the  harbor  of 
Charleston  ;  and  I  therefore  deeply  re- 
gret that  in  your  opinion  the  events  of 
the  last  twenty-four  hours  render  this 
impossible.'  We  expressed  no  such  opin- 
ion, and  the  language  which  you  quote 
as  ours,  is  altered  in  its  sense  by  the 
omission  of  a  most  important  part  of  the 
sentence.  What  we  did  say  was,  '  But 
the  events  of  the  last  twenty-four  hours 
render  such  an  assurance  impossible.' 
Place  that  '  assurance'  as  contained  in 
our  letter  in  the  sentence,  and  we  are 
prepared  to  repeat  it. 

"  Again  ;  professing  to  quote  our  lan- 
guage, you  say  :  '  Tlius  the  authorities 
of  South  Carolina,  without  waiting  or 
asking  for  any  explanation,  and  doubt- 
less believing,  as  you  have  expressed  it, 
that  the  officer  had  acted  not  only  with- 
out, but  against,  my  orders,'  etc.  We 
expressed  no  such  opinion  in  reference 
to  the  belief  of  the  people  of  South 
Carolina.  The  language  which  you 
have  quoted  was  applied  solely  and 
entirely  to  our  assurances  obtained  here, 
and  based,  as  you  well  know,  upon  your 
own  declaration — a  declaration  which, 
at  that  time,  it  was  impossible  for  the 
authorities  of  South  Carolina  to  have 
known.  But,  without  following  this  let- 
ter into  all  its  details,  we  propose  only 
to  meet  the  chief  points  of  the  argu- 
ment. 


"  Some  weeks  ago,  the  State  of  South 
Carolina  declared  her  intention,  in  the 
existing  condition  of  public  affairs,  to 
secede  from  the  United  States.  She 
called  a  convention  of  her  people  to  put 
her  declaration  in  force.  The  conven- 
tion met  and  passed  the  ordinance  of 
secession.  All  this  you  anticipated,  and 
your  course  of  action  was  thoroughly 
considered  in  your  annual  message. 
You  declared  you  had  no  right,  and 
would  not  attempt,  to  coerce  a  seceding 
State,  but  that  you  were  bound  by  your 
constitutional  oath,  and  would  defend 
the  property  of  the  United  States  within 
the  borders  of  South  Carolina  if  an 
attempt  was  made  to  take  it  l))^  force. 
Seeing  very  early  that  this  question  of 
property  was  a  difficult  and  delicate  one, 
you  manifested  a  desire  to  settle  it  with- 
out collision.  You  did  not  reinforce  the 
garrison  in  the  harbor  of  Charleston. 
You  removed  a  distinguished  and  vet- 
eran officer  from  the  command  of  Fort 
Moultrie  because  he  attempted  to  in- 
crease his  supply  of  ammunition.  You 
refused  to  send  additional  troops  to  the 
same  garrison  when  applied  for  by  the 
officer  appointed  to  succeed  him.  You 
accepted  the  resignation  of  the  oldest 
and  most  eminent  member  of  your  cab- 
inet, rather  than  allow  the  garrison  to 
be  strengthened.  You  compelled  an 
officer  stationed  at  Fort  Sumter  to  re- 
turn immediately  to  the  arsenal  forty 
muskets  which  he  had  taken  to  arm  his 
men.  You  expressed,  not  to  one,  but  to 
many,  of  the  most  distinguished  of  our 
pubhc  characters,^whose  testimony  will 
be  placed  upon  the  record  whenever  it 


BrCIL\NAN   CALLED  TO  ACCOUNT. 


7T 


is  necessary,  your  anxiety  for  a  peaceful 
terniiuatinn  of  this  controversy,  and 
your  willingness  not  to  disturb  tlie  mili- 
tary status  of  the  forts,  if  commission- 
ers should  be  sent  to  the  Government, 
whose  communications  you  promised  to 
submit  to  Congress.  You  received  and 
acted  on  assurances  from  the  highest 
official  authorities  of  South  Carolina, 
that  no  attempt  would  be  made  to  dis- 
turb your  possession  of  the  forts  and 
property  of  the  United  States,  if  you 
would  not  disturb  their  existing  condition 
until  the  commissioners  liad  been  sent 
and  the  attempt  to  negotiate  had  failed. 
You  took  from  the  members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  a  written 
memorandum  that  no  such  attempt 
should  be  made,  '  provided  that  no  re- 
inforcements should  be  sent  into  those 
forts,  and  their  relative  military  status 
shall  remain  as  at  present.'  And  al- 
though you  attach  no  force  to  the  accept- 
ance of  such  a  paper — although  3'ou 
'  considered  it  as  nothing  more  in  effect 
than  the  promise  of  highly  honorable 
gentlemen' — as  an  obligation  on  one  side, 
witliout  corresponding  obligation  on  the 
other — it  must  be  remembered  (if  we 
were  rightly  informed)  that  you  were 
l)ledged,  if  you  ever  did  send  reinforce- 
ments, to  return  it  to  those  from  whom 
you  had  received  it,  before  you  executed 
your  resolution.  You  sent  orders  to 
your  officers,  commanding  them  strictly 
to  follow  a  line  of  conduct  in  conformity 
with  such  an  understanding.  Besides 
all  tliis,  you  had  received  formal  and 
official  notice  from  the  Governor  of 
South  Carolina  -th^tt-^we  had  been  ap- 


pointed commissioners,  and  were  on  our 
way  to  Wasliington.  You  knew  the 
implied  condition  under  which  we  came  ; 
our  arrival  was  notified  to  you,  and  an 
hour  appointed  for  an  interview.  We 
arrived  in  Washington  on  Wednesday, 
at  three  o'clock,  and  you  appointed  an 
interview  with  us  at  one  the  next  day. 
Early  on  that  day  (Tluu-sday)  the  news 
was  received  here  of  tlie  movement  of 
Major  Anderson.  That  news  was  com- 
municated to  you  immediately,  and  you 
postponed  our  meeting  until  half-past 
two  o'clock  on  Friday,  in  order  that  you 
might  consult  your  cabinet.  On  Friday 
we  saw  you,  and  we  called  upon  you 
then  to  redeem  your  pledge.  You  could 
not  deny  it.  With  the  facts  we  have 
stated,  and  in  the  face  of  the  crowning 
and  conclusive  fact  that  your  secretary 
of  war  had  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
cabinet,  upon  the  publicly  avowed 
ground  that  tlie  action  of  Major  Ander- 
son had  violated  the  pledged  faith  of  the 
Government,  and  tliat  unless  the  pledge 
was  instantly  redeemed,  he  was  dis- 
honored, denial  was  impossible  ;  you 
did  not  deny  it.  You  do  not  deny  it 
now,  but  you  seek  to  escape  from  its 
obligations  on  the  grounds,  first,  that 
we  terminated  all  negotiation  by  de- 
manding, as  a  preliminary,  the  with- 
drawal of  the  United  States  troops  from 
the  harbor  of  Charleston  ;  and,  second, 
that  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina, 
instead  of  asking  explanation,  and  giv- 
ing you  the  opportunity  to  vindicate 
yourself,  took  possession  of  other  prop- 
erty of  the  United  States.  We  will 
examine  both'- 


78 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


"  In  the  first  place,  we  deny  positively 
that  we  have  ever  in  any  way  made  any 
such  demand.  Our  letter  is  in  your 
possession  ;  it  will  stand  by  this  on  rec- 
ord. In  it  we  informed  you  of  the 
objects  of  our  mission.  We  say  that  it 
would  have  been  our  duty  to  have 
assured  you  of  our  readiness  to  com- 
mence negotiations,  with  the  most  earn- 
est and  anxious  desire  to  settle  all  ques- 
tions between  us  amicably  and  to  our 
mutual  advantage,  but  that  events  had 
rendered  that  assurance  impossible.  We 
stated  the  events,  and  we  said  that  until 
some  satisfactory  explanation  of  these 
events  was  given  us,  we  could  not  pro- 
ceed ;  and  then,  having  made  this  re- 
quest for  explanation,  we  added  :  '  And 
in  conclusion,  we  would  urge  upon  you 
the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  troops 
from  the  harbor  of  Charleston.  Under 
present  circumstances  they  are  a  stand- 
ing menace,  which  renders  negotiation 
impossible,'  etc.  '  Under  pi-esent  cir- 
cumstances !'  What  circumstances  ? 
Why,  clearly  the  occupation  of  Fort 
Sumter  and  the  dismanthng  of  Fort 
Moultrie  by  Major  Anderson,  in  the 
face  of  your  pledges,  and  without  ex- 
planation or  practical  disavowal.  And 
there  is  nothing  in  the  letter  which 
would,  or  could,  have  prevented  you 
from  declining  to  withdraw  the  troops, 
and  offering  the  restoration  of  the  status 
to  which  you  were  pledged,  if  such  had 
been  you  desire.  It  would  have  been 
wiser  and  better,  in  our  opinion,  to  have 
withdrawn  the  troops  ;  and  this  opinion 
we  urged  upon  you  ;  but  we  demanded 
nothing  but  such  an  explanation  of  the 


events  of  the  last  twenty-four  hours  as 
would  restore  our  confidence  in  the 
spirit  with  which  the  negotiations  should 
be  conducted.  In  relation  to  this  with- 
drawal of  the  troops  from  the  harbor, 
we  are  compelled,  however,  to  notice 
one  passage  of  your  letter.  Referring 
to  it,  you  say  :  '  This  I  cannot  do.  Tliis 
I  will  not  do.  Such  an  idea  was  never 
thought  of  by  me  in  any  possible  con- 
tingency. No  allusion  to  it  had  ever 
been  made  in  any  communication  be- 
tween myself  and  any  human  being.' 

"In  reply  to  this  statement,  we  are 
compelled  to  say,  that  yoiu:  conversation 
with  us  left  upon  our  minds  the  distinct 
impression,  that  j'ou  did  seriously  con- 
template the  withdrawal  of  the  troops 
from  Charleston  harbor.  And  in  sup- 
port of  this  impression  we  would  add, 
that  we  have  the  positive  assurance  of 
gentlemen  of  the  highest  possible  public 
reputation  and  the  most  unsullied  integ- 
rity —  men  whose  name  and  fame, 
secured  by  long  service  and  patriotic 
achievements,  place  their  testimony  be- 
yond cavil — that  such  suggestions  had 
been  made  to  and  urged  upon  you  by 
them,  and  had  formed  the  subject  of 
more  than  one  earnest  discussion  with 
you.  And  it  was  this  knowledge  that 
induced  us  to  urge  upon  you  a  pohcy, 
which  had  to  recommend  it  its  own 
wisdom  and  the  might  of  such  authority. 
As  to  the  second  point,  that  the  author- 
ities of  South  Carolina,  instead  of  ask- 
ing explanations,  and  giving  you  the 
opportunity  to  vindicate  yourself,  took 
possession  of  other  property  of  the 
United    States,   we  would  observe :    1. 


FALSE  TRUST. 


79 


That  even  if  this  were  so,  it  does  not 
avail  you  for  defence,  for  the  oppor- 
tunity for  decision  was  afforded  you  be- 
fore these  facts  occurred.  We  arrived 
iu  Washington'  on  Wednesday  ;  the  news 
from  Major  Anderson  reached  here  early 
on  Thursday,  and  was  immediately  com- 
municated to  you.  All  that  day  men  of 
the  highest  consideration — men  who  had 
striven  successfully  to  lift  you  to  your 
great  office — who  had  been  your  tried 
and  true  friends  through  the  troubles 
of  your  administration,  sought  you  and 
entrefited  you  to  act — to  act  at  once. 
They  told  you  that  every  hour  compli- 
cated your  position.  They  only  asked 
}'ou  to  give  the  assurance  that  if  the 
facts  were  so— that  if  the  commander 
had  acted  without  and  against  your 
orders,  and  in  violation  of  your  pledges 
— that  you  would  restore  the  status  you 
had  pledged  your  honor  to  maintain. 
You  refused  to  decide.  Your  secretary 
at  war,  your  immediate  and  proper  ad- 
viser in  this  whole  matter,  waited  anx- 
iously for  your  decision,  until  he  felt  that 
delay  was  becoming  dishonor.  More 
than  twelve  hours  passed,  and  two  cab- 
inet meetings  had  adjourned,  before 
you  knew  what  the  authorities  of  South 
Carolinti  had  done  ;  and  your  prompt 
decision  at  any  moment  of  that  time 
would  have  avoided  the  subsequent 
complications.  •  But,  if  you  had  known 
the  acts  of  the  authorities  of  South 
Carolina,  should  that  have  prevented 
your  keeping  your  faith  ?  What  was 
the  condition  of  things  ?  For  the  last 
sixty  days  you  had  in  Charleston  harbor 
not    force    enough   to    hold    the    forts 


against  an  equal  enemy.  Two  of  them 
were  empty — one  of  those  two  the  most 
important  in  the  harbor.  It  could  have 
been  taken  at  any  time.  You  ought  to 
know  better  than  any  man  that  it  would 
have  been  taken,  but  for  the  efforts  of 
those  who  put  their  trust  in  your  honor. 
Believing  that  they  were  threatened  by 
Fort  Sumter  especially,  the  people  were 
with  difficulty  restrained  from  securing, 
without  blood,  the  possession  of  this  im- 
portant fortress.  After  many  and  reiter- 
ated assurances,  given  on  your  behalf, 
which  we  can  not  believe  unauthorized, 
they  determined  to  forbear,  and  in  good 
faith  sent  on  their  commissioners  to  nego- 
tiate with  you.  They  meant  you  no  harm 
— wished  you  no  ill.  They  thought  of 
you  kindly,  believed  you  true,  and  were 
willing,  as  far  as  was  consistent  with 
duty,  to  spare  you  unnecessary  and 
hostile  collision.  Scarcely  had  these 
commissioners  left  than  Major  Anderson 
waged  war.  No  other  words  will  de- 
scribe his  action.  It  was  not  a  peaceful 
change  from  one  fort  to  another  ;  it  was 
a  hostile  act  in  the  highest  sense,  and 
only  justified  in  the  presence  of  a  su- 
perior enemy,  and  in  imminent  peril. 
He  abandoned  his  position,  spiked  his 
guns,  burned  his  gun-carriages,  made 
preparations  for  the  destruction  of  his 
post,  and  withdrew,  under  cover  of  the 
night,  to  a  safer  position.  This  was 
war.  JSTo  man  could  have  believed 
(without  your  assurance)  that  any  officer 
could  have  taken  such  a  step,  '  not  only 
without  orders,  but  against  orders.' 
What  the  State  did  was  in  simple  self- 
defence  ;  for  this  act,  with  all  its  attend- 


80 


THE  WAR  ^YITH  THE  SOUTH. 


in£r  cii-cumstances,  was  as  much  war  as 
firing  a  voile}' ;  and  war  being  thus 
begun,  until  those  commencing  it  ex- 
plained their  action  and  disavowed  their 
intention,  there  was  no  room  for  delay  ; 
and  even  at  this  moment  while  we  are 
writing,  it  is  more  than  probable,  from 
the  tenor  of  yom-  letter,  that  reinforce- 
ments are  hurrying  on  to  the  conflict, 
so  that  when  the  first  gun  shall  be  fired, 
there  will  have  been  on  j-our  part  one 
continuous,  consistent  series  of  actions, 
commencino;  in  a  demonstration  essen- 
tially  warlike,  supported  b}'  regular  re- 
inforcements, and  terminating  in  defeat 
or  victory.  And  all  this  without  the 
shghtest  provocation ;  for,  among  the 
many  things  which  you  have  said,  there 
is  one  thing  you  cannot  say — you  have 
waited  anxiously  for  news  from  the  seat 
of  war,  in  hopes  that  delaj'  would 
furnish  some  excuse  for  this  precipita- 
tion. But  this  '  tangible  evidence  of  a 
design  to  proceed  to  a  hostile  act,  on 
the  part  of  the  authorities  of  South 
CaroUna,'  which  is  the  only  justification 
of  Major  Anderson  you  are  forced  to 
admit,  '  has  not  yet  been  alleged.'  But 
you  have  decided,  you  have  resolved  to 
hold,  by  force,  what  you  have  obtained 
through  our  misplaced  confidence  ;  and 
by  refusing  to  disavow  the  action  of 
Major  Anderson,  have  converted  his 
violation  of  orders  into  a  legitimate  act 
of  your  executive  authority.  Be  the 
issue  what  it  may,  of  this  we  are  as- 
sured, that,  if  Fort  Moultrie  has  been 
recorded  in  history  as  a  memorial  of 


CaroUna  gallantrj%  Fort  Sumter  will  live 
upon  the  succeeding  page  as  an  unper- 
ishable  testimony  of  Carolina  faith. 

"  By  your  course,  you  have  probably 
rendered  civil  war  inevitable.  Be  it  so. 
If  you  choose  to  force  this  issue  upon 
us,  the  State  of  South  Carolina  will  ac- 
cept it,  and,  relying  upon  Him  who  is 
the  God  of  Justice  as  well  as  the  God 
of  Hosts,  will  endeavor  to  perform  the 
great  duty  which  hes  before  her  hope- 
fully, bravely,  and  thoroughly. 

"  Our  mission  beincr  one  for  negotia- 
tion  and  peace,  and  your  note  leaving  us 
without  hope  of  a  withdrawal  of  the 
troops  from  Fort  Sumter,  or  of  the  res- 
toration of  the  status  quo  existing  at  the 
time  of  our  arrival,  and  intimating,  as 
we  think,  your  determination  to  rein- 
force the  garrison  in  the  harbor  of 
Charleston,  we  respectfull}'  inform  you 
that  we  purpose  returning  to  Charleston 
to-morrow  afternoon. 

"  We  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  very 
respectfully,  your  obedient  servants. 

"R.  W.  Barnwell,  \ 

"J.  H.  Adams,  >-  Commissioners. 

"  James  L.  Oer,       ) 

"To  His  Excellency  the  Pbesident  of  the 
TJiaTED  States." 

The  only  reply  by  Mr.  Buchanan  to  this 
paper  was  these  words  endorsed  upon  it : 

"Executive  Mansion, 
"  IIalf-])ast  three  o'clock,  Wednesday. 
"  This   paper,   just  presented   to   the 
President,  is  of  such  a  character  that  he 
declines  to  receive  it." 


FORT  SUMTER  BESIEGED. 


81 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Increased  Belligerency  of  South  Carolina. — Progress  of  the  Works  in  the  Harbor  of  Charleston. — Betrayal  of  a  United 
States  Government  Vessel. — Fort  Sumter  Besieged. — Stars  and  Stripes  still  Flying. — Offensive  Emblem  of  Union 
to  the  Charlestonians.— Plans  for  Degrading  it. — Example  of  South  Carolina  followed  by  other  States. —Seizure  of 

Federal  Forts  in  Georgia  and  North  Carolina. — Indications  of  Hostility. — A  more  Resolute  Tone  at  Washington. 

The  Order  for  Removal  of  Cannon  from  Pittsburg  Revoked. — A  feeble  attempt  to  Reinforce  Fort  Sumter. — The 
SaDing  of  the  Star  of  the  West. — A  cautious  Offing. — Arrival  at  Charleston. — A  vigilant  Enemy. — Fire  Opened.^ 
A  critical  Position. — Return  of  the  Star  of  the  West. — ^The  Demonstration  at  Fort  Sumter. — Correspondence  be- 
tween Major  Anderson  and  Governor  Pickens. — The  improvement  at  Wa,<;hington  under  the  inspiration  of  a  patriotic 
Secretary  of  War. — Correspondence  of  Holt  with  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina. — The  Cotton  States  not  checked 

by  strong  words. — Secession  of  Mississippi. — Secession  of  Florida  and  Alabama. — Secession  Enthusiasm  in  Mobile. 

Seizure  of  Fort  BaiTancas  and  the  Navy  Taid  at  Ponsacola. — An  insolent  Telegram  from  Florida  to  Washington. 

Secession  of  Georgia. — Opposition  of  some  leading  Politicians. — Popular  Demonstrations. — Secession  of  Louisiana. 
— Seizure  of  Federal  Property. — More  cautious  proceedings  of  Texas. — Secession  of  Texas. — Departure  of  the  Sen- 
ators of  the  Seceding  States  from  Washington. — Farewell  Speech  of  Benjamin,  of  Louisiana. — Farewell  Speech  of 
Davis. — Hand-shaking  in  the  Senate. — The  slow  Awakening  of  the  North. — Union  Meetings. — The  Union  Senti- 
ment variously  Manifested. — Indignation  against  the  Abolitionists. — Alarm  about  the  Safety  of  Washington. — 
Scott  on  Guard.  —Peace  Convention. 


1861. 


In  South  Carolina  the  people  became 
daily  more  belligerent  in  their  attitude 

toward   the    Federal    Government. 

The  works  which  had  been  ordered 
by  the  convention  for  the  defence  of  the 
harbor  of  Charleston  were  labored  at  with 
great  diligence,  and  soon  the  South  Car- 
olinians boasted  that  they  were  able  to 
resist  any  attempts  to  reinforce  Major 
Anderson,  now  in  command  of  Fort 
Sumter.  Batteries  of  earthwork,  pal- 
metto logs,  and  sand  were  erected  and 
mounted  with  cannon  on  Sullivan's  and 
Morris  islands,  guarding  the  approach 
to  the  harbor.  The  South  Carolina 
commander  at  Castle  Pinckney  issued 
an  order,  forbidding  all  boats  to  ap- 
proach the  wharfs  without  permission, 
under  the  severest  penalties  if  disobeyed. 
The  river  front  of  the  city  was  care- 
fully guarded,  and  mounted  patrols  pa- 
raded the  streets  night  and  day.  Ship- 
11 


masters  were  notified  that  all  vessels 
must  enter  and  clear  at  Charleston. 
The  United  States  revenue  cutter  the 
WilUam  Aiken,  betrayed  by  her  captain 
into  the  hands  of  the  insurrectionists, 
was  received  into  the  service  of  South 
Carohna,  and  with  her  armament  and 
crew  increased,  was  ready,  under  the 
Palmetto  flag,  to  turn  her  guns  against 
the  government  which  her  commander 
had  sworn  to  defend  against  all  enemies. 
So  great  was  the  ardor  and  diligence 
of  the  South  Carolinians,  that  thej^  soon 
had  their  works  in  such  a  state  of  pro- 
gress that  Fort  Sumter  was  completely 
besieged,  and  Major  Anderson  threat- 
ened with  an  attack.  The  people  looked 
with  excessive  hostility  at  the  flag  of  the 
United  States  still  floating  in  their  har- 
bor, and  the  prevailing  desire  was  to  re- 
move, if  possible,  that  emblem  of  the 
Union,    so    lately   the    object   of  their 


82 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


pride,  but  whicli  they  now  strove  to 
dishonor.  This  intense  feehng  of  aver- 
sion found  expression  in  a  universal  cry 
for  the  capture  of  Tort  Sumter.  Plans 
of  all  kinds  were  devised  to  effect  the 
purpose.  Some  proposed  to  float  down 
jafts,  loaded  with  burning  tar-barrels, 
and  thus  smoke  out  the  United  States 
garrison  ;  some  suggested  bribing  the 
soldiers  ;  some  thought  that  a  floating 
battery  might  be  built  with  breastworks 
of  cottou-bales,  behind  which  sharp- 
shooters could  post  themselves  and  pick 
off  each  man  in  the  fort  ;  some  hit  upon 
the  expedient  of  filling  bomb-shells  with 
prussic  acid  to  throw  among  the  troops 
and  person  them,  while  others  recom- 
mended a  more  protracted,  if  not  more 
Christian  method,  of  cutting  off  their 
supplies  and  starving  them  to  death.* 

In  the  mean  time,  the  example  of 
South  Carolina  in  taking  possession  of 
the  Federal  property,  was  being  fol- 
lowed by  other  States.  Fort  Pulaski 
was  seized  by  the  troops  of  Georgia,  by 
order  of  the  Governor,  and  even  Gov- 
ernor Ellis,  of  North  Carohna,  dispatched 
the  troops  of  the  State  to  take  possession 
of  Fort  Macon,  at  Beaufort,  the  forts  at 
Wilmington,  and  the  United  States  ar- 
senal at  FayetteviUe.  At  Mobile,  too, 
Fort  Morgan  and  the  arsenal,  containing 
six  stands  of  arms,  1,500  barrels  of 
powder,  300,000  rounds  of  musket  car- 
tridges, and  other  munitions  of  war, 
were  seized  by  the  secessionists.  These 
acts  of  undisguised  hostility,  though  they 
preceded  the  meeting  of  the  conventions 
in  those  States,  gave  an  indication  that 

*  Soutli  Carolinian. 


could  not  be  mistaken  of  a  predeter- 
mined purpose  to  defy  and  resist  the 
Federal  authority. 

A  more  resolute  tone  had,  in  the  mean 
while,  been  assumed  by  the  President. 
No  longer  exclusively  under  the  control 
of  traitorous  advisers,  he  ventured  to 
speak  more  authoritatively.  The  order 
for  the  removal  of  the  cannon  from  the 
Alleghany  arsenal  to  Southern  forts, 
which  had  so  greatly  stirred  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  citizens  of  Pittsburg,  was  re- 
voked, and  a  feeble  attempt*  made  to 
sustain  Major  Anderson  and  his  little 
garrison  at  Fort  Sumter. 

The  steamship  Star  of  the  "West — a 
merchant  vessel  chartered  by  the  Gov- 
ernment— having  taken  on  board  two 
hundred  and  fifty  artillerists  and  ma- 
rines, and  a  supply  of  stores  and  ammu- 
nition, sailed  at  night  for  Charles-  jan, 
ton,  though  she  cleared  for  New  5t 
Orleans  and  Havana.  She  thus  stole 
away  in  the  darkness  and  under  false 
pretences,  with  the  hope  that  she  might 
reach  her  destination  and  effect  her  pur- 
pose of  reinforcing  Major  Anderson 
without  exciting  the  susj)icion  of  his 
besiegers. 

After  a  prosperous  passage,  the  steam- 
er having  previously  extinguished  all  her 
hghts,  lest  she  should  be  seen,  arrived 
at  Charleston  Bar  at  half-past  one  jan, 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  Here  it  8» 
was  necessary  to  check  her  speed  and 
grope  her  way  cautiously,  for  there  were 
no  lights  in  tlie  light-houses  to  guide 
her  in  her  dangerous  course.  She  con- 
's The  secretiiry  of  the  interior,  Tiiompson,  resigned  in 
consequouce. 


THE  STAR  OF  THE  WEST. 


83 


tiiiued,  however,  to  move  on  slowly,  the 
lead  being  thrown  at  every  moment 
until  four  o'clock,  when  a  light  was  seen 
through  the  liaze  of  the  early  dawn. 
This  was  sujiposed  to  be  a  signal  from 
Fort  Sumter,  and  the  ship  having  steered 
in  that  direction,  hove  to,  to  wait  for 
daylight. 

As  the  day  broke,  a  Charleston  steam- 
er, the  General  Clinch,  was  discovered, 
which,  as  soon  as  she  caught  sight  of  the 
Star  of  the  West,  began  to  burn  blue 
and  red  lights,  as  signals  to  the  batteries. 
Those  on  guard  at  Morris  Island  were  at 
once  on  the  alert  and  at  their  posts  be- 
fore the  orders  could  be  given  them  to 
prepare  for  action.  They  expected  at 
every  moment  a  volley  from  Fort  Sum- 
ter as  they  themselves  got  ready  to  fire 
at  the  approaching  steamer.  The  Star 
of  the  West,  too,  was  preparing  for  a 
warm  reception.  The  soldiers  were 
thi'ust  below,  and  none  allowed  on  deck 
but  the  crew.  She,  however,  proceeded 
on  her  course,  following  in  the  wake  of 
the  little  Charleston  steamer,  which 
steamed  on,  keeping  about  two  miles 
ahead,  and  perseveringly  sending  olT 
rockets  and  burning  blue  lights  even 
until  after  broad  daylight. 

When  the  Star  of  the  West  had  reached 
within  two  miles  of  Fort  Moultrie,  and 
about  the  same  distance  of  Fort  Sumter, 
the  battery  at  Morris  Island,  from  which 
the  Palmetto  flag  was  flying,  opened  fire. 
After  the  first  shot  the  Star  of  the  West 
hoisted  a  large  American  ensign  at  the 
fore,  in  addition  to  the  American  flag 
flying  from  the  flagstaff.  She,  in  spite 
of  the  fire,  continued  her  course  for  ten 


minutes.  In  the  mean  time,  the  shots 
from  Morris  Island  came  thick  and  fast. 
Several  23assed  clear  over  the  steamer, 
one  between  the  smoke-stack  and  walk- 
ing-beam of  the  engine,  one  within  an 
ace  of  the  rudder,  and  another  struck 
the  ship  just  abaft  the  fore-rigging  and 
stove  in  the  planking. 

"  At  the  same  time,"  says  McGowan, 
the  captain,  in  his  report,  "  there  was  a 
movement  of  two  steamers  from  near 
Fort  Moultrie,  one  of  them  towing  a 
schooner  (I  presume  nn  armed  schooner), 
with  the  intention  of  cutting  us  off.  Our 
position  now  became  rather  critical,  as 
we  had  to  approach  Fort  Moultrie  within 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  before  we  could 
keep  away  for  Fort  Sumter.  A  steamer 
approaching  us,  with  an  armed  schooner 
in  tow,  and  the  battery  on  the  island 
firing  at  us  all  the  time,  and  having  no 
caimon  to  defend  ourselves  from  the  at- 
tack of  the  vessels,  we  concluded  that  to 
avoid  certain  capture  or  destruction  we 
would  endeavor  to  get  to  sea.  Conse- 
quently we  wore  round  and  steered  down 
the  channel,  the  battery  firing  upon  us 
until  the  shot  fell  short." 

Fort  Sumter,  in  the  mean  time,  had 
"  made  no  demonstration,  except  at  the 
port-holes,  where  the  guns  were  run  out, 
bearing  on  Morris  Island."  *  Major  An- 
derson, however,  at  once  dispatched  a 
letter  to  Governor  Pickens,  which,  wilh 
the  answer  and  rejoinder,  are  here 
given  : 

"  To    His    Excellency    the    Goveunor    of 
SoTJTU  Carolina. 
"Sir:  Two   of. your   batteries   fired 

*  CUarlestun  Courier. 


84 


THE  WAR  Wirn  THE  SOUTH. 


this  morning  on  an  unarmed  vessel 
bearing  the  flag  of  my  Government. 
As  I  have  not  been  notified  that  war 
has  been  declared  by  South  Carolina 
against  the  United  States,  I  cannot  but 
think  this  a  hostile  act,  committed  with- 
'out  your  sanction  or  authority.  Under 
that  hope,  I  refrain  from  opening  a  fire 
on  your  batteries.  I  have  the  honor, 
therefore,  respectfully  to  ask  whether 
the  above-mentioned  act — one  which  I 
beheve  without  parallel  in  the  histoi'y 
of  our  country  or  any  other  civiUzed 
government — was  committed  in  obe- 
dience to  your  instructions,  and  notify 
you,  if  it  is  not  disclaimed,  that  I  regard 
it  as  an  act  of  war,  and  I  shall  not,  after 
reasonable  time  for  the  return  of  my 
messenger,  permit  any  A'essel  to  pass 
within  the  range  of  the  guns  of  my  fort. 
In  order  to  save,  as  far  as  it  is  in  my 
power,  the  shedding  of  blood,  I  beg  you 
wiU  take  due  notification  of  my  decision 
for  the  good  of  all  concerned.  Hoping, 
however,  your  answer  may  justify  a 
further  continuance  of  forbearance  on 
my  part,  I  remain,  respectfully, 

"  Robert  Andeeson." 
Gov.  Pickens,  in  reply,  after  describing 
the  position  of  South  Carolina  toward 
the  States,  said  that  any  attempt  to  send 
United  States  troops  into  Charleston 
harbor,  to  reinforce  the  forts,  would  be 
regarded  as  an  act  of  hostility  ;  and  in 
conclusion,  added,  "  that  any  attempt  to 
reinforce  the  troops  at  Fort  Sumter,  or 
to  retake  and  resume  possession  of  the 
forts  within  the  waters  of  South  Caro- 
lina which  Major  Anderson  abandoned, 
after  spiking  the  cannon  and  doing  other 


damage,  cannot  be  regarded  by  the  au- 
thorities of  the  State  as  indicative  of 
any  other  purpose  than  the  coercion  of 
the  State  by  the  armed  force  of  the 
Government  ;  special  agents,  therefore, 
have  been  off  the  bar  to  warn  approach- 
ing vessels,  armed  and  unarmed,  having 
troops  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter  aboard, 
not  to  enter  the  harbor.  Special  orders 
have  been  given  the  commanders  at  the 
forts  not  to  fire  on  such  vessels  until 
a  shot  across'  their  bows  should  warn 
them  of  the  prohibition  of  the  State. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  Star  of 
the  West,  it  is  understood,  this  morning 
attempted  to  enter  the  harbor  with 
troops,  after  having  been  notified  she 
could  not  enter,  and  consequently  she 
was  fired  into.  This  act  is  perfectly 
justified  by  me. 

"  In  regard  to  j^our  threat  about  ves- 
sels in  the  harbor,  it  is  only  necessary 
for  me  to  say,  j'ou  must  be  the  judge  of 
j^our  responsibility.  Your  position  in 
the  harbor  has  been  tolerated  by  the 
authorities  of  the  State,  and  while  the 
act  of  which  you  complain  is  in  perfect 
consistency  with  the  rights  and  duties 
of  the  State,  it  is  not  perceived  how  far 
the  conduct  you  propose  to  adoj^t  can 
find  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  any 
country,  or  be  reconciled  with  any  other 
purpose  than  that  of  your  Government 
imposing  on  the  State  the  condition  of  a 
conquered  province. 

"F.  W.  Pickens." 
"  To  His  Excellenct  Goveenoe  Pickens. 

"  Sir  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowl- 
edge the  receipt  of  your  communication, 
and  say,  that  under  the  circumstances  I 


SECEDIXG  STATES. 


85 


have  deemed  it  proper  to  refer  the  whole 
matter  to  luy  Government,  and  intend 
deferring  the  course  I  indicated  in  luy 
note  this  morning  until  the  arrival  from 
Washington  of  such  instructions  as  I 
may  receive. 

"  I  have  the  honor  also  to  express  the 
hope  that  no  obstructions  will  be  placed 
in  the  way,  and  that  you  will  do  me  the 
favor  of  giving  everj'  facility  for  the  de- 
parture and  return  of  the  bearer.  Lieu- 
tenant T.  Talbot,  who  is  directed  to 
make  the  journey. 

"  ROBEKT    AnDERSOX."' 

There  were  other  evidences,  besides 
this  well-intentioned,  but  humble  and 
fruitless  attempt  to  reinforce  Major 
Anderson,  of  an  increased  indisposition 
on  the  part  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  continue  to  yield  unresistingly 
to  the  demands  and  encroachments  of 
the  secessionists.  Under  the  patriotic 
inspiration  of  the  new  secretary  of  war, 
Ilolt,  a  more  positive  assertion  of  Fed- 
eral authority  was  assumed.  Dignified 
words  at  least  were  spoken,  if  not  effect- 
ive measures  taken,  in  vindication  of  the 
Government.  To  the  Governor  of 
Xorth  Carolina,  who,  after  restoring  the 
forts  of  that  State  to  the  authorities  of 
the  United  States,  had  asked  if  "  it  was 
the  piu"pose  of  the  administration  to 
coerce  the  Southern  States?"  the  sec- 
retary of  war  had  responded  somewhat 
equivocally,  but  still  in  words  more 
authoritative  than  the  Government  of 
Buchanan  had  yet  ventured  to  utter. 

"  In  reply  to  your  inquiry,"  wrote  the 
secretary,  "whether  it  is  the  purpose  of 
the  President  to  garrison  the  forts  of 


North  Carolina  during  his  administration, 
I  am  directed  to  say  that  they,  in  com- 
mon with  the  other  i'orts,  arsenals,  and 
other  property  of  the  United  States, 
are  in  the  charge  of  the  President,  and 
that  if  assailed,  no  matter  from  what 
quarter  or  under  what  pretext,  it  is  his 
duty  to  protect  them  by  all  tlie  means 
which  the  law  has  placed  at  his  disposal. 
It  is  not  his  purpose  to  garrison  the 
forts  to  which  you  refer  at  present, 
because  he  considers  them  entirely  safe, 
as  heretofore,  under  the  shelter  of  that 
law-abiding  sentiment  for  which  the 
people  of  Xorth  Carolina  have  ever 
been  distinguished.  Should  they,  how- 
ever, be  attacked  or  menaced  with 
danger  of  being  seized  or  taken  from 
the  i:)ossession  of  the  United  States,  he 
could  not  escape  from  his  constitutional 
obligation  to  defend  and  preserve  them. 
The  very  satisfactory  and  patriotic  as- 
surance given  by  your  Excellency  justi- 
fies him,  however,  in  entertaining  the 
confident  expectation  that  no  such  con- 
tingency will  arise." 

The  cotton  States,  now,  had  got  be- 
yond the  influence  of  words  however 
fitly  spoken,  and  had  been  so  long  as- 
sured of  impunity,  that  they  did  not 
hesitate  in  their  career  of  insurrection. 
Mississippi  was  the  first  to  follow  South 
Carolina  in  seceding  from  the  jan. 
Union.  The  ordinance  of  seces-  ^' 
sion  was  opposed  only  by  fifteen  mem- 
bers of  the  convention,  and  they  resisted 
but  a  day,  when  they,  too,  signed  with 
the  rest.  Florida  and  Alabama  Jan. 
immediately  succeeded.  In  the  ••• 
former   State    the    secession  ordinance 


86 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


was  carried  by  a  vote  of  sixty-two  to 
seven.  In  the  latter,  though  there  was 
the  reputable  minority  of  thirty-nine 
members  of  the  convention  to  oppose 
the  prevaiUug  number  of  sixty-one, 
still  the  act  of  secession  was  hailed  with 
immense  enthusiasm.  Judge  Jones,  of 
the  United  States  District  Court,  an- 
nounced with  exulting  emphasis,  from 
the  windows  of  the  court-room  at 
Mobile,  that  the  United  States  Court  for 
the  Southern  District  of  Alabama  was 
"adjourned  forever."  A  prodigal  se- 
cessionist of  the  same  city  gave  one 
hundred  cords  of  wood  for  the  use  of 
the  secession  garrison  in  occupation  of 
the  Federal  Fort  Morgan,  and  proffered 
twenty  negro  men  to  labor  on  the  works 
to  defend  the  harbor  against  the  United 
States. 

The  day  was  declared  to  be  "the 
wildest  day  of 'excitement  in  the  annals 
of  Mobile."  On  receiving  the  news  of 
the  simultaneous  secession  of  Florida  an 
immense  crowd  collected  about  the 
"  secession  pole"  to  witness  the  raising 
of  the  "Southern  flag,"  which  was 
hoisted  to  the  top  amid  the  "  shouts  of 
the  multitude  and  the  thunders  of  can- 
non." The  "  Mobile  Cadets"  paraded 
the  streets  all  day  with  the  "splendid 
flag,  a  most  gorgeous  banner,"  which 
had  been  presented  to  them  by  "  sympa- 
thetic ladies."  At  night  the  houses 
were  illuminated  so  brilliantly,  and  tar- 
barrels  burnt  so  profusely,  that  "the 
broad  boulevard  of  Government  Street 
became  an  avenue  of  light."  To  crown 
this  exultant  display  of  secession  senti- 
ment,   the    Federal    custom-house    was 


lighted  up  by  "patriotic  caudles,"  thus 
affording  "a  choice  epicureanism  of 
triumph  and  rejoicing"  to  those  excited 
citizens  as  they  "piled  Ossas  of  insult 
on  Pelions  of  injury  to  Uncle  Sam."* 

On  the  passage  of  the  secession  ordi- 
nance by  Florida,  her  troops,  joined  by 
those  of  Alabama,  seized  upon  Fort 
Barrancas  and  the  navy-yard  at  j^q, 
Pensacola,  and  thus  became  pos-  *4' 
sessed  not  only  of  important  posts  of 
defence,  but  large  supplies  of  ordnance, 
ammunition,  and  stores.  "  Having  no 
means  of  resistance,"  said  the  United 
States  officer  in  command  in  his  dispatch 
to  the  Government,  "  I  surrendered  and 
hauled  down  my  flag."  The  secession- 
ists of  Florida,  themselves,  telegraphed 
to  their  senators  in  Washington  :  "  This 
move  was  in  consequence  of  the  Govern- 
ment garrisoning  Fort  Pickens,  which  has 
before  remained  unoccupied."  "You 
wiU  propose  to  the  administration,"  they 
added,  with  insolent  dictation,  "to  re- 
sume the  status  quo  ante  helium,  and  we 
will  immediately  evacuate." 

Georgia  was  the  next  to  adopt  in  con- 
vention the  secession  ordinance  by  jau, 
a  vote  of  two  hundred  and  eight  *9« 
against  eighty-nine.  Some  of  the  lead- 
ing politicians  of  the  State,  as  Alex- 
ander H.  Stephens  and  Herschel  Y. 
Johnson,  lately  a  candidate  for  Yice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  opposed 
this  hast}^  action,  and  emphatic  manifest- 
ations of  dislike  were  exhibited  by  many 
of  the  people  at  being  thus  hurried 
out  of  the  Union.  The  usual  popular 
demonstrations,   however,  followed  the 

o  Mobile  Advertiser. 


FAREWELL   OF  JEFF.   DAVIS. 


87 


passage  of  the  ordinauce  ;  sky-rockets 
were  let  ofl',  torches  burned,  and  mass 
meetings  gathered  and  were  stirred  by 
martial  music  and  jubilant  speech. 

In  a  week  after,  Louisiana  followed 
Jani  Georgia,  the  convention  having,  by 
26»  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  thirteen 
to  seventeen,  declared  her  out  of  the 
Union.  The  seizure  of  Federal  prop- 
Febt  crty,  forts,  ai'scnals,  and  treasure 
*•  succeeded.  Texas,  checked  by  the 
obstinate  loyalty  of  Governor  Houston, 
was  less  precipitate,  but  linally  passed, 
in  convention,  an  ordinauce  of  secession. 
This,  however,  was  on  the  condition  of 
its  approval  by  the  people,  to  whoso 
suffrage  it  was  to  be  submitted  on  the 
23d  of  February,  and,  if  sanctioned,  to 
take  effect  on  the  3d  of  March.  Texas 
was  thus  far  the  only  State  which  had 
ventured  to  submit  the  question  of  se- 
cession to  popular  vote.  The  State 
finally  yielded,  and  declared  itself  out  of 
ihe  Union  on  the  4th  of  March. 

The  senators  of  these  various  seceding 
States  had  lingered  at  Washington  as 
long  as,  under  the  pretence  of  a  desire 
for  conciliation,  they  could,  by  intrig- 
uing with  their  confederates  at  the  cap- 
ital, promote  their  plans,  and  by  wheed- 
hng  a  feeble  Executive,  embarrass  the 
action  of  government. 

They  now,  however,  threw  off  all  dis- 
guise, and  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  openly  confessed  their  designs 
and  defied  all  the  efforts  of  the  Federal 
authority  to  counteract  them.  Senator 
Benjamin,  of  Louisiana,  publicly  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  taking  farewell 
of  the  Senate  in  a  parting  "  secession" 


speech.  A  large  crowd  gathered  to 
hear  him,  and  as  he  closed  with  the 
declaration  that  the  South  could  never 
be  subjugated,  a  shout  of  applause  rose 
from  the  galleries,  packed  with  his  sym- 
pathizing friends. 

Jefferson  Davis,  then  United  States 
senator  from  Mississippi,  afterwards  Con- 
federate States'  President,  with  an  un- 
usual mastery  of  his  impulsive  rliet- 
oric,  thus  with  studied  deliberation  and 
cool  assurance  confessed  his  seces-  ja^, 
siou  faith,  and  declared  his  readi-  21i 
ness  to  fight  for  it  : 

"  I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  announcing 
to  the  Senate  that  I  have  satisfactory 
evidence  that  the  State  of  Mississippi, 
by  solemn  ordinance  in  convention  as- 
sembled, has  declared  her  separation 
from  the  United  States.  Under  these 
circumstances,  of  course,  my  functions 
terminate  here.  It  has  seemed  to  be 
proper  that  I  should  appear  in  the  Sen- 
ate and  announce  that  fact,  and  to  say 
something,  though  very  little,  upon  it. 
The  occasion  does  not  invite  me  to  go 
into  the  argument,  and  my  physical  con- 
dition will  not  permit  it,  yet  something 
would  seem  to  be  necessary  on  the  part 
of  the  State  I  here  represent,  on  an  oc- 
casion like  this.  It  is  known  to  sen- 
ators who  have  served  here,  that  I  have 
for  many  years  advocated,  as  an  essen- 
tial attribute  of  State  sovereignty,  the 
right  of  a  State  to  secede  from  the 
Union.  If,  therefore,  I  had  not  believed 
there  was  justifiable  cause — if  I  had 
thought  the  State  was  acting  without 
sufficient  provocation — stdl,  under  my 
theory  of  government,   I  should   have 


88 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


felt  bound  by  her  action.  I,  however, 
may  say  I  think  she  had  justifiable 
cause,  and  I  ajjprove  of  her  acts.  I 
conferred  with  the  people  before  that 
act  was  taken,  and  counselled  them  that 
if  they  could  not  remain,  that  they 
should  take  the  act.  I  hope  none  will 
confound  this  expression  of  opinion  with 
the  advocacy  of  the  right  of  a  State  to 
remain  in  the  Union,  and  disregard  its 
constitutional  obligations  by  nulUfica- 
tion.  Nullification  and  secession  are  in- 
deed antagonistic  principles.  NulUfica- 
tion  is  the  remed}'  which  is  to  be  sought 
and  applied,  within  the  Union,  against 
an  agent  of  the  United  States,  when  the 
agent  has  violated  constitutional  obh- 
gations,  and  the  State  assumes  for  itself, 
and  appeals  to  other  States  to  support 
it.  But  when  the  States  themselves, 
and  the  people  of  the  States,  have  so 
acted  as  to  convince  us  that  they  will 
not  regard  our  constitutional  rights, 
then,  and  then  for  the  first  time,  arises 
the  question  of  secession  in  its  practical 
ap]Dlication.  That  great  man  who  now 
reposes  with  his  fathers,  who  has  been 
so  often  arraigned  for  want  of  fealty  to 
the  Union,  advocated  the  doctrine  of 
nuUification,  because  it  preserved  the 
Union.  It  was  because  of  his  deep- 
seated  attachment  to  the  Union  that 
Mr.  Calhoun  advocated  the  doctrine  of 
nullification,  which  he  claimed  would 
give  peace  within  the  limits  of  the 
Union,  and  not  disturb  it,  and  only  be 
the  means  of  bringing  the  agent  before 
the  proper  tribunal  of  the  States  for 
judgment.  Secession  belongs  to  a  dif- 
ferent class  of  rights,  and  is  to  be  justi- 


fied upon  the  basis  that  the  States  are 
sovereign.  The  time  has  been,  and  I 
hope  the  time  will  come  again,  when  a 
better  appreciation  of  our  Union  will 
prevent  any  one  denjdng  that  each  State 
is  a  sovereign  in  its  own  right.  There- 
fore I  sa}'  I  concur  in  the  act  of  my 
State,  and  feel  bound  by  it.  It  is  by 
this  confoundmg  of  nullification  and  se- 
cession that  the  name  of  another  great 
man  has  been  invoked  to  justify  the  co- 
ercion of  a  seceding  State.  The  phrase 
'to  execute  the  law,'  as  used  by  Gen- 
eral Jackson,  was  applied  to  a  State 
refusing  to  obey  the  laws  and  still  re- 
maining in  the  Union.  I  remember 
well  when  Massachusetts  was  arraigned 
before  the  Senate.  The  record  of  that 
occasion  will  show  that  I  said,  if  Massa- 
chusetts, in  pursuing  the  line  of  steps, 
takes  the  last  step  which  separates  her 
from  the  Union,  the  right  is  hers,  and  I 
wiU  neither  vote  one  dollar  nor  one  man 
to  coerce  her,  but  I  wiU  say  to  her, 
'  God  speed  !'  "  Mr.  Davis  then  pro- 
ceeded to  argue  that  the  equality  spoken 
of  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  the  equality  of  a  class  in  political 
rights,  referring  to  the  charge  against 
George  III.  for  inciting  insurrection, 
as  proof  that  it  had  no  reference  to  the 
slaves.  "But  we  have  proclaimed  our 
independence.  This  is  done  with  no 
hostility  or  any  desire  to  injure  any  sec- 
tion of  the  country,  nor  even  for  our  pe- 
cuniary benefit,  but  from  the  high  and 
solid  foundation  of  defending  and  pro- 
tecting the  rights  we  inherited,  and 
transmitting  them  unshorn  to  our  pos- 
terity.    I  know  I  feel  no  hostility  to 


NORTHERN   LOYALTY. 


89 


you  senators  here,  and  am  sure  there  is 
not  one  of  you,  whatever  may  have 
been  the  sharj)  discussions  between  us,  to 
whom  I  cannot  now  say,  in  the  presence 
of  my  God,  I  wish  you  well.  And  such 
is  the  feeUng,  I  am  sure,  the  people  I 
represent  feel  toward  those  whom  you 
represent.  I,  therefore,  feel  I  but  ex- 
press their  desire,  when  I  say  I  hope 
and  they  hope  for  those  jjeaceful  rela- 
tions with  you,  though  we  must  part, 
that  may  be  mutually  beneficial  to  us 
in  the  future.  There  will  be  peace  if 
you  so  will  it,  and  you  may  bring  dis- 
aster on  every  part  of  the  countr}^,  if 
you  thus  will  have  it.  And  if  you  will 
have  it  thus,  we  will  invoke  the  God  of 
our  fathers,  who  delivered  them  from 
the  paw  of  the  lion,  to  protect  us  from 
the  ravages  of  the  bear  ;  and  thus  put- 
ting our  trust  in  God,  and  our  own  firm 
hearts  and  strong  arms,  we  will  vindi- 
cate and  defend  the  rights  we  claim. 
In  the  course  of  my  long  career  I  have 
met  with  a  great  varietj-  of  men  here, 
and  there  have  been  points  of  collision 
between  us.  "Whatever  of  offence  there 
has  been  to  me,  I  leave  here.  I  carr}'  no 
hostile  feelings  away.  Whatever  of  of- 
fence I  have  given,  which  has  not  been 
redressed,  I  am  willing  to  say  to  sen- 
ators, in  this  hour  of  parting,  I  offer  you 
my  apology  for  anything  I  may  have  done 
in  the  Senate  ;  and  I  go  thus  released 
from  obligation,  remembering  no  injury 
I  have  received,  and  having  discharged 
what  I  deem  the  duty  of  man,  to  offer 
the  only  reparation  at  this  hour  for 
everj'^  injury  I  have  ever  inflicted." 
As  the   senators  from  Florida,  Ala- 

12 


bama,  and  Mississippi — all  in  open  rp- 
bellion  against  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment— were  about  leaving  the  Sen- 
ate chamber,  most  of  their  fellow-sen- 
ators, even  those  of  the  North,  shook 
hands  with  them  ! 

The  Northern  people  were  slowly 
awaking  to  the  great  dangers  which  be- 
set the  Union,  and  gradually  rising  to 
the  efforts  necessary  to  protect  it.  Pros- 
trated in  sympathy  with  the  long  inert- 
ness of  the  Government  and  its  still  lan- 
guid action,  they  might  have  appeared 
to  a  casual  observer  inditferent  to  the, 
great  issue.  There  were,  however,  al- 
ready indications  of  that  loyalty  to  the 
Union  which  afterwards  manifested  itself 
in  such  a  generous  outpouring  of  men 
and  money.  Large  meetings  were  held 
throughout  the  couutr}^  to  express  de- 
votion to  its  institutions  and  to  offer 
service  in  their  defence.  At  a  popular 
gathering  at  Chicago,  in  Illinois,  j^n, 
resolutions  were  adopted  express-  *• 
ing  love  for  the  Union  ;  declaring  that 
ever}-  attempt  to  rend  it  was  the  basest 
treason  and  most  insane  folly  ;  that  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  formed 
a  union  between  the  people  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  and  was  intended  to  be  per- 
petual ;  that  every  attempt  by  a  State 
to  secede  or  annul  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  was  not  only  a  usurpation  of  the 
powers  of  the  General  Government,  but 
an  aggression  upon  the  equal  rights  of 
the  other  States  ;  that  peaceable  seces- 
sion, if  possible,  must  necessarily  be  a 
matter  of  agreement  between  the  States, 
and  until  such  an  agreement  be  made,  the 
existing  Government  had  no  choice  but 


90 


TIIE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


to  enforce  the  law  and  protect  the  prop- 
erty of  the  nation  ;  that  in  view  of  what 
was  occurring  in  the  Southern  States, 
of  threats  to  prevent  the  inauguration 
of  a  President  constitutionally  elected, 
it  was  incumbent  upon  the  loyal  people 
of  the  several  States  to  be  prepared  to 
render  all  their  aid,  mihtary  and  other- 
wise, to  the  enforcement  of  the  Federal 
laws,  and  that  Major  Anderson  deserved 
the  thanks  of  the  country  for  the  course 
pursued  by  him. 

At  Cincinnati,  a  large  meeting  of 
workingmen  was  held,  at  which  resolu- 
Jani  tions  were  adopted  declax'iug  that 
5«  the  Union  must  be  preserved  in  its 
integrity  by  the  enforcement  of  the  laws 
in-  every  part  of  the  country,  through 
whatever  means  might  be  necessary. 
At  Portland,  in  Maine,  also,  the  people 
gathered  in  a  "  mass  meeting,"  and 
passed  similar  resolutions. 

The  legislatures  of  various  Northern 
States  adopted  resolutions  in  favor  of 
the  Union,  and  offered  aid  to  the  Pres- 
ident to  sustain  the  Government.  New 
York  tendered  whatever  ' '  aid  in  men 
or  money  might  be  required  to  enforce 
the  laws  and  uphold  the  authority  of  the 
Federal  Government."  Massachusetts 
did  the  same,  and  after  declaring  that 
South  CaroUna  had  committed  an  act  of 
war,  passed  a  bill  authorizing  the  in- 
crease of  the  volunteer  military  of  the 
State. 

At  the  same  time,  it  is  true,  that  there 
were  meetings  of  Northern  citizens,  at 
which  there  was  a  disposition  to  treat 
the  recreant  States  with  more  tender- 
These,  however,  indicated  no  less 


ness. 


the  Union  sentiment  of  the  country, 
though  they  favored  more  conciliatory 
treatment.  In  New  Jersey,  resolutions 
were  reported  deploring  the  state  of 
the  country — advising,  as  a  means  of 
settling  differences,  the  adoption  by  the 
people  of  the  Crittenden  resolutions,  or 
some  other  pacific  measures,  with  such 
modifications  as  might  be  deemed  expe- 
dient ;  recommending  the  Legislature  of 
New  Jersey  to  pass  a  law  to  take  a  vote 
of  the  people,  yes  or  no,  on  these  ;  ap- 
proving of  the  course  of  Virginia  in  ap- 
pointing a  commission  to  go  to  Wash- 
ington, and  counselling  the  Legislature 
to  do  the  same. 

It-  was  the  Union  sentiment,  more- 
over, however  rudely  expressed,  which 
prompted  some  of  the  citizens  of  Roch- 
ester to  break  up  an  abolitionist  meet- 
ing with  noisy  shouts  for  General  Scott 
and  Major  Anderson,  and  others  to  re- 
sist with  violence  the  hanging  across  the 
streets  of  a  banner  bearing  the  inscrip- 
tion, "  No  compromise  with  slavery." 
It  was  the  same  feeling,  doubtless,  which 
urged  the  crowd  to  overwhelm  the  dis- 
union declarations  of  Wendell  PhilliiDS 
at  Boston  with  noisy  demonstrations  of 
dissatisfaction,  and  hustle  him  in  the 
streets  until  he  was  forced  to  take  ref- 
uge with  a  squad  of  pohcemen. 

In  the  mean  time,  some  alarm  was 
excited  in  regard  to  the  safety  of  Wash- 
in  "ton,  which  was  known  to  be  liUed 
with  secessionists.  It  was  rumored  that 
plots  had  been  laid  and  military  com- 
panies organized  in  Maryland  and  Vir- 
ginia, to  seize  the  capital  and  prevent 
the  inauguration  of  Lincoln.     This  call 


GEXER^U.  AI^VltM. 


91 


to  arms  of  General  Carriugtou  is  a  mem- 
orable illustratic)!!  of  the  i)ublic  fearfiil- 
ness  begotten  by  the  general  suspicion. 
"  To  TUE  Public. 
"  Whereas  the  militia  of  the  district 
is  not  organized,  and  threats  have  been 
made  that  the  President-elect  shall  not 
be  inaugurated  in  Washington,  and  there 
is  reason,  therefore,  to  apprehend  that 
on  the  4th  of  March  next  our  city  may 
be  made  the  scene  of  riot,  violence,  and 
bloodshed  ;  and  whereas  the  under- 
signed believes  that  the  honor  of  the 
nation  and  our  city  demands  that  the 
President-elect  shall  be  inaugurated  in 
the  national  metropolis,  and  that  the 
young  men  of  Washington  city  are  de- 
termined not  to  desert  tlicir  homes  in 
the  hour  of  danger,  but  to  maintain  their 
ground  and  defend  their  families  and 
fi  lends,  in  the  Union  and  on  the  side  of 
the  Constitution  and  tlie  laws,  therefore 
the  undersigned  earnestly  invites  all  who 
concur  with  him  in  ojiinion,  and  who  are 
not  now  connected  with  some  military 
company,  to  join  with  him  in  forming  a 
temporary  military  organization,  with  a 
view  of  preserving  peace  and  order  in  our 
midst  on  the  4th  of  March  next,  or  when- 
ever the  emergency  requires  it — and  for 
that  purpose  to  unite  with  the  volunteer 
companies  of  our  city,  wliifh  liave,  in  a 
spirit  of  gallantry  and  patriotism  worthy 
of  our  imitation,  pledged  themselves  to 
the  cause  of  the  Union,  the  Constitution, 
and  tlie  laws.  It  is  proper  to  state  that 
1  take  this  stop  after  consultation  with 
friends  in  whom  I  have  the  greatest  con- 
fidence. It  is  not  my  object  to  interfere 
with  my  brother  officers  of  the  militia  ; 


the  organization  proposed  is  to  be  purely 
volunteer,  for  the  purpose  above  stated, 
in  which  I  am  willing  to  serve  in  any 
capaoit3\  I  make  the  proposition,  not 
as  one  of  the  generals  of  the  militia,  but 
as  a  citizen  of  Washington,  who  is  pre- 
pared to  defend  his  home  and  his  honor 
at  the  peril  of  his  life. 

"Edward  C.  Carrington." 

Lieut.  General  Scott,  however,  the 
venerable  custodian  of  the  Union,  was 
on  guard,  and  by  his  prompt  military 
measures  of  defence  soon  relieved  the 
inquietude  at  the  capital. 

Even  in  New  York  a  suspicion  of  se- 
cret plots  arose,  and  excited  public  anx- 
iety. The  entire  force  at  the  Brooklyn 
navy-yard  was  put  under  arms,  the  guns 
of  the  frigate  North  Carolina  shotted, 
and  tlie  city  militia  mustered,  in  readi- 
ness to  resist  the  rumored  attack  of  a 
band  of  secession  conspirators. 

A  measure  of  obvious  duty,  though 
perhaps  not  of  technical  right,  tardily 
begun  and  but  ineffectively  carried  out, 
that  of  seizing,  by  the  police  of  New 
York,  arms  intended  for  the  seceded 
States,  excited  not  unnaturally  great  in- 
dignation at  the  South,  and  some  less 
expected  disfavor  even  at  the  Nortli.  jan. 
The  ma}'or  of  the  city  of  New  York  24. 
eagerly  disclaimed  any  responsibility  for 
the  "outrage,"  and  declared  tliat  if  he 
had  the  power,  he  "  would  summarily 
punish  the  authors  of  this  illegal  and  un- 
justifiable seizure  of  private  property."' 
The  Governor  of  Georgia  retaliated  by 
seizing  some  New  York  vessels  in  the  har- 
bor of  Savannah,  which  were  held  until 
the  arms  claimed  by  him  were  restored. 


92 


THE   WAR   AVITII   THE   SOUTH. 


While  the  feehug  between  the  union- 
ists and  secessionists  was  thus  becom- 
ing daily  more  exasperated,  and  threat- 
ening a  collision  of  arms,  a  peace  con- 


vention, suggested  by  the  State  of  Vir- 
ginia, had  assembled  in  Washington  and 
been  organized,  with  ex-President  Tyler 
to  preside  over  it. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


'The  Meeting  of  the  General  Congress  of  the  Seceding  States  at  Montgomery. — Organization. — Formation  of  Provisional 
Government  and  Constitution. — No  Conciliation  or  Compromi.se. — Nature  of  the  New  Constitution. — Its  Politic 
Clauses. — Election  of  President  and  Vice-President. — Good  Choice. — Extremists  and  Moderates  both  suited. — Life 
of  Jefferson  Davis. — His  Birth. — Parentage. — Military  Career. — Kesignation. — Cotton  Planting. — Political  Career. — 
A  Volunteer  Officer  in  the  Mexican  War. — Turns  the  Tide  of  Rittle  at  Buena  Vista. — Appointed  Brigadier-General. 
■ — Scruples  of  a  Sfcites  Rights  Man. — Senator  of  the  United  States. — Chairman  of  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. — 
Unsuccessful  Candidate  for  Governor. — Electioneering  for  Pierce. — Secretai-y  of  War,  and  services  in  that  office.— 
Personal  Character  and  Appearance. — Elected  President  of  the  Confederate  States. — Inaugural  Address. — Biography 
of  Alexander  H.  Stephens. — A  poor  Youth. — Educated  by  Ch.arity. — Eapid  eminence  as  a  Lawyer. — Leader  of  the 
Whig  Party  in  Cougi'ess. — Retirement  from  Public  Life. — Disease. — Stin-ed  by  the  Secession  Movement. — Strong  for 
the  Union. — A  sudden  Conversion. — An  earnest  Proselyte. — Personal  Appearance  and  Character. — A  remarkable 
Speech. — The  Cabinet  of  President  Davis. — Robert  Toombs  :  his  Life  and  Character. — Charles  Gustavus  Memminser  : 
his  Life  and  Character. — Le  Roy  Pope  Walker  :  his  Life  and  Character. — Judah  P.  Benjamin :  his  Life  and  Char- 
acter.— Stephen  M.  Mallory  :  his  Life  and  Character. —John  H.  Reagan  ;  his  Life  and  Character. 


1861. 


In  accordance  with  a  proposition  of 
Alabama,  all  the  conventions  of  the  se- 
ceding States  sent  delegates  to  a 
general  congress,  which  met  at 
Montgomery  on  the  4th  of  February. 
In  a  few  days  after  its  organization,  the 
Feb.  form  of  a  provisional  government 
8«  and  a  constitution  were  unani- 
mously agreed  upon,  to  take  effect  im- 
mediately. No  suggestion  was  made 
for  the  restoration  of  harmony  with  the 
Union  from  which  the  States  repre- 
sented in  the  convention  had  separated. 
The  subjects  of  conciliation  and  com- 
promise were  waived  as  totally  obsolete. 
To  form  an  independent  nation  and 
provide  for  its  government  and  defence 
was  the  sole  object,  apparently,  of  the 
desire,  as  it  was  the  motive  of  the  action, 
of  the  members  of  the  convention. 


The  constitution  adopted  was  based 
on  that  of  the  United  States,  with  mod- 
ifications peculiar  to  the  new  govern- 
ment. The  preamble  dwelt  especially  on 
the  separate  sovereignty  of  the  individ- 
ual States  of  the  new  confederacy,  and 
thus  strove  to  give  legal  sanction  to  that 
heresy  which  had  proved  so  fatal  to  the 
harmony  of  the  Union.     It  declared  : 

"  We,  the  deputies  of  the  sovereign 
and  independent  States  of  South  Caro- 
lina, Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Missis- 
sippi, and  Louisiana,  invoking  the  favor 
of  Almighty  God,  do  hereb}^,  in  behalf 
of  these  States,  ordain  and  establish  this 
constitution  for  the  provisional  govern- 
ment of  the  same,  to  continue  one  year 
from  the  inauguration  of  the  President, 
or  until  a  permanent  constitution  or  con- 
federation between  the  said  States  shall 


COXSTITUTIOX   OF  SOUTHERN  COXFEDERACY. 


93 


be  put  ill  operation,  whichsoever  shall 
first  occur." 

To  conciliate  the  governments  of  Eu- 
rope, on  whose  interposition  in  behalf 
of  the  new  confederacy  great  calcula- 
tions were  made,  but  whose  policy  of 
abolishing  the  slave-trade  seemed  fatal 
to  an  alliance  with  any  state  which 
might  favov  that  cruel  commerce,  the 
following  article  was  adopted  : 

"The  importation  of  African  negroes 
from  any  foreign  country  other  than  the 
slaveholding  States  of  the  United  States, 
is  hereby  forbidden,  and  Congress  is 
required  to  pass  such  laws  as  shall 
effectually  «prevent  the  same." 

At  the  same  time,  to  give  full  protec- 
tion to  the  institution  as  it  existed  in  the 
slave  States  comprising  the  confederacy, 
a  stringent  fugitive  law  set  forth  that : 

"A  slave  in  one  State  escaping  to 
another  shall  be  delivered  up  on  the 
claim  of  the  party  to  whom  said  slave 
may  belong,  by  the  executive  authority 
of  the  State  in  which  such  slave  may 
be  found  ;  and  in  case  of  any  abduction 
or  forcible  rescue,  full  compensation, 
including  the  value  of  the  slave,  and  all 
costs  and  expenses,  shall  be  made  to 
the  party  by  the  State  in  which  such 
abduction  or  rescue  shall  take  place."" 

The  following  clause  was  ingeniously 
introduced  as  a  forcible  appeal  to  Vir- 
ginia and  other  border  States,  still  re- 
luctant to  leave  the  Union  and  try  the 
liazards  of  the  new  confederacy. 

"Congress  shall  also  have  power  to 
prohibit  the  introduction  of  slaves  from 
any  State  not  a  member  of  this  confed- 
eracy." 


In  the  clause  relating  to  the  tariff, 
the  favorite  Southern  doctrine  of  taxa- 
tion for  revenue,  and  not  for  protection, 
was  distinctly  enunciated  thus  : 

"The  Congress  shall  have  ^^ower  to 
lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts, 
and  excises  for  revenue  necessary  to  pay 
the  debts  and  carry  on  the  government 
of  the  confederacy,  and  all  duties,  im- 
posts, and  excises  shall  be  uniform 
throughout  the  confederacy." 

To  close  up  all  accounts  with  the  old 
Union  and  start  the  new  under  the  most 
favorable  auspices,  an  ostentatious  pro- 
fusion of  fairness  of  dealing  was  made 
in  an  article  declaring  that  "  the  gov- 
ernment hereby  instituted  shall  take 
immediate  steps  for  the  settlement  of 
all  matters  between  the  States  forming 
it  and  their  late  confederates  of  the 
United  States,  in  relation  to  the  public 
property  and  public  debt  at  the  time  of 
their  -^dthdrawal  from  them,  these  States 
hereby  declaring  it  to  be  their  wish  and 
earnest  desire  to  adjust  everything  per- 
taining to  the  common  property,  com- 
mon liabiHties,  and  common  obligations 
of  that  union  upon  principles  of  right, 
justice,  equity,  and  good  faith." 

After  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution, 
the  Congress  proceeded  at  once  to  the 
election  of  a  provisional  President  and 
and  Vice-President.  Jefferson  Davis, 
of  Mississippi,  was  chosen  the  former, 
and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia, 
the  latter.  No  better  appointments 
could  have  been  made  to  further  the 
purposes  of  the  new  confederacy.  Both 
were  experienced  statesmen  of  prac- 
tised executive  talents.     Davis,  who  had 


p-1 


THE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


been  long  known  as  an  advocate  of 
State  Rights,  served  to  give  assurance 
to  the  extremists  of  the  South  that  their 
special  interests  were  safe  in  his  keep- 
ing, while  Stephens,  whose  reluctant  se- 
cessionism  had  been  equally  conspicu- 
ous, gave  confidence  to  the  moderate 
men,  and  encouraged  them  to  give  in 
their  adherence  to  a  government  of 
which  he  was  a  prominent  executive 
officer. 

Jefferson  Davis  was  born  on  the  third 
of  June,  1808,  in  Christian,  now  Todd, 
County,  Kentucky.  His  Ittther,  who 
was  a  planter  and  an  officer  in  the  army 
of  Revolutionary  renown,  removed  to 
Mississippi  while  his  son  was  yet  a  child. 
After  a  sound  preliminary  academical 
discipline  at  school  and  coUege,  young 
Davis  was  admitted  a  cadet  at  TVest 
Point  in  1824.  In  1828  he  graduated, 
and  entered  into  active  military  service. 
In  the  Black  Hawk  war  he  earned  pro- 
motion by  his  gallantry,  and  being  raised 
to  a  first  heutenantcy  of  dragoons,  served 
in  that  rank  in  various  expeditions 
against  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  West. 
In  1835  he  resigned  his  commission 
and  took  to  cotton  planting  in  Missis- 
sippi. He  was,  however,  soon  with- 
drawn from  his  retirement  by  the  polit- 
ical interests  of  the  country,  and  in 
1844  was  chosen  a  Presidential  elector 
of  Mississippi,  to  vote  for  Polk  and 
Dallas,  the  candidates  of  the  Democratic 
party,  for  which  Davis  had  early  shown 
his  partiality. 

In  1845,  Davis  was  chosen  a  member 
of  Congress,  and  at  once  assumed  a 
prominent  position,  as  a  debater,  on  the 


side  of  his  political  friends,  the  Demo- 
crats. The  Mexican  war  having  in  the 
mean  time  broken  out,  and  a  Mississippi 
regiment  having  elected  him  its  colonel, 
he  left  at  once  his  seat  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  hastened  to  the 
scene  of  hostilities.  He  was  with  Taylor 
at  the  storming  of  Monterey,  and  at  the 
battle  of  Buena  Yista  came  up,  in  the 
nick  of  time,  at  the  head  of  his  Missis- 
sippians,  and  it  is  said  turned  the  tide  of 
battle  in  favor  of  the  American  troops. 
He  was  wounded  while  pertinaciously 
resisting  a  superior  force,  but  still  re- 
mained in  the  saddle  until  the  end  of  the 
battle.  General  Taylor  conjphniented 
him  highly  in  his  dispatch.  On  the  ex- 
piration of  the  term  of  service  of  his 
regiment  he  returned  home,  but  on  his 
way  he  was  met  with  a  commission  of 
brigadier-general  of  volunteers  from 
President  Polli.  This,  however,  with  a 
scrupulous  regard  for  the  "  sovereign" 
rights  of  his  State,  he  refused  to  accejit, 
on  the  ground  that  the  Federal  author- 
ity, in  making  such  an  apjjointment, 
was  interfering  with  the  prerogative  of 
Mississippi. 

In  1847,  Davis  was  appointed  by  the 
Governor  of  Mississippi  senator  of  tlie 
United  States,  to  fill  a  casual  vacancy. 
In  the  next  year,  however,  he  was 
unanimously  elected  by  the  Legislature 
to  complete  the  term,  and  again  in 
1850  was  a  second  time  chosen.  He 
was  appointed  chau'man  of  the  com- 
mittee on  military  affiiirs,  and  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  debates  on  most 
important  questions,  but  especially  5n 
those  which  bore  upon  the  interests  of 


JEFFERSON   DA\1S  PERSON^VLLY. 


95 


the  slave  States.  He  proved  himself  a 
resolute  dofeiidcr  of  slavery,  and  be- 
came remarkable  for  his  advocacy  of 
State  Rights  as  supremel}''  sovereign  to 
those  of  the  Union.  In  1851  he  was 
nominated  candidate  for  governor  ex- 
pressly as  an  exponent  of  these  views, 
but  was  defeated  by  the  "  Union"  can- 
didate, Henry  S.  Foote,  who,  however, 
secured  bis  election  by  the  small  ma- 
jority onl}^  of  nine  hundred. 

Having  resigned  his  scat  in  the  Sen- 
ate, on  accepting  the  .nomination  for 
governor,  he,  after  his  defeat,  remained 
in  retirement  until  the  Presidential  can- 
vass of  1852,  when  he  electioneered  ac- 
tively for  Pierce,  and  was  rewarded,  on 
his  accession  to  the  Presidency,  by  the 
appointment  of  secretary  of  war.  In 
this  office  Davis  proved  himself  an  ex- 
ecutive officer  of  great  capacity  and  en- 
ergy. He  infused  a  new  spirit  into  the 
war  department,  and  introduced  various 
efl'ective  reforms  and  improvements. 
The  adoption  of  the  liglit  infantr}^  sys- 
tem of  tactics,  the  manufacture  of  rifled 
muskets,  pistols  and  the  Minnie  ball, 
and  the  increase  of  our  coast  defences 
are  among  the  changes  he  effected. 

On  the  accession  of  Buchanan  to  the 
Presidency,  Davis,  being  deprived  of  his 
secretaryship  of  war,  was  again  elected 
by  the  Legislature  of  Mississippi  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  there 
he  remained  until  the  secession  of  his 
State,  when  he  took  his  farewell  in  the 
remarkable  speech  already  recorded. 

He  is  described  at  this  time  as  "of 
meagre  frame  and  feeble  health,  but  pos- 
sessed of  great  energy  and  powers  of 


endurance.  His  executive  talents  no 
one  can  question,  and  being  ready  of 
speech,  some  would  claim  for  him  the 
gift  of  eloquence.  His  military  educa- 
tion and  service,  his  experience  as  sec- 
retary of  the  war  department  of  the 
United  States,  his  familiai'ity  with  po- 
litical intrigue,  his  dauntless  spirit,  ajid 
his  natural  capacity  arc  what  make  Jef- 
ferson Davis  so  effective  an  ally  and  so 
formidable  a  foe." 

On  the  18th  of  February,  1861,  Davis 
was  inaugurated  provisional  President 
of  the  "  Confederate  States  of  America," 
when  he  delivered  his  inaugural. 

IXAUGUEAL   OF   JeFFERSON   DaYIS. 

"  GEirrLESIEN  OF  THE  CoNGBESS  OF  THE  CON- 
FEDERATE States  of  America,  Friends  and 
Fellow-Citizen-s  : 

"  Called  to  the  difficult  and  respon- 
sible station  of  Chief  Executive  of  the 
Provisional  Government  which  you  have 
instituted,  I  approach  the  discharge  of 
the  duties  assigned  me  with  an  humble 
distrust  of  my  abilities,  but  with  a  sus- 
taining confidence  in  the  wisdom  of 
those  who  are  to  guide  and  aid  me  in 
the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and 
an  abiding  faith  in  the  virtue  and  pa- 
triotism of  the  people.  Looking  forward 
to  the  speedy  establishment  of  a  per- 
manent government  to  take  the  place  of 
this,  and  which  by  its  greater  moral  and 
physical  power  will  be  better  able  to  com- 
bat with  the  many  difficulties  which  arise 
from  the  conflicting  interests  of  separate 
nations,  I  enter  upon  the  duties  of  the 
office  to  wliich  I  have  been  chosen  with 
the  hope  that  the  beginning  of  our  ca- 
reer as  a  confederacy  may  not  be  ob- 


9(1 


THE  WAR   TTITH   THE   SOUTH. 


structcd  by  hostile  opposition  to  our 
enjoyment  of  the  separate  existence  and 
independence  which  we  have  asserted, 
and  which,  with  the  blessing  of  Provi- 
dence, we  intend  to  maintain. 

"  Our  present  condition,  achieved  in 
a  manner  un^Drecedented  in  the  history 
of. nations,  illustrates  the  American  idea 
that  governments  rest  upon  the  consent 
of  the  governed,  and  that  it  is  the  right 
of  the  people  to  alter  and  abolish  gov- 
ernments whenever  they  become  de- 
structive to  the  ends  for  which  they 
were  established.  The  declared  com- 
pact of  the  Union  from  which  we  have 
withdrawn  was  to  establish  justice,  in- 
sure domestic  tranquihty,  provide  for  the 
common  defence,  promote  the  general 
welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  lib- 
erty to  ourselves  and  our  posterity  ;  and 
when  in  the  judgment  of  the  sovereign 
States  now  composing  this  confederacy, 
it  has  been  perverted  from  the  purposes 
for  which  it  was  ordained,  and  ceased  to 
answer  the  ends  for  which  it  was  estab- 
hshed,  a  peaceful  appeal  to  the  ballot- 
box  declared  that,  so  fiir  as  they  were 
concerned,  the  government  created  by 
that  compact  should  cease  to  exist.  In 
this  they  merely  asserted  tlie  right  which 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  of  1776 
defined  to  be  inalienable.  Of  the  time 
and  occasion  of  its  exercise  they  as  sov- 
ereigns were  the  final  judges,  each  for 
itself.  The  impartial,  enlightened  verdict 
of  mankind  will  vindicate  the  rectitude 
of  our  conduct,  and  He  who  knows  the 
hearts  of  men  will  judge  of  the  sincerity 
with  which  we  labored  to  preserve  the 
government  of  our  fathers  in  its  spirit. 


"The  right  solemnlj'  proclaimed  at 
the  birth  of  the  States,  and  Avhich  has 
been  affirmed  and  reaffirmed  in  the  bills 
of  rights  of  the  States  subsequently  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union  of  1789,  unde- 
niably recognizes  in  the  people  the  power 
to  resume  the  jyithority  delegated  for 
the  purposes  of  government.  Thus  the 
sovereign  States  here  represented  pro- 
ceeded to  form  this  confederacy,  and  it 
is  by  the  abuse  of  language  that  their 
act  has  been  denominated  revolution. 
They  formed  a  new  alhance,  but  within 
each  State  its  government  has  remained. 
The  rights  of  person  and  property  have 
not  been  disturbed.  The  agent  through 
whom  they  communicated  with  foreign 
nations  is  changed,  but  this  does  not 
necessarily  interrupt  their  international 
relations.  Sustained  by  the  conscious- 
ness that  the  transition  from  the  former 
Union  to  the  present  confederacy  has  ' 
not  proceeded  from  a  disregard  on  our 
part  of  our  just  obligations  or  any  fail- 
ure to  perform  ?very  constitutional  duty ; 
moved  by  no  interest  or  passion  to  in- 
vade the  rights  of  others  ;  anxious  to 
cultivate  peace  and  commerce  with  all 
nations,  if  we  may  not  hope  to  avoid 
war,  we  may  at  least  expect  that  pos- 
terity will  acquit  us  of  having  needlessly 
engaged  in  it.  Doubly  justified  b)^  the 
absence  of  wrong  on  our  part,  and  by 
wanton  aggression  on  the  part  of  others, 
there  can  be  no  cause  to  doubt  that  the 
courage  and  patriotism  of  tlie  people  of 
the  Confederate  States  will  be  found 
equal  to  any  measure  of  defence  which 
soon  their  security  may  require. 

"  An  agricultural  people,  whose  chief 


run     0 


JUii.'crnitxt  f-i/  /•.    I).    L.   J>.\  ICJ.l:.  1     ttnd  otlHi- J-.miiiutt  .Irtt.-itx. 


h^*<9- 


/ 


W-^  -^^^^a^""  ^^ 


Ch'*PjP' 


^UL^ 


VIRTUE    &    YORSTON, 

12    DEY    STREET,    akd    544    BROADWAY,    NEW    YORK. 


I. 


— ^f%\ 


Tn    ha    Onmnlatorl    in    Pnrtu-fiuo    Pnr+c      at    Pif+u    f^pntc    Parh. 


t=! 


i3 


§  s 


i 


^j^M^t^J' 


/  I'  /)/'/'?■?,  '^''c/ 


iM  i 


PRESroENT  DAVIS'  ESTAUGUEAL. 


97 


interest  is  the  export  of  a  commodity 
required  ia  every  manufacturing  coun- 
try, our  true  policy  is  peace,  and  tlie 
freest  trade  whicli  our  necessities  will 
permit.  It  is  alike  our  interest  and  that 
of  all  those  to  whom  we  would  sell  and 
from  whom  we  would  buy,  that  there 
should  be  the  fewest  practicable  re- 
strictions upon  the  interchange  of  com- 
modities. There  can  be  but  little  riv- 
alry between  ours  and  any  manufactur- 
ing or  navigating  community,  such  as 
the  northeastern  States  of  the  American 
Union.  It  must  follow,  therefore,  that 
mutual  interest  would  invite  good-will 
and  kind  offices.  If,  however,  passion 
or  lust  of  dominion  should  cloud  the 
judgment  or  inflame  the  ambition  of 
those  States,  we  must  prepare  to  meet 
the  emergency  and  maintain  by  the  final 
arbitrament  of  the  sword  the  position 
which  we  have  assumed  among  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth. 

"We  have  entered  upon  a  career  of 
independence,  and  it  must  be  inflexibly 
pursued  through  many  years  of  contro- 
versy with  our  late  associates  of  the 
Northern  States.  We  have  vainly  en- 
deavored to  secure  tranquility  and  ob- 
tain respect  for  the  rights  to  which  we 
were  entitled.  As  a  necessity,  not  a 
choice,  we  have  resorted  to  the  remedy 
of  separation,  and  henceforth  our  ener- 
gies must  be  directed  to  the  conduct  of 
our  own  affairs  and  the  perpetuity  of 
the  confederacy  which  we  have  formed. 
If  a  just  perception  of  mutual  interest 
shall  permit  us  peaceably  to  pursue  our 
separate  political  career,  my  most  earn- 
est desire  will  have  been  fulfilled.     But 

13 


if  this  be  denied  us,  and  the  integrity  of 
our  territory  and  jurisdiction  be  assailed, 
it  will  but  remain  for  us  with  firm  re- 
solve to  appeal  to  arms  and  invoke  the 
blessing  of  Providence  on  a  just  cause. 

"  As  a  consequence  of  our  new  condi- 
tion, and  with  a  view  to  meet  antici- 
pated wants,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
provide  a  speedy  and  efficient  organiza- 
tion of  the  branches  of  the  Executive 
department  having  special  charge  of  for- 
eign intercourse,  finance,  military  affairs, 
and  postal  service.  For  purposes  of  de- 
fence the  Confederate  States  may,  un- 
der ordinary  circumstances,  rely  mainly 
upon  their  militia  ;  but  it  is  deemed  ad- 
visable, in  the  present  condition  of  af- 
fau's,  that  there  should  be  a  well  in- 
structed, discipUned  army,  more  nu- 
merous than  would  usually  be  required 
on  a  peace  establishment.  I  also  sug- 
gest that,  for  the  protection  of  our  har- 
bors and  commerce  on  the  high  seas,  a 
navy  adapted  to  those  objects  will  be 
required.  These  necessities  have,  doubt- 
less, engaged  the  attention  of  Congress. 

"  With  a  constitution  differing  only 
from  that  of  our  fathers  in  so  far  as  it  is 
explanatory  of  their  well-known  intent, 
freed  from  sectional  conflicts,  which  have 
interfered  with  the  pursuits  of  the  gen- 
eral welfare,  it  is  not  unreasonable  to 
expect  that  the  States  from  which  we 
have  recently  parted  may  seek  to  unite 
their  fortunes  to  ours  under  the  govern- 
ment which  we  have  instituted.  For 
this  your  constitution  makes  adequate 
provision,  but  beyond  this,  if  I  mistake 
not,  the  judgment  and  wiU  of  the  people 
are,   that  union  with  the    States  from 


98 


THE  WAPv,  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


which  they  have  separated  is  neither 
practicable  nor  desirable.  To  increase 
the  power,  develop  the  resources,  and 
promote  the  happiness  of  the  confed- 
eracy, it  is  requisite  there  should  be  so 
much  homogeneity  that  the  welfare  of 
every  portion  would  be  the  aim  of  the 
whole.  Where  this  does  not  exist,  an- 
tagonisms are  engendered  which  must 
and  should  result  in  separation. 

"  Actuated  solely  by  a  desire  to  pre- 
serve our  own  rights  and  to  promote 
our  own  welfare,  the  separation  of  the 
Confederate  States  has  been  marked  by 
no  aggression  upon  others,  and  followed 
by  no  domestic  convulsion.  Our  indus- 
trial pursuits  have  received  no  check, 
the  cultivation  of  our  fields  progresses 
as  heretofore,  and  even  should  we  be  in- 
volved in  war,  there  would  be  no  con- 
siderable diminution  in  the  production 
of  the  staples  which  have  constituted  our 
exports,  in  which  the  commercial  world 
has  an  interest  scarcely  less  than  our 
own.  This  common  interest  of  pro- 
ducer and  consumer  can  only  be  inter- 
cepted by  an  exterior  force  which  should 
obstruct  its  transmission  to  foreign  mar- 
kets, a  course  of  conduct  which  would 
be  detrimental  to  manufacturing  and 
commercial  interests  abroad. 

"Should  reason  guide  the  action  of 
the  government  from  which  we  have 
separated,  a  policy  so  detrimental  to  the 
civilized  world,  the  Northern  States  in- 
cluded, could  not  be  dictated  by  even 
a  stronger  desire  to  inflict  injury  upon 
us  ;  but  if  it  be  otherwise,  a  terrible  re- 
sponsibility will  rest  upon  it,  and  the 
suffering  of  millions  will  bear  testimony 


to  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  our  ag- 
gressors. In  the  mean  time  there  will 
remain  to  us,  besides  the  ordinary  rem- 
edies before  suggested,  the  well-known 
resources  for  retaliation  upon  the  com- 
merce of  an  enemy. 

"  Experience  in  public  stations  of  a 
subordinate  grade  to  this  which  j^our 
kindness  has  conferred,  has  taught  me 
that  care  and  toil  and  disappointments 
are  the  price  of  official  elevation.  You 
will  see  many  errors  to  forgive,  many 
deficiencies  to  tolerate,  but  you  shall  not 
find  in  me  either  want  of  zeal  or  fidelity 
to  the  cause  that  is  to  me  the  highest  in 
hope  and  of  most  enduring  affection. 
Your  generosity  has  bestowed  upon  me 
an  undeserved  distinction,  one  which 
I  neither  sought  nor  desired.  Upon 
the  continuance  of  that  sentiment,  and 
upon  3'our  wisdom  and  patriotism,  I 
rely  to  direct  and  support  me  in  the 
performance  of  the  duties  required  at 
my  hands. 

"We  have  changed  the  constituent 
parts,  but  not  the  system  of  our  gov- 
ernment. The  Constitution  formed  by 
our  fathers  is  that  of  these  Confederate 
States.  In  their  exposition  of  it,  and  in 
the  judicial  construction  it  has  received, 
we  have  a  light  which  reveals  its  true 
meaning.  Thus  instructed  as  to  the 
just  interpretation  of  that  instrument, 
and  ever  remembering  that  all  offices 
are  but  trusts  held  for  the  people,  and 
that  delegated  powers  are  to  be  strictly 
construed,  I  will  hope  by  due  dihgence 
in  the  performance  of  my  duties,  though 
I  may  disappoint  your  expectation,  yet 
to   retain,  when  retiring,  something  of 


ALEXANDER   H.   STEPHENS. 


99 


the  good  will  and  confidence  which  will 
welcome  my  entrance  into  office. 

"  It  is  joyous  in  the  midst  of  perilous 
times  to  look  around  upon  a  people 
united  in  heart,  when  one  purpose  of 
high  resolve  animates  and  actuates  the 
whole — where  the  sacrifices  to  be  made 
are  not  weighed  in  the  balance  against 
honor,  right,  liberty,  and  equality.  Ob- 
stacles may  retard,  but  they  cannot  long 
prevent,  the  progress  of  a  movement 
sanctioned  by  its  justice  and  sustained 
by  a  virtuous  people.  Reverently  let 
us  invoke  the  God  of  our  fathers  to 
guide  and  protect  us  in  our  efforts  to 
perpetuate  the  principles  which  by  His 
blessing  they  were  able  to  vindicate,  es- 
tablish, and  transmit  to  their  posterity  ; 
and  with  a  continuance  of  His  favor  ever 
gratefully  acknowledged,  we  may  hope- 
fully look  forward  to  success,  to  peace, 
to  prosperity." 

Alexander  H.  Stephens,  the  Vice- 
President  of  the  new  Confederacy,  was 
born  in  Georgia  on  the  11th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1812.  His  parents  were  too  poor 
to  educate  him,  but  the  youth  showing 
an  early  quickness  of  parts,  attracted  the 
attention  of  some  neighbors,  who  chari- 
tably sent  him  to  school  and  college  and 
supported  him  until  he  was  able  to  make 
his  own  livelihood.  Choosing  the  law 
for  his  profession,  he  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  in  1834,  and  rose  rapidly  to  dis- 
tinction. In  1843  he  was  elected  by 
the  Whigs  a  member  of  Congress,  but 
on  the  dissolution  of  their  party,  he 
joined  the  Democrats,  and  became  one 
of  their  most  prominent  leaders.  In 
1858  he  refused  to  be  any  longer  a  can- 


didate for  Congi-ess,  and  retired,  ap- 
parently forever,  to  private  life.  From 
early  youth  he  had  suffered  from  illness, 
and  now,  after  the  wearing  effects  of  a 
stirring  political  career,  he  seemed  in- 
capable of  further  activity  of  effort. 
He  was,  however,  roused  by  the  seces- 
sion movement  in  his  State,  and  came 
forward  to  resist  it.  He  voted  against 
the  secession  ordinance  passed  by  the 
convention  of  Georgia,  and  sustained  the 
cause  of  the  Union  so  manfully  in  a  re- 
markable speech,  that  he  was  hailed  by 
loyal  men  throughout  the  country  as 
their  great  Southern  champion.  It  was 
even  rumored  that  President  Lincoln 
had  offered  him  a  seat  in  his  proposed 
cabinet.  Stephens,  however,  did  not 
long  resist  the  prevailing  sentiment  of 
his  State,  but  giving  in  his  adherence  to 
the  secessionists,  exhibited  the  usual 
zeal  of  sudden  converts  by  surpassing 
the  veteran  apostles  of  secession  in  his 
defence  of  the  doctrine.  He  is  pictured 
thus  :  "  Wasted  to  a  shadow  by  a  pro- 
tracted disease,  the  Vice-President  of 
the  Confederacy  weighs  but  ninety-six 
pounds.  He  yet  seems,  in  spite  of  a  fee- 
ble body,  capable  of  great  mental  effort. 
Though  his  voice,  in  its  shrill  and  piping 
tones,  gives  manifestation  of  the  physical 
weakness  of  the  invalid,  he  yet  does  not 
hesitate  to  exercise  it  hi  prolonged  ef- 
forts of  oratory,  which  not  seldom  rise 
to  the  power  of  true  eloquence." 

Eager,  apparently,  to  vindicate  him- 
self from  all  suspicion  of  the  sincerity  of 
his  conversion,  to  which  his  former  loyal- 
ty to  the  Union  might  have  exposed  him, 
he  manifested  an  ultraism  of  opinion  in 


100 


THE  WAR  "WTTH  THE  SOUTH. 


favor  of  the  benefits  and  rights  of  slav- 
er}', which  few  even  of  the  most  vio- 
lent secessionists  had  ventured  to  assert. 
Blarcb  He  thus  held  forth  to  the  applause 
21*  of  his  fellow-citizens  of  Savannah, 
and  to  the  horror  of  the  Christian  world, 
in  a  speech  exposing  the  objects  of  the 
Southern  rebellion  : 

"The  new  Constitution  has  put  at  rest 
forever  all  the  agitating  questions  re- 
lating to  our  peculiar  institutions — Af- 
rican slavery  as  it  exists  among  us — the 
proper  status  of  the  negro  in  our  form 
of  civilization.  This  was  the  immediate 
cause  of  the  late  rupture  and  present 
revolution.  Jefferson,  in  his  forecast, 
had  anticipated  this  as  the  '  rock  upon 
which  the  old  Union  would  split.'  He 
was  right.  What  was  conjecture  with 
him,  is  now  a  realized  fact.  But  whether 
he  fully  comprehended  the  great  truth 
upon  which  that  rock  stood  and  stands, 
may  be  doubted.  The  prevailing  ideas 
entertained  by  him  and  most  of  the  lead- 
ing statesmen  at  the  time  of  the  forma- 
tion of  the  old  Constitution  were,  that 
the  enslavement  of  the  African  was  in 
violation  of  the  laws  of  nature  ;  that  it 
was  wrong  in  principle,  socially,  mor- 
ally, and  politically.  It  was  an  evil  they 
knew  not  well  how  to  deal  with,  but  the 
general  opinion  of  the  men  of  that  day 
was,  that  somehow  or  other,  in  the  or- 
der of  Providence,  the  institution  would 
be  evanescent  and  pass  away.  This 
idea,  though  not  incorporated  in  the 
Constitution,  was  the  prevailing  idea  at 
the  time.  The  Constitution,  it  is  true, 
secured  every  essential  guarantee  to  the 
institution  while  it  should  last,  and  hence 


no  argument  can  be  justly  used  against 
the  constitutional  guarantees  thus  se- 
cured, because  of  the  common  sentiment 
of  the  day.  Those  ideas,  however,  were 
fundamentally  wrong.  They  rested  upon 
the  assumption  of  the  equality  of  races. 
This  was  an  error.  It  was  a  sandy 
foundation,  and  the  idea  of  a  govern- 
ment built  upon  it ;  when  the  '  storm 
came  and  the  wind  blew,  it  fell.' 

"  Our  new  government  is  founded 
upon  exactly  the  opposite  idea  ;  its 
foundations  are  laid,  its  corner-stone 
rests,  upon  the  great  truth  that  the 
negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man. 
That  slavery — subordination  to  the  supe- 
rior race — is  his  natural  and  moral  con- 
dition. This,  our  new  government,  is  the 
first,  in  the  history  of  the  world,  based 
upon  this  great  physical  and  moral  truth. 
This  truth  has  been  slow  in  the  process 
of  its  development,  like  all  other  truths 
in  the  various  departments  of  science. 
It  has  been  so  even  among  us.  Many 
who  hear  me,  perhaps,  can  recollect 
well,  that  this  truth  was  not  generally 
admitted,  even  within  their  day.  The 
erroi's  of  the  past  generation  stiU  clung 
to  many  as  late  as  twenty  years  ago. 
Those  at  the  North  who  stiU  cling  to 
these  errors,  with  a  zeal  above  knowl- 
edge, we  justly  denominate  fanatics. 

"  In  the  conflict  thus  far,  success  has 
been,  on  our  side,  complete  throughout 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Confed- 
erate States.  It  is  upon  this,  as  I  have 
stated,  our  actual  fabric  is  firmly  plant- 
ed, and  I  cannot  permit  myself  to  doubt 
the  ultimate  success  of  a  fuU  recogni- 


SLAVERY— A  ( 


101 


tion  of  this   principle   throughout  tlio 
civihzod  oiid  culigiitoncd  world. 

"  As  I  have  slated,  tl»e  truth  of  llus 
principle  may  be  slow  in  development, 
as  all  truths  are,  and  ever  have  been  in 
the  various  branches  of  science.  It  was 
80  with  the  principles  announced  by 
Galileo  ;  it  was  so  with  Adam  ^^mith 
and  hh  principles  of  political  economy  ; 
it  was  so  with  Harvey  and  his  theory  of 
the  circulation  of  the  blood.  It  is  stilted 
that  not  a  single  one  of  the  medical  pro- 
f.-^Ioii,  Uving  at  the  time  of  the  an- 
imiiiircment  of  the  truths  made  by  him, 
admiited  them.  Now  they  arc  univer- 
sally acknowledged.  May  we  not,  there- 
fore, look  with  confidence  to  the  ulti- 
mate universal  acknowledgment  of  the 
truths  upon  which  our  system  rests.  It 
is  the  first  government  ever  instituted 
upon  principles  of  strict  conformity  to 
nature,  and  the  ordination  of  Provi- 
dence, in  furni.shing  the  materials  of 
human  society.  Many  governments 
have  been  founded  upon  the  principle 
of  certain  classes,  but  the  classes  thus 
enslaved  were  of  the  same  race,  and  in 
violation  of  the  laws  of  nature.  Our 
system  commits  no  such  violation  of 
nature's  law.s.  The  negro,  by  nature, 
or  by  the  curse  against  Canaan,  is  fitted 
for  that  condition  which  he  occupies  in 
our  .system.  The  architect,  in  the  con- 
struction of  buildings,  lays  the  founda- 
tion with  the  proper  materials,  the 
granite ;  then  comes  the  brick  or  the 
marble.     The  substratum  of  our  society 


is  made 

of  th 

e  mat'  -■ 

'     '•ted  by  na- 

tare  for 

it,  and  by  c,\, 

e  we  know 

that  it  is 

best, 

not  only 

for  the  superior, 

but  for  the  inferior  race,  that  it  should 
bo  so.  It  is,  indeed,  in  conformity  with 
the  ordinance  of  the  Creator.  It  is  not 
for  us  to  inquire  into  the  wiMlom  of  His 
ordinances,  or  to  (juestioii  them,  l-'or 
His  own  purposes  he  has  made  one 
race  to  did'er  from  another,  as  Ho  has 
made  '  one  star  to  differ  from  another 
star  in  glory.' 

"  The  great  objects  of  humanity  are 
best  attained  when  conformed  to  His 
laws  and  decrees,  in  the  formation  of 
governments,  as  well  as  in  all  things 
else.  Our  confederacy  is  founded  upon 
principles  in  .strict  conformity  with  these 
laws.'  This  stone  which  was  rejected  by 
the  first  builders  '  is  become  the  chief 
stone  of  the  corner'  in  our  new  edifice. 

"  The  progress  of  (U.-sintegratiou  in  the 
old  Union  may  be  expected  to  go  on 
with  almost  absolute  certainty.  Wa  are 
now  the  nucleus  of  a  growing  power, 
which,  if  we  are  true  to  ourselves,  our 
destiny,  and  high  mi.ssion,  will  become 
the  controlling  power  on  this  continent. 
To  what  extent  acces-sions  will  go  on  in 
the  process  of  time,  or  where  it  will  cud, 
the  future  will  determine." 

With  Trcsideiit  Davis  and  Vicc-Tres- 
idcnt  Stephens  were  associated  in  the 
executive  department  of  the  confederacy 
Uobert  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  aa  secre- 
tary of  state  ;  C.  S.  Memminger,  of 
South  Carolina,  as  secretary  of  the 
treasury  ;  I^croy  Pope  Walker,  of  Ala- 
bama, as  secretary  of  war  ;  .ludah  P. 
Ikinjamin,  of  Louihiana,  as  attorney- 
general  ;  Stephen  M.  Mallory,  of  Flor- 
ida, as  secretary  of  the  navy  ;  and  John 
II.  Ucagan  as  postmastcr-gcucral. 


102 


THE  WAR  TTITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Toombs  was  born  in  Wilkes  County, 
Georgia,  on  the  2d  of  July,  ISIO.  His 
early  education  was  received  in  his  na- 
tive State,  but  after  a  short  collegiate 
career  at  the  University  of  Georgia,  he 
was  transferred  to  Union  College,  at 
Schenectady,  in  New  York,  where  he 
graduated.  After  studying  for  the  bar, 
his  restless  hankering  for  adventure  in- 
duced him  to  volunteer  to  serve  in  the 
Creek  war,  and  he  was  chosen  captain. 
On  his  return  home  he  was  elected 
to  the  Legislature,  and  subsequently  a 
member  of  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives  and  of  the  United  States 
Senate.  He  was  conspicuous  always  as 
an  intemperate  advocate  of  slavery  and 
of  the  sovereign  rights  of  the  Southern 
States.  It  was  he  who  boasted  that  he 
would  call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  at  the 
base  of  the  Bunker  Hill  Monument  in 
Boston.  He  was  among  the  first  to 
move  in  behalf  of  secession,  and  while 
still  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  did 
not  cease  to  conspire  and  stir  up  his 
fellow-citizens  in  rebellion  against  the 
Union.  Possessed  of  an  impulsive  tem- 
per, and  unscrupulous  in  the  use  of 
means  to  gratify  his  desire,  he  was  one 
of  the  most  audacious  and  active,  if  not 
the  most  capable,  of  the  confederate 
leaders. 

Charles  Gustavus  Memminger  was 
born  in  "Wurtemburg,  Germany,  on  the 
7th  of  January,  ISOo.  At  the  age  of  two 
years  he  was  brought  to  Charleston  by 
his  mother,  a  poor  widow,  who  soon 
after  died  and  left  him  destitute. 
Found  a  vagrant  child  in  the  streets, 
he  was  sent  to  the  orphan  asylum  of 


the  cit}^,  where  he  remained  until  he 
was  nine  years  old.  His  lively  jjarts 
attracted  the  notice  of  Governor  Thomas 
Bennett,  who  received  him  into  his  fam- 
ily and  sent  him  to  Columbia  College, 
the  university  of  the  State,  where  he 
graduated  in  1820.  He  now  studied 
law,  and  was  admitted  to  practice  in 
1825. 

His  first  political  action  was  as  an 
opponent  of  South  Carolina  nullifica- 
tion, which  he  resisted  strenuously  and 
so  conspicuously,  that  he  was  recognized 
a  leader  of  the  Union  party.  He  aided 
the  cause  with  pen  as  well  as  speech, 
and  not  only  wrote  against  nullification 
in  the  political  journals,  but  ridiculed  it 
in  a  work  entitled,  "  The  Book  of  Nulli- 
fication," written  in  Scriptural  style. 

In  1836  he  was  first  elected  to  the 
Legislature,  and  continued  to  serve  un- 
remittingly until  1852.  Being  appointed 
chairman  of  the  committee  on  finance — 
a  position  he  retained  for  many  3'ears — 
he  made  that  subject  an  especial  study. 
He  opposed  the  suspension  of  specie 
payment  by  the  banks  of  South  Caro- 
lina in  1839,  and  on  the  question  com- 
ing before  the  com-ts,  was  employed  to 
assist  the  attorney-general  in  the  prose- 
cution of  a  case.  Though  opposed  by 
the  ablest  counsel  of  the  State,  he  gained 
his  cause,  and  the  banks  were  declared 
to  have  forfeited  their  charters.  Wliile  in 
the  Legislature,  he  advocated  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Sub-treasury  scheme,  and 
abandoning  his  early  opinions,  sustained 
the  peculiar  pohtical  views  of  Calhoun. 

In  1852  he  retired  from  public  hfe, 
but  again  in  1854  sought  and  obtained 


THE   COXFEDERATE   CAEIXET. 


103 


his  election  to  the  Legislature,  with  the 
view  of  effecting  a  reform  in  the  system 
of  public  schools,  in  which  he  finally 
succeeded,  in  spite  of  an  obstinate  op- 
position. 

In  1859  he  was  appointed  a  commis- 
sioner of  South  Carolina  to  the  State  of 
Virginia,  to  induce  co-operation,  on  the 
part  of  the  slave  States,  in  resistance  to 
the  abolitionists  of  the  ^^orth,  a  fear  of 
whom  had  been  awakened  by  the  insur- 
rectionary attempt  of  John  Brown  at 
Harper's  Ferry.  Previously  he  had  al- 
ways borne  the  character  of  an  upright 
man  in  private  life,  though  for  a  long  time 
his  political  integrity  was  suspected  by 
the  constant  disunionists,  as  they  recalled 
his  early  efforts  in  favor  of  the  Union  and 
his  tardy  conversion  to  the  doctrine  of 
State  Rights.  His  active  interest  in  the 
Episcopal  Church,  to  whose  general  con- 
vention he  was  frequently  a  delegate,  and 
his  earnest  efforts  to  advance  the  public 
education  and  improve  the  charitable  in- 
stitutions of  his  city  and  State,  had  given 
him  a  character  for  piety  and  benevo- 
lence which  few  were  disposed  to  ques- 
tion. His  practised  capacity  as  a  finan- 
cier, and  his  general  accomplishments, 
made  him  one  of  the  most  efficient  of 
President  Davis'  cabinet. 

Leroy  Pope  Walker  was  born  in  Ala- 
bama in  the  year  1816.  His  family  is 
one  of  note  ;  his  father  was  a  man  of 
wealth  and  some  military  distinction  ; 
one  of  his  brothers  was  a  member  of 
Congress,  another  a  judge,  both  being 
prominent  men  in  the  late  confederacy. 
Prominent  as  a  politician,  he  was  always 
known  as  a  Southern  Democrat,  espe- 


cially devoted  to  the  interests  of  the 
slave  States.  He  stood  high  as  a  law- 
yer, and  man  of  eloquence  and  capacity 
in  business,  and  was  among  the  first  and 
most  ardent  to  espouse  the  cause  of  se- 
cession in  his  State. 

The  attorney-general,  Judah  P.  Ben- 
jamin, attained  to  great  eminence  as  a 
jurist  and  an  advocate  in  Louisiana. 
While  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  he 
was  a  professed  Whig,  but  always  a  State 
Rights'  partisan.  Being  a  brilliant  rhet- 
orician, a  subtle  lawyer,  a  man  skilled 
in  political  intrigue,  and  unscrupulous  in 
the  use  of  means  to  effect  the  objects  of 
party  or  to  reach  the  aim  of  his  personal 
ambition,  he  proved  an  able  adviser. 

Stephen  M.  Mallory  was  for  a  long 
period  a  United  States  senator  from 
Florida,  and  though  unobtrusive,  bore 
the  character  of  a  useful  member  of  the 
upper  house  of  Congress.  He  was  al- 
ways considered  a  conservative  man  in 
his  political  views,  and  supposed  to  be 
strongly  attached  to  the  Union.  He  is 
thought  to  have  linked  his  fortunes  to 
secession  rather  from  the  force  of  cir- 
cumstances, than  from  any  personal 
predilections  for  the  cause.  He  was 
probably  appointed  secretary  of  the 
navy  of  the  Confederate  States  in  con- 
sequence of  his  presumed  experience 
obtained  as  chairman  of  the  committee 
of  the  United  States  Senate  on  naval 
affairs. 

John  H.  Reagan,  the  postmaster  of 
the  Confederate  States,  was  but  little 
known  beyond  the  boundaries  of  his 
own  State,  although  he  had  served  sev- 
eral terms  in  the  national  Congress. 


104: 


THE  WAR.  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER    IX. 

Abraham  Lincoln  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  declared  duly  elected  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. — 
Opening  of  Electoral  Votes. — ^Tbe  reading  of  the  Vote  of  South  Carolina.— Concentration  of  public  attention  upon 
Lincoln. — The  Siege  of  Springfield. — Throng  of  Visitors. — Insatiable  Curiosity. — Lincoln  Photographed. — House 
and  Furniture  minutely  described. — Habits  and  Personal  Appearance  of  the  new  President  taken  off. — Social  Free- 
dom and  P.  litical  P.eticence. — A  Newspaper  Intei-preter. — Lincoln  speaking  for  himself. — A  grave  Farewell. — Com- 
mencement of  a  triumphal  Journey. — Speeches. — Homely  Oratory. — A  clever  Hlustration. — A  Kight  Surprise. — An 
imexpected  Visitor. — Portentous  Intelligence. — A  Tragic  Plot. — Who  were  the  Conspirators  ? — The  effect  of  the 
intelligence  upon  Lincoln  and  his  Friends. — A  sudden  and  mysterious  Movement. — Lincoln  safe  in  Washington.— 
Indignation  at  Baltimore. — Exposition  of  the  Plot,  and  how  it  was  ferreted  out. — Congressional  Debates. — Critten- 
den Compromise. — Adjournment  of  Peace  Conference. — The  Product. — Hopefulness  of  the  North. — Speculations  in 
regard  to  Lincoln's  Policy. — The  Inauguration. — The  Ceremonies. — Novel  Additions. — Thirty-four  young  Ladies  in 
loving  Union. — A  strong  Military  Force  in  Ambush. — Eeading  of  the  Message. — The  Notables. — The  Crowd. — The 
Message  of  Lincoln. 


1S61. 


On  the  14th  of  February,  Abraham 
Lincohi,  of  Illinois,  and  Hannibal  Ham- 
lin, of  Maine,  were  declared  "  duly 
elected"  President  and  Yice-Pres- 
ident  of  the  United  States  for  the  four 
years  commencing  on  the  4th  of  March, 
ISGl.  The  senators  and  members  of 
Congress  having  been  assembled  in  the 
House  of  Pepresentatives,  and  Vice- 
President  Breckinridge  having  taken  his 
seat  at  the  right  of  the  speaker,  he,  in 
accordance  with  the  Constitution,  opened 
the  packages  containing  the  electoral 
votes  of  the  several  States,  and  the  re- 
sult was  announced.  The  reading  of 
the  vote  of  South  Carolina  was  received 
with  an  exhibition  of  good-humored  lii- 
larity. 

Immediately  after  the  election  of  Lin- 
coln, and  before  it  was  constitutionally 
announced,  all  the  attention  of  the  pub- 
lic was  concentrated  upon  the  future 
President.  Eager  office-seekers,  news- 
paper gossip-mongers,  insatiate  photog- 
raphers, aspiring  pohticians,  and   civic 


deputations  thronged  the  Httle  town  of 
Springfield,  in  Illinois,  and  beset  Mr. 
Lincoln  in  his  humble  home.  With  his 
usual  readiness  of  welcome,  he  had  a 
hand  to  shake  with  all  comers,  and  none 
went  away  without  a  good-natured  word 
and  an  impression  of  the  unpretending 
amiability  and  simple  honesty  of  the  new 
President.  His  visitors,  with  a  desire  to 
satisfy  the  insatiable  curiosity  of  the 
pubhc,  concentrated  their  powers  of  ob- 
servation upon  him,  and  took  care  to 
describe  with  photographic  minuteness 
his  every  feature,  word,  movement,  and 
local  surrounding.  Through  his  wicket 
gate,  open  to  every  comer,  they  walked, 
unbidden,  into  his  residence,  noting  each 
clap-board  of  its  shingly  structure,  and 
reproduced  in  print  and  picture  the 
"good-sized  house  of  wood,  simply  but 
tastefully  furnished,  surrounded  by  trees 
and  flowers."  Having  a  free  run  from 
kitchen  to  garret,  thej^  strolled  into  the 
library,  cataloguing  his  law-books,  and 
inspecting   his   accounts,   informed   the 


LINCOLN  PHOTOGRAPHED. 


105 


world  that  "  he  owes  no  man  a  dollar  ;" 
they  lounged  in  the  parlor  and  took  an 
inventory  of  Brussels  carpet,  sofa,  pi- 
ano, and  of  Mrs.  Lincoln,  in  her  newest 
silk.  They  dogged  Mr.  Lincoln  every- 
where, from  his  breakfast,  through  the 
town  to  his  daily  round  of  business,  and 
back  again  to  his  diniug-table,  duly  re- 
porting that  "  he  loves  a  good  dinner, 
and  eats  with  the  appetite  which  goes 
with  a  great  brain,  but  his  food  is  plain 
and  nutritious  ;  he  never  drinks  intox- 
icating liquors  of  any  sort." 

Meanwhile,  they  had  fixed  every  line 
and  tint,  every  hght  and  shadow,  of  the 
man  upon  their  memorandum-books  and 
photographic  plates.  Thus  his  fellow- 
citizens  throughout  the  country  could 
see  at  a  glance  that ' '  his  features,  though 
they  are  those  of  a  mau  of  mark,  are  not 
such  as  belong  to  a  handsome  man  ;  tliat 
his  eyes  are  "  dark  grey,  and  fine  when 
lighted  up  ;"  his  hair  black  and,  though 
tliin,  wiry  ;  "his  head  sits  well  on  his 
shoulders,  but  beyond  that,  defies  de- 
scription ;"  that  his  "head  is  unlike 
either  Webster  or  Clay's,  but  is  very 
large  and  phreuologically  well  propor- 
tioned, betokening  power  in  all  its  de- 
velopments ;"  that  he  has  "  a  slightly 
Roman  nose,  a  wide-cut  mouth,  and  a 
dark  complexion,  with  the  appearance 
of  having  been  weather-beaten." 

There  was,  however,  notwithstanding 
the  free  exposition  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  his 
inquisitive  visiters  on  most  points,  a  res- 
olute reticence  in  regard  to  his  future 
action  toward  the  secession  States  of  the 
South.  To  the  "  hundreds  of  people" 
who  had  flocked  to  Springfield  and  met 
u 


him  at  a  public  reception  in  the  town- 
hall,  he  frankly  declared  that  the  time 
had  not  come  for  a  definition  of  the 
policy  of  his  administration,  and  that 
they  must  be  satisfied  for  the  present 
with  a  hearty  greeting,  which  he  pro- 
ceeded to  give  by  "shaking  hands  with 
most  of  the  attendants."* 

Public  curiosity  was  aroused  to  the 
highest  pitch,  and  although  Lincoln  res- 
olutely kept  silence,  some  of  the  news- 
papers, unable  to  resist  the  universal 
eagerness  for  an  oracular  response,  spoke 
for  him  :  "I  will  suffer,"  said  his  news- 
paper interpreter  in  behalf  of  Lincoln, 
"  death  before  I  will  consent,  or  will  ad- 
vise my  friends  to  consent,  to  any  con- 
cession or  compromise  which  looks  like 
buying  the  privilege  of  taking  possession 
of  this  government,  to  which  we  have  a 
constitutional  right,  because  whatever  T 
might  think  of  the  merit  of  the  various 
propositions  before  Congress,  I  should 
regard  any  concession  in  the  face  of 
menace  the  destruction  of  the  Govern- 
ment itself,  and  a  consent  on  all  hands 
that  our  system  shall  be  brought  down 
to  a  level  with  the  existing  disorgan- 
ized state  of  affairs  in  Mexico.  But  this 
thing  will  hereafter  be  as  it  is  now,  in 
the  hands  of  the  people  ;  and  if  they 
desire  to  call  a  convention  to  remove 
any  grievances  complained  of,  or  to 
give  new  guarantees  for  the  perma- 
nence of  vested  rights,  it  is  not  mine  to 
oppose." 

When  his  election  was,  however,  duly 
declared,  Mr.  Lincoln  ventured  to  speak 
for  himself.     On  the  11th  of  February 

*  Nuw  York  Times,  Feb.  4th,  1861. 


100 


THE  "WAR  "WTTH  THE  SOUTH. 


lie  bade  farewell  to  his  fellow-citizens  at 
Springfield  in  these  grave  words  : 

"  My  Friends  :  No  one  not  in  my  po- 
sition can  appreciate  the  sadness  I  feel  at 
this  parting.  To  this  people  I  owe  all 
that  I  am.  Here  I  have  lived  more 
than  a  quarter  of  a  centiuy,  here  my 
children  were  born,  and  here  one  of 
them  lies  buried.  I  know  not  how  soon 
I  shall  see  you  again.  A  duty  devolves 
upon  me  which  is,  perhaps,  greater  than 
that  which  has  devolved  upon  any  other 
man  since  the  days  of  Washington.  He 
never  would  have  succeeded  except  for 
the  aid  of  Divine  Providence,  upon 
wliich  he  at  all  times  relied.  I  feel  that 
I  cannot  succeed  without  the  same  Di- 
vine aid  which  sustained  him  ;  and  in 
the  same  Almighty  Being  I  place  mj^ 
reliance  for  support,  and  I  hope  you, 
my  friends,  will  all  pray  that  I  may  re- 
ceive that  Divine  assistance,  without 
which  I  cannot  succeed,  but  with  wliich 
success  is  certain.  Again  I  bid  you  all 
an  affectionate  farewell." 

This  solemn  leave-taking  brought  tears 
into  his  eyes  and  those  of  his  fellow-cit- 
izens. He  now  commenced  a  triumphant 
journey  toward  "Washington.  Crowds 
of  people,  with  ci^^ic  deputations  at  their 
head,  met  and  welcomed  him  on  his 
passage  through  the  large  cities.  His 
speeches,  which  were  frequent,  showed 
an  amiable  desire,  though  not  always 
gracefully  expressed,  to  conciliate  his 
political  opponents  by  yielding  his  par- 
tisanship to  the  general  interests  of  the 
country,  but  evinced  a  resolute  deter- 
mination to  uphold  the  Federal  au- 
thority against  the  attacks  of  its  ene- 


mies. His  homely  oratory  was  taken 
generally  in  good  part  by  those  who 
hstened  to  it,  and  it  occasionally,  by  an 
apt  illustration,  struck  a  chord  of  pop- 
ular sympathy.  "  In  their  [the  seces- 
sionists] view,"  he  said  happily  at  In- 
dianapohs,  "  the  Union,  as  a  family 
relation,  would  seem  to  be  no  regular 
marriage,  but  rather  a  sort  of  free-love 
arrangement,  to  be  maintained  on  pas- 
sional attraction." 

After  passing  through  Cincinnati,  In-, 
dianapohs,  Columbus,  Pittsburg,  New 
York,  and  Trenton,  he  finally  reached 
Philadelphia.  Here,  to  the  usual  pro- 
gramme of  militaiy  parade,  public  re- 
ception, speech-making,  and  shaking  of 
hands,  was  added  that  of  raising  the 
American  flag  upon  Independence  Hall, 
the  ancient  seat  of  Congress,  on  Fri- 
day, the  22d  of  Februaiy,  the  anniver- 
sary of  "Washington's  birthday. 

On  the  night  previous,  Mr.  Lincoln, 
after  having  gone  to  bed  in  the  hotel, 
was  aroused  and  informed  that  a  visitor 
desired  to  see  him  on  "a  matter  of  hfe 
and  death."  He  was  refused  admission, 
unless  he  gave  his  name,  which  he  did, 
and  as  it  was  one  that  carried  with  it 
an  authority*  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not 
disposed  to  pass  unheeded,  he,  while 
"  yet  disrobed,"  received  the  visitor. 

The  object  of  this  mysterious,  noc- 
turnal visit  was  to  inform  Mr.  Lincoln 
of  the  organization  of  a  body  of  men 
who  had  determined  that  he  should  not 
be  inaugurated  President,  and  to  effect 
their  purpose,  were   ready  to    capture 

<=■  The  visitor  was,  it  is  believed,  tlie  son  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
secretary  of  state. 


LIlSrCOLN  SAFE  IX  WASHINGTON^. 


107 


him  or  to  take  his  life  on  his  way  to 
Washington.  Some  influential  persons 
in  the  interests  of  the  secessionists  were 
Feb.  supposed  to  be  implicated  in  the 
23i  plot.  The  morning's  telegram  came 
with  this  startling  announcement : 

"Statesmen  laid  the  plan,  bankers  in- 
dorsed it,  and  adventurers  were  to  carry 
it  into  effect.  As  they  understood  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  to  leave  Harrisburg  at  nine 
o'clock  this  morning  by  special  train, 
the  idea  was,  if  possible,  to  throw  the 
cars  from  the  road  at  some  point  where 
they  would  rush  down  a  steep  embank- 
ment and  destroy  in  a  moment  the  lives 
of  all  on  board.  In  case  of  the  failure 
of  this  project,  their  plan  was  to  sur- 
round the  carriage  on  the  way  from 
depot  to  depot  in  Baltimore,  and  assas- 
sinate him  with  dagger  or  pistol-shot." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  exact 
nature  of  the  revelation,  it  was  suffi- 
ciently serious  to  induce  his  wife  and 
friends  to  persuade  the  reluctant  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  forego  the  continuance  of  his 
triumphal  progress  of  public  reception, 
flag-raising,  speech-making,  and  hand- 
shaking. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  want  to  yield,'' 
says  the  telegraph  reporter,  "and  Col. 
Sumner  actually  cried  with  indignation  ; 
but  Mrs.  Lincoln,  seconded  by  Mr.  Judd 
Pel,,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  original  inform- 
23i  ant,  insisted  upon  it,  and  at  nine 
o'clock  Mr.  Lincoln  left  on  a  special  train. 
He  wore  a  Scotch  plaid  cap  and  a  very 
long  military  cloak,  so  that  he  was  en- 
tirely unrecognizable.  Accompanied  by 
Superintendent  Lewis  and  one  friend, 
he  started,  while  all  the  town,  with  the 


exception  of  Mrs.  Lincoln,  Col.  Sumner, 
Mr.  Judd,  and  two  reporters,  who  were 
sworn  to  secresy,  supjDosed  him  to  be 
asleep. 

"  The  telegraph  wires  were  put  be- 
yond the  reach  of  any  one  who  might 
desire  to  use  them." 

At  the  same  moment  that  the  world 
was  excited  by  this  alarming  intelli- 
gence, its  agitation  was  composed  by 
the  welcome  statement  that  Mr.  Lin- 
coln had  arrived  safe  at  Willard's  Hotel, 
in  Washington,  and  on  the  same  day, 
"  accompanied  by  Mr.  Seward,  had  paid 
his  respects  to  President  Buchanan"  at 
the  White  House. 

The  press  and  people  of  Baltimore 
supposed  to  be  friendly  to  secession  ex- 
pressed great  disappointment  and  indig- 
nation that  Lincoln  and  his  friends 
should  have  manifested  any  distrust  of 
their  hospitality.  Those,  however,  who 
were  unquestionably  loyal  to  the  Union, 
confessed  to  a  riotous  intent  on  the  part 
of  some  of  the  people  of  Baltimore,  and 
declared  that  Lincoln's  proceeding  was 
"a  simple  and  practical  avoidance  of 
what  might  have  been  an  occasion  of 
disorder  and  of  mortification  to  all  inter- 
ested in  the  j^rcservation  of  the  good 
name  of  the  city."* 

A  detailed,  and  apparently  authentic 
exposition  of  the  formation  of  the  plot, 
the  agents  employed,  and  the  means 
used  to  thwart  it,  appeared  in  one  of  the 
Northern  journals.f 

"  Some  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  friends  having 
heard  that  a  conspiracy  existed  to  as- 
sassinate him  on  his  way  to  Washington, 


**"  Baltimore  American. 


f  Albany  Evening  Journal. 


108 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


set  on  foot  an  investigation  of  the 
matter.  For  this  purpose  they  em- 
ployed a  detective  of  great  experience, 
who  was  engaged  at  Baltimore  in  the 
business  some  three  weeks  prior  to 
Mr.  Lincoln's  expected  arrival  there, 
employing  both  men  and  women  to 
assist  him.  Shortly  after  his  coming 
to  Baltimore,  the  detective  discovered 
a  combination  of  men  banded  together 
under  a  most  solemn  oath  to  assas- 
sinate the  President-elect.  The  leader 
of  the  conspirators  was  an  Italian  refu- 
gee, a  barber,  well-known  in  Balti- 
more, who  assumed  the  name  of  Orsini, 
as  indicative  of  the  part  he  was  to  per- 
form. The  assistants  employed  by  the 
detective,  who,  like  himself,  were  stran- 
gers in  Baltimore  city,  by  assuming  to 
be  secessionists  from  Louisiana  and 
other  seceding  States,  gained  the  con- 
fidence of  some  of  the  conspirators,  and 
were  intrusted  with  their  plans.  It  was 
arranged  in  case  Mr.  Lincoln  should 
pass  safely  over  the  railroad  to  Balti- 
more, that  the  conspirators  should 
mingle  with  the  crowd  which  might  sur- 
round his  carriage,  and  by  pretending  to 
be  his  friends,  be  enabled  to  approach 
his  person,  when,  upon  a  signal  from 
their  leader,  some  of  them  would  shoot 
at  Mr.  Lincoln  with  their  pistols,  and 
others  would  throw  into  his  carriage 
hand-grenades  filled  with  detonathig 
powder,  similar  to  those  used  in  the 
attempted  assassination  of  the  Emperor 
Louis  N'apoleon.  It  was  intended  that 
in  the  confusion  which  should  result 
from  this  attack,  the  assailants  should 
escape  to  a  vessel  which  was  waiting  in 


the  harbor  to  receive  them,  and  be 
carried  to  Mobile,  in  the  seceding  State 
of  Alabama. 

"  Upon  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival  in  Phila- 
delphia upon  Thursday;  the  21st  of 
February,  the  detective  visited  Philadel- 
johia,  and  submitted  to  certain  friends  of 
the  President-elect  the  information  he 
had  collected  as  to  the  conspirators  and 
their  plans.  An  interview  was  immedi- 
ately arranged  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
the  detective.  The  interview  took  place 
in  Mr.  Lincoln's  room,  in  the  Conti- 
nental Hotel,  where  he  was  staying  dur- 
ing his  visit  in  Philadelphia. 

' '  Mr.  Lincoln,  having  heard  the  officer's 
statement,  informed  him  that  he  had 
promised  to  raise  the  American  flag  on 
Independence  Hall  on  the  next  morning 
— the  morning  of  the  anniversary  of 
Washington's  birthda}' — and  that  he 
had  accepted  the  invitation  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Legislature  to  be  publicly 
received  by  that  body  in  the  afternoon 
of  the  same  day.  '  Both  of  these  en- 
gagements,' said  he,  with  emphasis,  'I 
wiU  keep  if  it  costs  me  my  life.  If, 
however,  after  I  shall  have  concluded 
these  engagements,  you  can  take  me  in 
safety  to  Washington,  I  wiU  place  my- 
self at  your  disposal,  and  authorize  you 
to  make  such  arrangements  as  you  may 
deem  proper  for  that  purpose. 

"  On  the  next  day,  in  the  morning, 
Mr.  Lincoln  performed  the  ceremony  of 
raising  the  American  flag  on  Indepen- 
dence Hall,  in  Philadelphia,  according 
to  his  promise,  and  arrived  at  Harrisburg 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  where 
he  was  formally  welcomed  by  the  Penn- 


TIIE  ASSASSIN'S'  PLOT. 


109 


sylvania  Legislatui-e.  After  the  recep- 
i  tion,  he  retu-ed  to  his  hotel,  the  Jones 
House,  and  withdrew  with  a  few  con- 
fidential friends  to  a  private  apartment. 
Here  he  remained  until  nearty  six  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  when,  in  company  with 
Colonel  Lamon,  he  quietly  entered  a 
carriage  without  observation,  and  was 
driven  to  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad, 
where  a  special  train  for  Philadelphia 
was  waiting  for  him.  Simultaneously 
with  his  departure  from  Harrisburg,  the 
telegi-aph  wires  were  cut,  so  that  his 
departure,  if  it  should  become  known, 
might  not  be  communicated  at  a  dis- 
tance. 

"  The  special  train  arrived  in  Phila- 
delphia at  a  quarter  to  eleven  at  night. 
Here  he  was  met  by  the  detective,  who 
had  a  carriage  in  readiness  into  which 
the  party  entered,  and  were  driven  to 
the  dt'pot  of  the  Philadelphia,  Wil- 
mington, and  Baltimore  Railroad. 

"  They  did  not  reach  the  depot  until 
a  quarter  past  eleven  ;  but,  fortunately 
for  them,  the  regular  train,  the  hour  of 
which  for  starting  was  eleven,  had  been 
delayed.  The  party  then  took  berths 
in  the  sleeping  car,  and  without  change 
of  cars  passed  directly  through  to 
Washington,  where  they  arrived  at  the 
usual  hour,  half-past  six  o'clock,  on  the 
morning  of  Saturday  the-  23d.  Mr. 
Lincoln  wore  no  disguise  whatever,  but 
journeyed  in  an  ordinary  traveling 
dress. 

"  It  is  proper  to  state  here  that,  prior 
to  Mr.  Lincoln's  arrival  in  Philadelphia, 
General  Scott  and  Senator  Seward,  in 
Washington,   had   been  apprised,   from 


independent  sources,  that  imminent  dan- 
ger threatened  Mr.  Lincoln  in  case  he 
should  publicly  pass  through  Baltimore  ; 
and  accordingly  a  special  messenger, 
Mr.  Frederick  W.  Seward,  a  son  of  Sena- 
tor Seward,  was  dispatched  to  Philadel- 
phia, to  urge  Mr.  Lincoln  to  come  direct 
to  Washington,  in  a  quiet  manner.  The 
messenger  arrived  in  Philadelphia  late 
on  Thursday  night,  and  had  an  interview 
with  the  President-elect,  immediately 
subsequent  to  his  interview  with  the 
detective.  He  was  informed  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  would  arrive  by  the  early  train 
on  Saturday  morning,  and,  in  accord- 
ance with  this  information,  Mr.  Wash- 
burn, member  of  Congress  from  Hlinois, 
awaited  the  President-elect  at  the  depot 
in  Washington,  whence  he  was  taken  in 
a  carriage  to  Willard's  Hotel,  where 
Senator  Seward  stood  ready  to  receive 
him. 

"The  detective  traveled  with  Mr.  Lin- 
coln under  the  name  of  E.J.  Allen,  which 
name  was  registered  with  the  President- 
elect's on  the  book  at  Willard's  Hotel. 
Being  a  well-known  individual,  he  was 
speedily  recognized,  and  suspicion  nat- 
urally arose  that  he  had  been  instru- 
mental in  exposing  the  plot  which  caused 
Mr.  Lincoln's  hurried  journey.  It  was 
deemed  prudent  that  he  should  leave 
Washington  two  days  after  his  arrival, 
although  he  had  intended  to  remain 
and  witness  the  ceremonies  of  inaugu- 
ration. 

"The  friends  of  Mr.  Lincoln  do  not 
question  the  loyalty  and  hospitality  of 
the  people  of  Maryland,  but  they  were 
aware   that   a  few   disaffected   citizens 


110 


THE  "WAR  Wirn  THE  SOUTH. 


who  sympathized  warmly  with  the  se- 
cessionists, were  determined  to  frus- 
trate, at  all  hazards,  the  inauguration 
of  the  President-elect,  even  at  the  cost 
of  his  life. 

"The  characters  and  pursuits  of  the 
conspirators  were  various.  Some  of 
them  were  impelled  by  a  fanatical  zeal 
which  they  termed  patriotism,  and  they 
justified  their  acts  by  the  example  of 
Brutus,  in  ridding  his  country  of  a  ty- 
rant. One  of  them  was  accustomed  to 
recite  passages  put  into  the  mouth  of 
the  character  of  Brutus,  in  Shakspeare's 
play  of  "  JuUus  Caesar."  Others  were 
stimulated  by  the  offer  of  pecuniary  re- 
ward. These,  it  was  observed,  staid 
away  from  their  usual  places  of  work 
for  several  weeks  prior  to  the  intended 
assault.  Although  their  circumstances 
had  pre\'iously  rendered  them  depend- 
ent on  their  daily  labor  for  support, 
they  were  during  this  time  abundantly 
supplied  with  money,  which  they  squan- 
dered in  bar-rooms  and  disreputable 
places. 

"  After  the  discovery  of  the  plot,  a 
strict  watch  was  kept  by  the  agents  of 
detection  over  the  movements  of  the 
conspirators,  and  efficient  measures  were 
adopted  to  guard  against  any  attack 
which  they  might  meditate  upon  the 
President-elect  until  he  was  installed  in 
office. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln's  family  left  Harrisburg 
for  Baltimore,  on  their  way  to  "Wash- 
ington, in  the  special  train  intended  for 
him.  And  as,  before  starting,  a  mes- 
sage announcing  Mr.  Lincoln's^-;depart- 
ure  and  arrival  at  "Washington  had  been 


telegraphed  to  Baltimore  over  the  wires, 
which  had  been  repaired  that  morning, 
the  passage  through  Baltimore  was  safely 
effected. 

"The  remark  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  during 
the  ceremony  of  raising  the  flag  on  In- 
dependence Hall  on  Friday  morning, 
that  he  would  assert  his  principles  on 
his  inauguration,  although  he  were  to 
be  assassinated  on  the  spot,  had  evident 
reference  to  the  communication  made  to 
him  by  the  detective  on  the  night  pre- 
ceding. 

"  The  names  of  the  conspirators  wiU 
not  at  present  be  divulged  ;  but  they 
are  in  possession  of  responsible  parties, 
including  the  President. 

"  The  niunber  originally  ascertained 
to  be  banded  together  for  the  assassina- 
tion of  Mr.  Lincoln  was  twenty ;  but 
the  number  of  those  who  were  fully  ap- 
prised of  the  details  of  the  plot  became 
daily  smaller  as  the  time  for  executing 
it  drew  near. 

"  Some  of  the  women  employed  by 
the  detective  went  to  serve  as  waiters, 
seamstresses,  etc.,  in  the  families  of  the 
conspirators,  and  a  record  was  regularly 
kept  of  what  was  said  and  done  to  fur- 
ther their  enterprise.  A  record  was 
also  kept  by  the  detective  of  their  de- 
liberations in  secret  conclave,  but,  for 
sufficient  reasons,  it  is  withheld  for  the 
present  from  publication.  The  detec- 
tive and  his  agents  regularly  contributed 
money  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  con- 
spiracy." 

In  the  mean  time,  wliile  the  tri- 
umphal progress  of  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
brought  to  so  inglorious  a  close  by  his 


TIIE  PEACE  CONFERENCE. 


Ill 


forced  flight  to  the  capital,  and  the 
country  was  rejoicing  at  his  escape  from 
his  enemies,  the  Senate  was  busily  at 
work  striving,  by  excited  debate  and 
discordant  motions,  to  compose  the 
country.  The  "Crittenden  Comprom- 
ise" continued  to  be  the  main  subject 
of  discussion,  which  jiromised  to  be  in- 
definitely protracted  by  the  perplexing 
amendments  of  the  secessionists  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  Republicans  on  the 
other.  The  "Peace  Conference,"  too, 
Feb.  '"^'is  in  constant  session,  and  after  a 
27.  long  labor  iinally  adjourned  sine 
die,  after  having  brought  forth  a  propo- 
sition of  compromise  which  was  destined 
to  prove,  like  the  rest,  but  an  abortive 
attempt  to  conciliate  discordant  factions. 
The  more  important  points  of  this  plan 
were  embraced  in  these  two  sections  of 
the  thirteenth  article  : 

''Sec.  1.  In  all  the  present  territory 
of  the  United  States  north  of  the  par- 
allel of  36  degrees  30  minutes  of  north 
latitude,  involuntary  servitude,  except 
as  punishment  of  crime,  is  prohibited. 
In  all  the  present  territory  south  of  that 
hne  the  status  of  persons  held  to  service 
or  labor,  as  it  now  exists,  shall  not  be 
changed.  Nor  shall  any  law  be  passed 
by  Congress  or  the  territorial  legis- 
lature to  hinder  or  prevent  the  taking 
of  such  persons  from  any  of  the  States 
of  the  Union  to  said  territory,  nor  to 
impair  the  rights  arising  from  said  rela- 
tion. But  the  same  shall  be  subject 
to  judicial  cognizance  in  the  Federal 
courts,  according  to  the  course  of  the 
common  law.  "When  any  territory, 
north  or  south  of  said  hne,  with  such 


boundary  as  Congress  may  prescribe, 
shall  contain  a  population  equal  to  that 
required  for  a  member  of  Congress,  it 
shall,  if  its  form  of  government  be  re- 
publican, be  admitted  into  the  Union 
on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original 
States,  with  or  without  involuntary  serv- 
itude, as  the  constitution  of  such  State 
may  provide. 

"  Sec.  2.  Territory  shall  not  be  ac- 
quired by  the  United  States,  unless  by 
treaty  ;  nor,  except  for  naval  and  com- 
mercial stations  and  depots,  unless  such 
treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  four-fifths  of 
all  the  members  of  the  Senate." 

The  other  articles  prohibited  Con- 
gress from  abolishing  slavery  in  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  without  the  consent 
of  Maryland  and  of  the  owners,  and 
without  making  due  compensation  ;  from 
abolishing  slavery  in  the  United  States 
dock -yards  ;  and  from  taxing  slaves  high- 
er than  land.  One  article  prohibited  the 
slave-trade  forever  ;  and  another  aimed 
at  a  more  thorough  execution  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law. 

These  pro2:)ositions  of  the  peace  con- 
ference seemed  to  meet  with  no  more 
favor  than  the  other  attempts  to  har- 
monize the  discordant  opinions  of  the 
Senate.  The  people  of  the  North,  how- 
ever, were  still  hopeful,  though  they 
despaired  of  the  efficacy  of  congres- 
sional action.  It  was  to  the  future  Pres- 
ident that  the  universal  attention  was 
directed.  Various  speculations  were  in- 
dulged in,  in  regard  to  his  policy  ;  but 
while  some  believed  that  it  would  be 
conciliatory  or  conservative,  as  they 
termed    it,  and    others,  that    it  would 


114 


THE  WAR  "WITH  TIIE  SOUTH. 


while  I  do  not  choose  now  to  specify 
particular  acts  of  Congress  as  proper  to 
be  enforced,  I  do  suggest  that  it  will  be 
much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and 
private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide 
by  all  those  acts  which  stand  unrepealed, 
than  to  violate  any  of  them,  trusting  to 
find  impunity  in  having  them  held  to  be 
unconstitutional. 

"It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the 
first  inauguration  of  a  President  under 
our  national  Constitution.  During  that 
period  fifteen  different  and  very  distin- 
guished citizens  have  in  succession  ad- 
ministered the  executive  branch  of  the 
Government.  They  have  conducted  it 
through  many  perils,  and  generally  with 
great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope 
for  precedent,  I  now  enter  upon  the 
same  task,  for  the  brief  constitutional 
term  of  four  years,  under  great  and 
peculiar  difficulties. 

"  A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union, 
heretofore  only  menaced,  is  now  formi- 
dably attempted.  I  hold  that  in  the  con- 
templation of  universal  law  and  of  the 
Constitution,  the  union  of  these  States 
is  perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  implied,  if 
not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law 
of  all  national  governments.  It  is  safe 
to  assert  that  no  government  proper 
ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law 
for  its  own  termination.  Contmue  to 
execute  all  the  express  provisions  of  our 
national  Constitution,  and  the  Union 
will  endure  forever,  it  being  impossible 
to  destroy  it  except  by  some  action  not 
provided  for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

"  Again  :  if  the  United  States  be  not 
a  government  proper,  but  an  association 


of  States  in  the  nature  of  a  contract 
merely,  can  it,  as  a  contract,  be  peace- 
ably unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties 
who  made  it  ?  One  party  to  a  contract 
may  violate  it — break  it,  so  to  speak  ; 
but  does  it  not  require  all  to  lawfully 
rescind  it  ?  Descending  from  these  gen- 
eral principles,  we  find  the  proposition 
that  in  legal  contemplation  the  Union  is 
perpetual,  confirmed  by  the  history  of 
the  Union  itself. 

"  The  Union  is  much  older  than  the 
Constitution.  It  was  formed,  in  fact,  by 
the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774.  It 
was  matured  and  continued  in  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  in  1776.  It 
was  further  matured,  and  the  faith  of 
all  the  then  thirteen  States  expressly 
plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should  be 
perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion, in  1778  ;  and,  finally,  in  1787,  one 
of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and 
establishing  the  Constitution  was  to  form 
a  more  perfect  Union.  But  if  the  de- 
struction of  the  Union  by  one  or  by  a 
part  only  of  the  States  be  lawfully  pos- 
sible, the  Union  is  less  than  before,  the 
Constitution  having  lost  the  vital  ele- 
ment of  perpetuity. 

' '  It  follows  from  these  views  that  no 
State,  upon  its  own  mere  motion,  can 
lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union  ;  that  re- 
solves and  ordinances  to  that  effect  are 
legally  void  ;  and  that  acts  of  violence 
within  any  State  or  States  against  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  are  in- 
surrectionary or  revolutionary,  accord- 
ing to  circumstances. 

"  I  therefore  consider  that  in  view  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  the  Union 


WIIAT  LINCOLN  WILL  DO. 


11! 


is  unbroken,  and,  to  the  extent  of  my  abil- 
ity, I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution 
itself  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that 
the  laws  of  the  Union  shall  be  faithfully 
executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this, 
which  I  deem  to  be  only  a  simple  duty 
on  my  part,  I  shall  perfectly  perform 
it,  so  far  as  is  practicable,  unless  my 
rightful  masters,  the  American  people, 
shall  withhold  the  requisition,  or  in 
some  authoritative  manner  direct  the 
contrary. 

"  I  trust  this  wiU  not  be  regarded  as 
a  menace,  but  only  as  the  declared  pur- 
pose of  the  Union  that  it  will  constitu- 
tionally defend  and  maintain  itself. 

"  In    doing   this   there    need   be   no 
I       bloodshed  nor  violence,  and  there  shall 
be  none,  unless  it  is  forced  upon  the  na- 
tional authority. 

"  The  power  confided  to  me  will  he 
used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the  prop- 
erty and  places  belonging  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  collect  the  duties  and  im- 
posts ;  but  beyond  what  may  be  neces- 
sary for  these  objects,  there  wiU  be  no 
invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or 
among  the  people  anywhere. 

"  Where  hostility  to  the  United  States 
shall  be  so  great  and  so  universal  as  to 
prevent  competent  resident  citizens  from 
holding  the  Federal  offices,  there  will  be 
no  attempt  to  force  obnoxious  strangers 
among  the  people  that  object.  While 
the  strict  legal  right  may  exist  of  the 
Government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of 
these  offices,  the  attempt  to  do  so  would 
be  so  irritating,  and  so  nearly  impracti- 
cable withal,  that  I  deem  it  better  to  fore- 
go for  the  time  the  uses  of  such  offices. 


"  The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  con- 
tinue to  be  furnished  in  aU  parts  of  the 
Union. 

"  So  far  as  possible,  the  people  every- 
where shall  have  that  sense  of  perfect 
security  which  is  most  favorable  to  caka 
thought  and  reflection. 

"The  course  here  indicated  wiU  be 
followed,  unless  current  events  and  ex- 
perience shall  show  a  modification  or 
change  to  be  proper ;  and  in  every  case 
and  exigency  my  best  discretion  will  be 
exercised  according  to  the  circumstances 
actually  existing,  and  with  a  view  and 
hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  na- 
tional troubles,  and  the  restoration  of 
fraternal  sympathies  and  affections. 

"  That  there  are  persons,  in  one  sec- 
tion or  another,  who  seek  to  destroy  the 
Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any 
pretext  to  do  it,  I  wiU  neither  affirm  nor 
deny.  But  if  there  be  such,  I  need  ad- 
dress no  word  to  them. 

"To  those,  however,  who  really  love 
the  Union,  may  I  not  speak,  before  en- 
tering upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the 
destruction  of  our  national  fabric,  with 
all  its  benefits,  its  memories,  and  its 
hopes  ?  Would  it  not  be  well  to  ascer- 
tain why  we  do  it  ?  Will  you  hazard  so 
desperate  a  step  while  any  portion  of 
the  ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real  exist- 
ence ?  Will  you — while  the  certain  ills 
you  fly  to  are  greater  than  all  the  real 
ones  you  fly  from — will  you  risk  the 
commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake  ? 
All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union 
if  all  constitutional  rights  can  be  main- 
tained. Is  it  true,  then,  that  any  right, 
plainly  written  in  the  Constitution,  has 


114 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


while  I  do  not  choose  now  to  specify 
particular  acts  of  Congress  as  proper  to 
be  enforced,  I  do  suggest  that  it  will  be 
much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official  and 
private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide 
by  all  those  acts  which  stand  unrepealed, 
than  to  violate  any  of  them,  trusting  to 
find  impunity  in  having  them  held  to  be 
unconstitutional. 

"It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the 
first  inauguration  of  a  President  under 
our  national  Constitution.  During  that 
period  fifteen  different  and  very  distin- 
guished citizens  have  in  succession  ad- 
ministered the  executive  branch  of  the 
Government.  They  have  conducted  it 
through  many  perils,  and  generally  with 
great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope 
for  precedent,  I  now  enter  upon  the 
same  task,  for  the  brief  constitutional 
term  of  four  years,  under  great  and 
peculiar  difficulties. 

"  A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union, 
heretofore  only  menaced,  is  now  formi- 
dably attempted.  I  hold  that  in  the  con- 
templation of  universal  law  and  of  the 
Constitution,  the  union  of  these  States 
is  perpetual.  Perpetuity  is  implied,  if 
not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law 
of  all  national  governments.  It  is  safe 
to  assert  that  no  government  proper 
ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law 
for  its  own  termination.  Continue  to 
execute  all  the  express  provisions  of  our 
national  Constitution,  and  the  Union 
will  endure  forever,  it  being  impossible 
to  destroy  it  except  by  some  action  not 
provided  for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

"  Again  :  if  the  United  States  be  not 
a  government  proper,  but  an  association 


of  States  in  the  nature  of  a  contract 
merely,  can  it,  as  a  contract,  be  peace- 
ably unmade  by  less  than  all  the  parties 
who  made  it  ?  One  party  to  a  contract 
may  violate  it — break  it,  so  to  speak  ; 
but  does  it  not  require  all  to  lawfully 
rescind  it  ?  Descending  from  these  gen- 
eral principles,  we  find  the  proposition 
that  in  legal  contemplation  the  Union  is 
perpetual,  confirmed  by  the  history  of 
the  Union  itself. 

"  The  Union  is  much  older  than  the 
Constitution.  It  was  formed,  in  fact,  by 
the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774.  It 
was  matured  and  continued  in  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  in  177C.  It 
was  further  matured,  and  the  faith  of 
all  the  then  thirteen  States  expressly 
plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should  be 
perpetual,  by  the  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion, in  1778  ;  and,  finally,  in  1787,  one 
of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and 
establishing  the  Constitution  was  to  form 
a  more  perfect  Union.  But  if  the  de- 
struction of  the  Union  by  one  or  by  a 
part  only  of  the  States  be  lawfully  pos- 
sible, the  Union  is  less  than  before,  the 
Constitution  having  lost  the  vital  ele- 
ment of  perpetuity. 

"It  follows  from  these  views  that  no 
State,  upon  its  own  mere  motion,  can 
lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union  ;  that  re- 
solves and  ordinances  to  that  effect  are 
legally  void  ;  and  that  acts  of  violence 
within  any  State  or  States  against  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  are  in- 
surrectionary or  revolutionary,  accord- 
ing to  circumstances. 

"  I  therefore  consider  that  in  view  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  the  Union 


WHAT  LINCOLN   WILL   DO. 


lit 


is  unbroken,  and,  to  the  extent  of  my  abil- 
ity, I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution 
itself  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that 
the  laws  of  the  Union  shall  be  faithfully 
executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this, 
which  I  deem  to  be  only  a  simple  duty 
on  my  part,  I  shall  perfectly  perform 
it,  so  far  as  is  practicable,  unless  my 
rightful  masters,  the  American  people, 
shall  withhold  the  requisition,  or  in 
some  authoritative  manner  direct  the 
contrary. 

"  I  trust  this  will  not  be  regarded  as 
a  menace,  but  only  as  the  declared  pur- 
pose of  the  Union  that  it  will  constitu- 
tionally defend  and  maintain  itself. 

"  In  doing  this  there  need  be  no 
bloodshed  nor  violence,  and  there  shall 
be  none,  unless  it  is  forced  upon  the  na- 
tional authority. 

"  The  power  confided  to  me  will  le 
used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the  prop- 
erty and  places  belonging  to  the  Govern- 
ment, and  collect  the  duties  and  im- 
posts ;  but  beyond  what  may  be  neces- 
sary for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no 
invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or 
among  the  people  anywhere. 

"  Where  hostility  to  the  United  States 
shall  be  so  great  and  so  universal  as  to 
prevent  competent  resident  citizens  from 
holding  the  Federal  offices,  there  will  be 
no  attempt  to  force  obnoxious  strangers 
among  the  people  that  object.  While 
the  strict  legal  right  may  exist  of  the 
Government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of 
these  offices,  the  attempt  to  do  so  would 
be  so  irritating,  and  so  nearly  impracti- 
cable withal,  that  I  deem  it  better  to  fore- 
go for  the  time  the  uses  of  such  offices. 


"  The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  con- 
tinue to  be  furnished  in  all  parts  of  the 
Union. 

"  So  far  as  possible,  the  people  every- 
where shall  have  that  sense  of  perfect 
security  which  is  most  favorable  to  calm 
thought  and  reflection. 

"The  course  here  indicated  will  be 
followed,  unless  current  events  and  ex- 
perience shall  show  a  modification  or 
change  to  be  proper ;  and  in  every  case 
and  exigency  my  best  discretion  will  be 
exercised  according  to  the  circumstances 
actually  existing,  and  with  a  view  and 
hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  na- 
tional troubles,  and  the  restoration  of 
fraternal  sympathies  and  affections. 

"  That  there  are  persons,  in  one  sec- 
tion or  another,  who  seek  to  destroy  the 
Union  at  all  events,  and  are  glad  of  any 
pretext  to  do  it,  I  will  neither  affirm  nor 
deny.  But  if  there  be  such,  I  need  ad- 
dress no  word  to  them. 

"To  those,  however,  who  really  love 
the  Union,  may  I  not  speak,  before  en- 
tering upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the 
destruction  of  our  national  fabric,  with 
all  its  benefits,  its  memories,  and  its 
hopes  ?  Would  it  not  be  well  to  ascer- 
tain why  we  do  it  ?  Will  you  hazard  so 
desperate  a  step  while  any  portion  of 
the  ills  you  fly  from  have  no  real  exist- 
ence ?  Will  you — while  the  certain  ills 
you  fly  to  are  greater  than  all  the  real 
ones  you  fly  from — will  you  risk  the 
commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake  ? 
All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union 
if  all  constitutional  rights  can  be  main- 
tained. Is  it  true,  then,  that  any  right, 
plainly  written  in  the  Constitution,  has 


116 


THE  WAR  "WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


been  denied  ?  I  think  not.  Happily 
the  human  mind  is  so  constituted,  that 
no  party  can  reach  to  the  audacity  of 
doing  this. 

"  Think,  if  you  can,  of  a  single  in- 
stance in  which  a  plainly  written  pro- 
vision of  the  Constitution  has  ever  been 
denied.  If,  by  the  mere  force  of  num- 
bers, a  majority  should  deprive  a  mi- 
nority of  any  clearly  written  constitu- 
tional right,  it  might,  in  a  moral  point 
of  view,  justify  revolution  ;  it  certainly 
would  if  such  right  were  a  vital  one. 
But  such  is  not  our  case. 

' '  All  the  vital  rights  of  minorities  and 
of  individuals  are  so  plainly  assured  to 
them  by  affirmations  and  negations,  guai'- 
antees  and  prohibitions  in  the  Constitu- 
tion, that  controversies  never  arise  con- 
cerning them.  But  no  organic  law  can 
ever  be  framed  with  a  provision  specif- 
ically applicable  to  every  question  which 
may  occur  in  practical  administration. 
No  foresight  can  anticipate,  nor  any  doc- 
ument of  reasonable  length  contain,  ex- 
press provisions  for  all  possible  questions. 
Shall  fugitives  from  labor  be  surrendered 
by  national  or  by  State  authorities  ?  The 
Constitution  does  not  expressly  say. 
Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in  the 
Territories  ?  The  Constitution  does  not 
expressly  say.  From  questions  of  this 
class  spring  all  our  constitutional  con- 
troversies, and  we  divide  upon  them  into 
majorities  and  minorities. 

"If  the  minority  will  not  acquiesce, 
the  majority  must,  or  the  Government 
must  cease.  There  is  no  alternative  for 
continuing  the  Government  but  acqui- 
escence on  the  one  side  or  the  other. 


If  a  minority  in  such  a  case  will  secede 
rather  than  acquiesce,  they  make  a  pre- 
cedent which  in  turn  will  ruin  and  di- 
vide them,  for  a  minority  of  their  own 
will  secede  from  them  whenever  a  ma- 
jority refuses  to  be  controlled  by  such 
a  minoritj^.  For  instance,  why  not  any 
portion  of  a  new  confederacy,  a  year  or 
two  hence,  arbitrarily  secede  again,  pre- 
cisely as  portions  of  the  present  Union 
now  claim  to  secede  from  it  ?  All  who 
cherish  disunion  sentiments  are  now 
being  educated  to  the  exact  temper  of 
doing  this.  Is  there  such  perfect  iden- 
tity of  interests  among  the  States  to 
compose  a  new  Union  as  to  produce 
harmony  only,  and  prevent  renewed 
secession  ?  Plainly  the  central  idea  of 
secession  is  the  essence  of  anarchy. 

"  A  majority  held  in  restraint  by  con- 
stitutional check  and  hmitation,  and 
always  changing  easily  with  deliberate 
changes  of  popular  opinions  and  senti- 
ments, is  the  only  true  sovereign  of  a 
free  people.  Whoever  rejects  it,  does, 
of  necessity,  fly  to  anarchy  or  to  despot- 
ism. Unanimity  is  impossible  ;  the  rule 
of  a  majority,  as  a  permanent  arrange- 
ment, is  wholly  inadmissible.  So  that, 
rejecting  the  majoi-ity  principle,  anarchy 
or  despotism  in  some  form  is  all  that  is 
left. 

"  I  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed 
by  some,  that  constitutional  questions 
are  to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court, 
nor  do  I  deny  that  such  decisions  must 
be  bmding  in  any  case  upon  the  parties 
to  a  suit  as  to  the  object  of  that  suit, 
while  they  are  also  entitled  to  very  high 
respect  and  consideration  in  aU  parallel 


BIPOSSIBILITY  OF  SEPARATION. 


117 


cases  by  all  other  departments  of  the 
Government ;  and  while  it  is  obviously 
possible  that  such  decision  may  be  erro- 
neous in  any  given  case,  still  the  evil 
effect  following  it,  being  limited  to  that 
particular  case,  with  the  chance  that  it 
may  be  overruled  and  never  become  a 
precedent  for  other  cases,  can  better  be 
borne  than  could  the  evils  of  a  different 
practice. 

"At  the  same  time  the  candid  citizen 
must  confess  that  if  the  policy  of  the 
Government  upon  the  vital  questions 
affecting  the  whole  people  is  to  be  irre- 
vocably fixed  by  the  decisions  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  the  instant  they  are 
made,  as  in  ordinary  litigation  between 
parties  in  personal  actions,  the  people 
will  have  ceased  to  be  their  own  masters, 
unless  having  to  that  extent  practically 
resigned  their  government  into  the 
hands  of  that  eminent  tribunal. 

"  Nor  is  there  in  this  view  any  assault 
iipon  the  court  or  the  judges.  It  is  a 
duty  from  which  they  may  not  shrink, 
to  decide  cases  properly  brought  before 
them  ;  and  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs  if 
others  seek  to  turn  their  decisions  to 
political  purposes.  One  section  of  our 
counti-y  believes  slavery  is  right  and 
ought  to  be  extended,  while  the  other 
believes  it  is  wrong  and  ought  not  to  be 
extended  ;  and  this  is  the  only  substan- 
tial dispute  ;  and  the  fugitive  slave 
clause  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  law 
for  the  suppression  of  the  foreign  slave- 
trade,  are  each  as  well  enforced,  perhaps, 
as  any  law  can  ever  be  in  a  community 
where  the  moral  sense  of  the  people 
imperfectly  supports  the  law  itself.     The 


great  body  of  the  people  abide  by  the 
dry  legal  obligation  in  both  cases,  and  a 
few  break  over  in  each.  This,  I  think, 
cannot  be  perfectly  cured,  and  it  would 
be  worse  in  both  cases  after  the  separa- 
tion of  the  sections  than  before.  The 
foreign  slave  trade,  now  imperfectly 
suppressed,  would  be  ultimately  revived, 
without  restriction,  in  one  section  ; 
while  fugitive  slaves,  now  only  partially 
surrendered,  would  not  be  surrendered 
at  all  by  the  other. 

"Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  sepa- 
rate— we  cannot  remove  our  respective 
sections  from  each  other,  nor  build  an 
impassable  wall  between  them.  A  hus- 
band and  wife  may  be  divorced,  and  go 
out  of  the  presence  and  beyond  the 
reach  of  each  other,  but  the  different 
parts  of  our  country  cannot  do  this. 
They  cannot  but  remain  face  to  face ; 
and  intercourse,  either  amicable  or 
hostile,  must  continue  between  them. 
Is  it  possible,  then,  to  make  that  inter- 
course more  advantageous  or  more  satis- 
factory after  separation  than  before  ? 
Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than 
friends  can  make  laws  ?  Can  treaties 
be  more  faithfully  enforced  between 
aliens  than  laws  can  among  friends  ? 
Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  cannot  fight 
always  ;  and  when,  after  much  loss  on 
both  sides  and  no  gain  on  either,  you 
cease  fighting,  the  identical  questions  as 
to  terms  of  intercourse  are  again  upon 
you. 

"  This  country,  with  its  institutions, 
belongs  to  the  people  who  inhabit  it. 
Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the 
existing  government,  tliey  can  exercise 


118 


THE   WAR   WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


their  constitutional  right  of  amending, 
or  their  revolutionary  right  to  dis- 
member or  overthrow  it.  I  cannot  be 
ignorant  of  the  fact  that  many  worthy 
and  patriotic  citizens  are  desirous 
of  having  the  national  Constitution 
amended.  While  I  make  no  recom- 
mendation of  amendment,  I  fully  recog- 
nize the  full  authority  of  the  peo^Dle 
over  the  whole  subject,  to  be  exercised 
in  either  of  the  modes  prescribed  in  the 
instrument  itself,  and  I  should,  under 
existing  circumstances,  favor,  rather 
than  oppose,  a  fair  opportunity  being 
afforded  the  people  to  act  upon  it. 

"I  will  venture  to  add,  that  to  me 
the  convention  mode  seems  preferable, 
in  that  it  allows  amendments  to  orig- 
inate with  the  people  themselves,  in- 
stead of  only  permitting  them  to  take 
or  reject  propositions  originated  by  oth- 
ers not  especially  chosen  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  which  might  not  be  precisely 
such  as  they  would  wish  either  to  ac- 
cept or  refuse.  I  understand  that  a 
proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion (which  amendment,  however,  I 
have  not  seen)  has  passed  Congress,  to 
the  effect  that  the  Federal  Government 
shall  never  interfere  with  the  domestic 
institutions  of  States,  including  that  of 
persons  held  to  service.  To  avoid  mis- 
construction of  what  I  have  said,  I  de- 
part from  my  j^urpose  not  to  speak  of 
particular  amendments,  so  far  as  to  say 
that,  holding  such  a  provision  to  now 
be  implied  constitutional  law,  I  have  no 
objection  to  its  being  made  express  and 
irrevocable. 

"The  chief  magistrate  derives  all  his 


authority  from  the  people,  and  they 
have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix 
the  terms  for  the  separation  of  the 
States.  The  people  themselves,  also, 
can  do  this  if  they  choose,  but  the  Ex- 
ecutive, as  such,  has  nothing  to  do  with 
it.  His  duty  is  to  administer  the  pres- 
ent Government  as  it  came  to  his  hands, 
and  to  transmit  it  unimpaired  by  him  to 
his  successor.  Why  should  there  not  be 
a  patient  confidence  in  the  ultimate  jus- 
tice of  the  people  ?  Is  there  any  better 
or  equal  hope  in  the  world  ?  In  our 
present  differences,  is  either  party  with- 
out faith  of  being  in  the  right  ?  If  the 
Almighty  Ruler  of  nations,  with  his  eter- 
nal truth  and  justice,  be  on  your  side 
of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South, 
that  truth  and  that  justice  will  surely 
prevail  by  the  judgment  of  this  great 
tribunal,  the  American  people.  By  the 
frame  of  the  Government  under  which 
we  live,  this  same  people  have  wisely 
given  their  public  servants  but  little 
power  for  mischief,  and  have  with  equal 
wisdom  provided  for  the  return  of  that 
little  to  their  own  hands  at  very  short 
intervals.  While  the  people  retain  their 
virtue  and  vigilance,  no  administration, 
by  any  extreme  wickedness  or  folly,  can 
very  seriously  injure  the  Government  in 
the  short  space  of  four  years. 

' '  My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  think 
calmly  and  well  upon  this  whole  sub- 
ject. Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by 
taking  time. 

"  If  there  be  an  object  to  hurry  any 
of  you,  in  hot  haste,  to  a  step  which  you 
would  never  take  deliberately,  that  ob- 
ject will  be  frustrated  by  taking  time  ; 


EFFECT   OF   LINCOLN'S  JIESSAGE. 


119 


but  no  good  object  can  be  frustrated 
by  it. 

"  Such  of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied 
still  have  the  old  Constitution  unim- 
paired, and  on  the  sensitive  point,  the 
laws  of  your  own  framing  under  it  ; 
while  the  new  administration  will  have 
no  immediate  power,  if  it  would,  to 
change  either. 

"If  it  were  admitted  that  you  who 
are  dissatisfied  hold  the  right  side  in  the 
dispute,  there  is  stiU  no  single  reason 
for  precipitate  action.  Intelligence,  pa- 
triotism, Christianity,  and  a  firm  reli- 
ance on  Him  who  has  never  yet  forsaken 
this  favored  land,  are  still  competent  to 
adjust,  in  the  best  way,  all  our  present 
difficulties. 

"  In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fel- 
low-countrymen, and  not  in  mine,  is  the 


momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The 
Government  will  not  assail  you. 

"  You  can  have  no  conflict  without 
being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You 
have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to 
destroy  the  Government,  while  I  shall 
have  the  most  solemn  one  to  "preserve, 
protect,  and  defend"  it. 

"  I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not 
enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not  be 
enemies.  Though  passion  may  have 
strained,  it  must  not  break  our  bonds 
of  affection. 

"The  mystic  cords  of  memory,  stretch- 
ing from  every  battle-field  and  patriot 
grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearth- 
stone all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet 
swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when 
again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be, 
by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 


CHAPTER    X, 


The  opinion  of  the  Secessionists  on  the  Message. — The  opinion  of  the  Unionists. — Unanimous  satisfaction  at  the  exit 
of  Buchanan.— The  fate  of  Buchanan.— A  Nation's  Reproach.- Difficulty  of  forming  a  Judgment.— What  were  the 
Motives  of  his  conduct.— A  fatal  Administration.— Life  of  Buchanan.— Birth.— Origin.— Early  Education.— Political 
Career.- Member  of  the  Legislature.— Jlinistcr  to  Rus.sia.— United  States  Senator.— Adherent  of  General  Jackson.— 
Opposed  to  Nullification.— Political  friend  of  Van  Burun.— Supporter  of  his  Policy.— Puallics  to  the  support  of  Tyler. 
—In  favor  of  the  Recognition  of  Texas.— An  advocate  of  the  War  with  Mexico.— Secretary  of  State  under  Polk. — 
Retirement  to  Private  Life. — Opposed  to  the  Wilmot  Proviso. — Advocates  Compromises. — Ambiissador  to  Great 
Britain.— The  famous  Ostend  Conference.— Its  Manifesto.— Return  to  the  United  States.— Candidate  for  President.— 
Elected  President.— Public  Confidence.— His  conduct  in  regard  to  Kansas.— Charged  with  Partisanship.— Secession 
of  Six  States  from  the  Union.— Historic  importance  of  Buchanan.— Could  Buchanan  have  checked  the  Rebellion  ?— 
Why  he  did  not.— Last  act  of  his  Administration.— Opinion  of  Free  Traders  of  his  signing  the  Morrill  Tariff.— The 
two  Patriots  in  his  Cabinet.— Lincoln's  Cabinet.— Its  party  character.— William  H.  Seward.— His  Life.— Education. 
Political  Career.— Character  and  Personal  Appearance.— Salmon  Portland  Chase.— His  Birth.— Education.— Pro- 
fessional success.— Opinions  on  Slavery.- Political  Career.— Character.— Simon  Cameron.— His  Origin.— Influence 
in  Pennsylvania.— His  Character.— Gideon  Welles  :  his  Career  and  Character.— Montgomery  Blair  :  his  Career  and 
Character.— Edward  Bates  :  his  Career  and  Character.— Caleb  B.  Smith  :  his  Career  and  Character. 


WniLE  the  secessionists  pronounced 
the  message  of  President  Lincoln  war- 
like, and  affected  great  indignation,  and 


even  in  Baltimore  some  of  the  daily 
journals  declared  it  "sectional  and  mis- 
chievous,"  the    unionists   accepted   the 


120 


THE  WAR  WITII  TIIE  SOUTn. 


document  as  firm,  but  conservative. 
Those  in  North  Carolina  who  were  still 
clear  of  the  heresy  of  secession,  wel- 
comed it  as  a  hopeful  indication  of  the 
peace  policy  of  the  administration  ;  and 
while  in  Missouri  the  exponent  of  one 
party  declared  that  it  "met  the  highest 
expectations  of  the  country,  both  in  point 
of  statesmanship  and  patriotism,"  that 
of  another  expressed  its  disappointment 
at  not  having  ' '  a  more  conservative  and 
conciliatory  expression  of  sentiments." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  differ- 
ence of  opinion  in  regard  to  Lincoln, 
there  was  a  unanimous  feeling  of  satis- 
faction, among  all  who  continued  loyal 
to  the  Union,  that  Buchanan  was  no 
longer  President.  It  was  said  of  him 
at  this  time  that  "whatever  may  be  his 
hope  of  justification  by  posterity,  he  must 
resign  himself  for  the  present  to  the 
reproach  of  an  afflicted  people.  With 
his  administration  will  always  be  asso- 
ciated those  complicated  ills  of  factious 
and  corrupt  government,  vacillating  and 
contemned  authority,  to  which  are  owing 
the  present  civil  strife  and  the  arrested 
progress  of  the  country.  It  would  be 
difficult  in  the  heat  of  war  and  under 
the  pressure  of  national  suffering  to  as- 
sume that  equanimity  of  temper  or  reach 
that  elevated  height  necessary  to  a  broad 
and  dispassionate  judgment  of  the  de- 
gree of  responsibility  to  be  attached  to 
the  head  of  an  administration  which  has 
proved  so  fatal  to  the  country. 

"  Whether  liis  conduct  is  to  be  attrib- 
uted to  habitual  partisanship,  evil  coun- 
sel, corrupt  motive,  or  senile  weakness, 
cannot  be   easily  determined.      To  the 


direful  results  of  his  administration, 
however.  President  Buchanan  can  tri- 
umphantly oppose  a  previous  career  of 
prosperous  statesmanship  and  a  private 
life  of  unquestioned  purity.  " 

James  Buchanan,  the  fifteenth  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  was  born  at 
Stony  Batter,  in  Franklin  Count}^,  Penn- 
S3ivania,  on  the  22d  of  April,  1791. 
His  father  was  an  Irishman  who  emi- 
grated to  America  in  1783.  His  mother, 
however,  Elizabeth  Spear,  was  the 
daughter  of  a  Pennsylvania  farmer.  In 
spite  of  the  poverty  of  his  parents,  their 
son  was  sent  to  Dickinson  College,  where 
he  graduated  with  the  honors  of  his 
class.  In  1812  he  began  to  practice 
law  at  Lancaster,  and  with  such  success, 
that  he  retired,  at  the  age  of  forty,  with 
a  fair  competence.  At  twenty-three 
years  of  age  he  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  Legislature.  In  1820  he  first 
entered  Congress,  and  continued  to 
serve  until  1831,  when  he  resigned,  and 
was  appointed  minister  to  Russia  by 
President  Jackson,  to  whom  he  was  a 
faithful  adherent.  In  1833  he  returned, 
and  was  elected  United  States  senator 
from  Pennsylvania,  and  continued  a  firm 
supporter  of  Jackson's  pohcy.  He  stood 
firmly  by  the  President  in  his  successful 
conflicts  with  the  United  States  Bank 
and  the  nullification  of  South  Carolina. 
During  the  agitation  in  1835  of  the 
question  of  the  abohtion  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  he  advocated 
the  reception  by  Congress  of  petitions 
in  its  favor,  but  strove  to  resist  their 
effect  by  the  introduction  of  an  act  de- 
claring that  Congress  had  no  power  to 


LIFE   OF  BUCHANAN". 


121 


legislate  upon  the  subject.  Buchanan 
gave  to  President  Van  Buren  the  same 
uncompromising  poUtical  support  that 
he  had  given  to  his  predecessor. 

On  the  change  of  pohcy  effected  by 
President  Tyler,  after  the  death  of  Har- 
rison, Buchanan  rallied  to  the  supj^ort 
of  the  administration  ;  he  advocated  the 
recognition  of  the  independence  of  Texas, 
as  he  subsequently  did  its  admission  into 
the  Union  and  the  consequent  war  with 
Mexico.  Under  President  Polk  he  be- 
came secretary  of  state,  and  at  the  ex- 
piration of  the  Presidential  term  retired 
to  private  hfe.  He,  however,  used  his 
great  poUtical  influence  in  opposition  to 
the  Wilmot  proviso,  and  in  favor  of  an 
extension  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  line  of  latitude 
36  degrees  30  minutes  north.  On  the 
accession  of  Pierce  to  the  Presidency, 
Buchanan  was  appointed  ambassador  to 
Great  Britain.  It  was  while  thus  serv- 
ing that  he  joined  with  the  United  States 
minister  to  Paris,  and  Pierre  SouM,  the 
minister  to  Madrid,  in  forming  the  no- 
table Ostend  Conference,  the  object  of 
which  was  to,  induce  Spain  to  sell  Cuba. 

A  memorandum  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  conference  was  published,  and 
has  been  dignified  with  the  title  of  a 
protocol.  This  set  forth  the  import- 
ance of  Cuba,  commercially  and  de- 
fensively, to  the  United  States  ;  the 
advantage  to  Spain  in  consenting  to 
receive  compensation  for  a  possession 
the  prolonged  tenure  of  which  was  so 
uncertain,  and  the  necessity — in  case  the 
island  should  fall  under  the  control,  like 
St.  Domingo,  of  its  African  population — 
16 


of  the  interference  of  the  United  States 
to  secure  the  Southern  slave  States  from 
so  dangerous  a  neighborhood  of  free 
negroes. 

Mr.  Buchanan  returned  to  the  United 
States  in  the  spring  of  1856,  and  in  the 
following  June  was  unanimously  nom- 
inated, by  the  Democratic  Convention 
at  Cincinnati,  candidate  for  President. 
In  November  he  was  elected  by  the 
electoral  vote  of  nineteen  States.  Upon 
his  accession  to  office  there  was  a  gen- 
eral willingness  to  concede  to  him  a  dis- 
position to  repress  sectional  differences 
and  to  administer  the  Government  with 
a  national  spirit.  His  administration, 
however,  served  only  to  reinvigorate 
factious  dispute,  and  the  Republican 
party  attacked  him  with  great  animosity 
for  his  partisan  efforts  to  secure  the  ad- 
mission of  Kansas  as  a  slave  State. 

The  most  momentous  event,  however, 
during  Buchanan's  administration,  was 
the  secession  of  six  States  from  the  Union. 
This  will  always  give  him  an  historic 
importance,  and  serve  to  make  his  char- 
acter and  conduct  subjects  of  the  deep- 
est interest  to  the  investigator  of  the 
causes  of  the  civil  war  initiated  dui'ing 
his  Presidency. 

"  That  Buchanan  could  have  checked 
the  fatal  movement  [the  rebellion],  no 
one  can  affirm  ;  but  that  it  was  his  duty 
to  make  the  effort,  few  will  deny.  That 
he  did  not  do  so,  is  attributed  by  some 
to  corrupt  connivance  with  the  conspir- 
ators who  shared  liis  counsels  ;  by  some, 
to  the  timidity  of  enfeebled  age  ;  and  by 
others,  to  the  conviction  that  neither 
right  nor  expediency  would  justify  an 


122 


THE   VJ^AR  WITH   THE  SOUTH. 


attempt  to  repress  the  rising  rebellion. 
His  irreproachable  personal  character, 
his  previous  career  of  reputable  states- 
maushiji,  and  his  honored  position  as 
President,  forbid  the  imputation  of  trea- 
sonable design  or  corrupt  motive.  It  is 
more  reasonable  to  attribute  his  conduct 
to  the  influence  of  unworthy  but  unsus- 
pected counsellors  acting  upon  an  in- 
firm judgment  and  unsteady  moral 
courage."* 

The  last  act  of  President  Buchanan's 
administration  was  the  signing  of  the 
Morrill  tariff.  This  sanction  of  high 
protective  custom  dues  was  contrary  to 
his  professed  opinion  that  duties  should 
be  levied  only  for  revenue.  The  advo- 
cates of  free  trade,  both  in  tlie  United 
States  and  Europe,  condemn  this  act  as 
one  of  the  most  unworthy  of  his  admin- 
istration, while  the  protectionists  doubt- 
less commend  it  as  the  best. 

Within  a  few  weeks  of  the  close  of  his 
term  of  office,  Buchanan  had  called  to 
his  aid  in  the  cabinet  two  statesmen 
whose  energetic  action,  inspired  by  the 
truest  patriotism,  had  served  to  redeem, 
to  some  degree,  an  administration  which 
had  proved  so  fatal  to  the  country. 
These  men  were  Jose^^h  H.  Holt,  of 
Kentucky,  and  John  A.  Dix,  of  New 
York,  the  former  the  secretary  of  war, 
and  the  latter  secretary  of  the  treasury. 
It  was  hoped  that  Lincoln  would  have 
waived  so  far  his  party  predilections  as 
to  have  retained  these  statesmen,  who 
had  won  the  confidence  of  the  nation  by 
their  loyal  firmness  in  sustaining  the 
dignity  and  power  of  the  Federal  au- 

o  Manuscript  work,  by  the  author. 


tliority  against  the  menace  of  disaffec- 
tion and  the  attack  of  treason. 

The  new  President,  however,  in  ac- 
cordance with  traditional  practice,  chose 
his  cabinet  from  that  party  to  which  he 
was  indebted  for  his  own  elevation.  TTm. 
H.  Seward,  of  New  York,  was  appointed 
secretary  of  state  ;  Salmon  P.  Chase,  of 
Ohio,  secretary  of  the  treasury  ;  Simon 
Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  secretary  of 
war  ;  Gideon  Welles,  of  Connecticut, 
secretary  of  the  navy ;  Montgomery 
Blair,  of  Maryland,  postmaster-general ; 
Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  attorney- 
general  ;  and  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  In- 
diana, secretary  of  the  interior. 

Some  of  these  were  known  to  the 
country  as  prominent  statesmen  ;  others, 
possessed  only  of  local  fame,  were  com- 
paratively obscure,  but  all  had  been 
active  promoters  of  the  "  Republican" 
cause.  The  most  distinguished  was  the 
secretary  of  state. 

William  H.  Seward  was  born  in  the 
village  of  Florida,  Orange  County,  in 
the  State  of  New  York,  on  the  16th  day 
of  May,  1801.  After  a  good  elementary 
schooling  he  was  sent  to  Union  College, 
at  Schenectady,  where  he  received  his 
academic  degree  with  the  honors  of  his 
class.  In  1820  he  became  a  student  at 
law  in  the  office  of  John  Anthon,  Esq., 
an  eminent  counsellor  of  the  city  of  New 
York,  but  completed  liis  studies  under 
the  guidance  of  Ogden  Hoffman,  then 
district  attorney.  In  1822  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  at  Goshen,  in  Orange 
County,  but  soon  after  removed  to  Au- 
burn, where  he  formed  a  partnersliij) 
with  Judge  Miller,  whose  daughter  he 


LIFE  OF  SEWARD. 


123 


subsequently  mamed.  His  success  as  a 
lawyer  was  rapid  and  well  assured,  and 
he  soon  ranked  among  the  most  honored 
luembers  of  the  profession. 

His  first  political  step  was  as  a  warm 
partisan  of  the  anti-masonic  cause,  but 
in  1823  he  appeared  as  a  youthful  leader 
in  the  canvass  for  the  re-election  of 
John  Quincy  Adams  to  the  Presidency. 
Elected  senator  of  his  State  in  1830,  he 
soon  became  prominent  as  au  advocate 
of  measures  of  reform. 

After  four  years'  service  in  the  Sen- 
ate of  New  York,  he  was  nominated  the 
Whig  candidate  for  Governor,  but  was 
defeated  by  his  veteran  Democratic  op- 
ponent, William  L.  Marcy.  Again  a 
candidate  at  the  succeeding  election,  he 
ti-iumphcd  over  his  old  competitor,  and 
was  elected  Governor  by  the  large  ma- 
jority of  ten  thousand.  In  1840  he 
was  a  third  time  a  candidate  and  once 
more  successful,  being  chosen  as  a  rep- 
resentative of  the  i^arty  which  had  tri- 
umphantly carried  the  election  of  Pres- 
ident Harrison,  of  whom  he  had  proved 
himself  in  the  canvass  an  energetic 
supporter.  In  1848  he  advocated  the 
nomination  of  General  Zachary  Taylor, 
and  strove  zealously  in  behalf  of  his 
election.  The  successful  Whig  party  of 
the  New  York  State  Legislature  soon 
after  elected  Seward  senator  of  the 
United  States.  On  the  death  of  Taylor 
and  the  accession  of  Fillmore,  Seward 
was  suddenly  deprived  of  that  leader- 
ship upon  which  he  had  not  unnaturally 
presumed.  His  supposed  extreme  opin- 
ions on  the  subject  of  slavery  were  un- 
doubtedly averse  to  his  being  accepted. 


by  Fillmore,  as  an  exponent  of  the  pol- 
icy of  his  conciliatory  administration. 
Seward  opposed  emphatically  the  com- 
promise measures  of  1850. 

"I  feel  assured,"  said  he,  in  his  speech 
on  the  question,  "  that  slavery  must  give 
way,  and  will  give  way  to  the  salutary 
instructions  of  economy  and  to  the  ripen- 
ing influences  of  humanity  ;  that  eman- 
cipation is  inevitable  and  is  near ;  that 
it  may  be  hastened  or  hindered ;  that 
all  measures  which  fortify  slavery  or 
extend  it  tend  to  the  consummation  of 
violence  ;  all  that  check  its  extension 
and  abate  its  strength  tend  to  its  peace- 
ful extirpation.  But  I  will  adopt  none 
but  lawful,  constitutional,  and  peaceful 
means  to  secure  even  that  end  ;  and 
none  such  can  I  or  will  I  forego." 

In  1852,  Seward  was  an  advocate  for 
the  election  of  General  Scott  as  Pres- 
ident, though  he  did  not  concur  with 
the  concessions  made  to  the  slave  in- 
terests of  the  South  in  the  manifesto  of 
his  party.  In  the  Senate  he  at  the  same 
time  continued  his  persistent  opposition 
to  the  extension  of  slavery,  and  em- 
phatically denounced  the  Kansas-Ne- 
braska bill. 

After  the  dissolution  of  the  Whig 
party,  and  the  formation  of  the  new 
Republican  combination,  of  which  he 
was  one  of  the  promuient  founders  and 
leaders,  he  was  a  candidate  for  nomina- 
tion as  President.  He,  however,  was 
forced  to  yield  to  the  superior  "avail- 
ability" of  Colonel  Fremont,  for  whose 
election,  notwithstanding,  he  canvassed 
vigorously. 

During  the  summer  of  1859,  Mr.  Sew- 


124 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


ard  visited  Europe,  and  extended  his 
toui'  to  Syria  and  Egypt.  His  reception 
was  everywhere  studiously  courteous  in 
deference  to  liis  recognized  position  as 
a  distinguished  and  leading  statesman  in 
his  own  country. 

In  1860,  Seward  was  forced  again  to 
yield  his  presumed  claims  to  a  compara- 
tively obscure  man.  At  the  Repub- 
lican Convention  which  met  at  Chicago, 
Seward  was  the  leading  candidate  for 
nomination  as  President,  but  after  sev- 
eral obstinate  ballots  gave  way  to  !Mr. 
Lincoln,  who  was  chosen,  and  whose 
subsequent  triumphant  election  to  office 
was  greatly  due  to  the  zealous  efforts 
of  his  late  rival. 

Notwithstanding  his  previous  persist- 
ent resistance  to  the  encroachments  of, 
and  his  apparent  readiness  for,  the  "  ir- 
repressible conflict"  with  slavery,  Sew- 
ard is  considered  to  have  been  the  most 
conciliatory  of  Lincoln's  cabinet.  Though 
some  doubted  his  possession  of  that  mor- 
al grandeur  which  was  so  necessary  to  the 
imi^ortaut  office  he  had  to  administer, 
none  questioned  the  secretary's  mental 
capacity  to  master  the  ordinary  tech- 
nical difficulties  of  his  office.  A  man  of 
refined  culture  and  tact,  his  speeches 
and  writings  possess  a  dignity  of  tone 
and  a  completeness  of  literary  finish 
which  are  rarely  to  be  discovered  in  the 
effusions  of  our  extemporized  speakers 
and  writers. 

Judging  him  from  the  rapid  flashes 
of  speech,  struck  off  in  the  course  of  a 
heated  pohtical  canvass,  there  are  some, 
especially  in  Europe,  who  aflfect  to  think 
that  Seward  is  more  eager  to  captivate 


the  undiscerning  many  than  to  convince 
the  judicious  few. 

In  appearance,  Mr.  Seward,  with  his 
slight  figure  of  medium  size,  his  heavy 
features,  and  his  worn  expression,  is  not 
imposing.  His  eyes,  however,  brighten 
with  excitement,  and  his  face  not  seldom 
assumes  an  attractive  vivacity. 

The  secretary  of  the  treasury,  Salmon 
Portland  Chase,  was  born  at  Cornish, 
in  New  Hampshire,  on  the  13th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1808.  Two  years  after  the  death 
of  his  father,  and  at  the  age  of  twelve, 
he  was  placed  under  the  charge  of  his 
uncle,  Bishop  Chase,  of  Ohio,  with  whom 
he  removed  from  Worthington  to  Cin- 
cinnati, and  there  entered  the  college  of 
which  the  bishop  had  been  appointed 
president.  Here,  however,  he  remained 
but  a  year,  when  he  retui-ned  to  his 
mother's  home  in  Keene,  New  Hamp- 
shire. In  1824  he  was  admitted  a  stu- 
dent of  Dartmouth  College,  where  he 
received  his  degree  after  two  years' 
study.  After  graduating,  he  opened  a 
school  at  Washington,  and  numbered 
among  liis  pupils  the  sons  of  Henry 
Clay,  William  Wirt,  and  Samuel  L. 
Southard.  In  the  mean  time,  he  studied 
law  under  the  direction  of  Wirt,  and  in 
1829,  quitting  his  school,  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  at  Washington. 

In  1830,  Mr.  Chase  removed  to  Cin- 
cinnati, where  he  strove  to  establish 
himself  as  a  lawyer.  While  waiting  for 
practice,  he  pubUshed  an  edition  of  the 
Statutes  of  Ohio,  with  original  notes, 
and  a  prefatory  sketch  of  the  history 
of  the  State.  This  work  served  to  bring 
him  into  notice,  and  add  to  his  legal 


S^\LMOX   P.   CHASE. 


125 


business.  He  now  became  a  thriving 
practitioner,  and  was  appointed  soliiutor 
of  two  of  the  banks. 

Being  employed  in  1837  in  behalf  of 
a  negro  woman  who  was  claimed  to  be  a 
fugitive  slave,  Mr.  Chase  argued  that 
Congress  had  not  the  right  to  impoije 
upon  State  magistrates  any  duty  or  con- 
fer any  power  in  such  cases. 

Again,  soon  after,  while  defending 
James  E.  Birny,  who  had  been  arrested 
for  harboring  a  negro  slave,  he  held 
that  slavery  is  local,  and  dependent  for 
its  legality  upon  State  law,  and  that 
therefore  a  slave  who  made  his  escape 
into  Ohio  became  free,  and  might  be 
harbored  with  impunity. 

In  1846,  Mr.  Chase,  together  with 
William  H.  Seward,  was  defendant's 
counsel  in  the  Van  Zandt  case,  before 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
In  an  elaborate  argument,  he  contended 
that,  by  the  ordinance  of  1787,  no  fu- 
gitive from  service  could  be  reclaimed 
from  Ohio  unless  there  had  been  an  es- 
cape from  one  of  the  original  States  ; 
that  it  was  the  clear  understanding  of 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  and  of 
the  people  who  adopted  it,  that  slavery 
was  to  be  left  exclusively  to  the  dis- 
posal of  the  several  States,  without 
sanction  or  support  from  the  National 
Government ;  and  that  the  clause  in  the 
Constitution  relating  to  persons  held  to 
service  was  one  of  compact,  and  con- 
ferred no  power  of  legislation  on  Con- 
gress. 

Other  cases  ensued  in  which  Mr. 
Chase  defended  the  same  positions,  and 
thus  became  identified  with  those  who 


resisted     aU     national    recognition    of 
slavery. 

Devoted  to  his  professional  pursuits, 
Mr.  Chase  avoided  for  a  long  time  aU 
positive  alliances  with  political  parties, 
but  had  voted  sometimes  with  the  Dem- 
ocrats, and  at  other  times  and  more  fre- 
quently with  the  Whigs.  In  1841,  how- 
ever, he  became  one  of  the  originators 
of  the  "  Liberty"  party  of  Ohio,  and  was 
the  author  of  their  address  to  the  peo- 
f)le.  In  1843  he  was  a  member  of  the 
convention  of  this  party  which  met  at 
Buffalo.  While  one  of  a  committee 
nominated  by  said  convention,  he  op- 
posed the  resolution,  "to  regard  and 
treat  the  third  clause  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, whenever  applied  to  the  case  of  a 
fugitive  slave,  as  uttei'ly  null  and  void, 
and  consequently  as  forming  no  part  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
whenever  we  are  called  upon  or  sworn  to 
support  it."  This  resolution  was  accord- 
ingly rejected  by  the  committee,  and  not 
reported,  although  it  was  afterward  I'e- 
uewed  by  its  original  mover,  and  adopted 
by  the  convention.  When  twitted  in 
the  United  States  Senate  by  Senator 
Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  for  the  men- 
tal reservation  seemingly  sanctioned  by 
this  resolution,  Chase  responded :  "I 
have  only  to  sa} ,  I  never  proposed  the 
resolution  ;  I  never  would  propose  or 
vote  for  such  a  resolution.  I  hold  no 
doctrine  of  mental  reservation.  Every 
man,  in  my  judgment,  should  speak  just 
as  he  thinks,  keeping  nothing  back,  here 
or  elsewhere."* 


o  The  New  American  Cyclopedia. 
Appletou  &  Co. 


New  York  :   D. 


126 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


In  1845,  a  convention,  at  the  sug- 
gestion of  Mr.  Chase,  met  in  Cincinnati, 
of  "all  who,  believing  that  whatever  is 
worth  preserving  in  republicanism  can 
be  maintained  only  by  uncompromising 
war  against  the  usurpations  of  the  slave 
power,  and  are  therefore  resolved  to  use 
all  constitutional  and  honorable  means 
to  effect  the  extinction  of  slavery  within 
their  respective  States,  and  its  reduction 
to  its  constitutional  limits  in  the  United 
States."  The  gathering  was  large,  con- 
sisting of  two  thousand  delegates  and 
four  thousand  interested  visiters.  The 
address — the  main  burden  of  which  was 
opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery — 
was  written  by  Mr.  Chase,  and  was 
widely  circulated.  When  the  second 
convention  met,  in  1847,  Mr.  Chase  op- 
posed the  making  of  Federal  nomina- 
tions, believing  that  the  general  agita- 
tion throughout  the  country  in  regard 
to  the  Wilmot  proviso  would  extend  the 
basis  of  the  movement  against  slavery 
extension,  and  afford  a  less  restricted 
foundation  for  a  party. 

In  1848,  however,  distrusting  the 
Whig  and  Democratic  parties,  Mr. 
Chase  again  called  a  convention  in  fa- 
vor of  free  territory.  It  was  largely 
attended,  but  it  merged  itself  in  the 
National  Convention,  which  met  at  Buf- 
falo in  August  of  the  same  year,  and 
nomhiated  Martin  Van  Buren  for  Pres- 
ident. The  Democratic  party  of  Ohio 
aaving  now  adopted  the  free-soil  views 
of  Mr.  Chase,  he  accepted  their  nom- 
ination for  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  in  1849  was  elected.  He  continued 
to  act  with  the  Democrats  of  his  State 


until  1852,  when,  upon  the  nomination 
of  Pierce,  they  accepted  the  platform 
of  the  Baltimore  Convention,  approving 
of  the  compromise  acts  of  1850,  and 
denouncing  the  further  agitation  of  the 
question  of  slavery  extension.  Having 
abandoned  his  old  allies,  he  gave  in  his 
adherence  to  the  Independent  Demo- 
cratic Convention,  assembled  at  Pitts- 
burg in  1852,  which  adopted  a  manifesto 
mainly  prepared  by  Mr.  Chase. 

When  the  Nebraska  bill  agitated  the 
country,  and  induced  the  formation  of 
the  Repubhcan  party,  Mr.  Chase,  find- 
ing its  principles  in  consonance  with  his 
long  estabhshed  views,  eagerly  joined 
it,  and  became  one  of  its  leaders. 

In  1855,  Mr.  Chase  was  nominated  as 
Governor  of  Ohio,  and  being  elected, 
was  inaugurated  in  January  of  the  suc- 
ceeding year.  He  gave  proof,  in  his 
new  office,  of  a  moderation  and  discre- 
tion which  many  were  disposed  to  ques- 
tion, in  consequence  of  his  supposed 
extreme  opinions  on  slavery.  At  the 
close  of  his  first  term  he  was  disposed 
to  retire,  but  was  so  urgently  pressed  to 
accept  a  re-nomination,  that  ho  was  pre- 
vailed upon  and  re-elected  Governor. 

After  the  expiration  of  his  second 
term  he  was  again  elected  senator  of 
the  United  States,  but  resigned  his  seat 
to  accept  the  office  of  secretary  of  the 
treasury  in  the  cabinet  of  Mr.  Lincoln, 
of  which  he  was  considered  not  only  one 
of  the  ablest,  but  firmest  members. 

Simon  Cameron,  a  man  of  humble 
origin,  successively  a  printer's  appren- 
tice, printer,  journalist,  a  local  politician, 
a  United  States  senator,  and  afterward 


SQION   C^VJNIERON. 


127 


secretary  of  war,  was  born  in  Penn- 
sylvania. He  has  been  for  a  long  time 
one  of  the  most  influential  men  in  that 
State,  and  the  success  of  the  Republican 
party  there  was  greatly  indebted  to  his 
efforts.  Wielding  a  large  capital  act- 
ively employed  in  railroads,  mining 
operations,  and  other  active  enterprises 
in  Pennsylvania,  he  was  enabled  to  ex- 
ercise a  wide  influence,  which  was  owing 
not  less  to  his  financial  than  to  his 
political  ability.  His  executive  talents, 
thoroughly  exercised  by  his  extensive 
business  relations,  were  calculated  to 
make  him  an  effective  officer  in  the 
busy  department  of  which  he  was  the 
chief. 

Gideon  Welles  was  originally  a  prin- 
ter, and  subsequently  editor  of  the 
Hartford  Times,  in  the  skilful  conduct 
of  which  he  has  acquired  all  his  political 
fame.  His  reputation  had,  however, 
hardly  extended  beyond  the  limits  of 
his  native  State  of  Connecticut,  when 
he  was  called  to  a  position  in  Lincoln's 
cabinet,  at  the  earnest  solicitation,  it  is 
believed,  of  his  brother-in-law,  Vice- 
President  Hamlin.  As  the  editor  of  the 
Hartford  Times,  he  was  considered  one 
of  the  most  forcible  exponents  of  the 
Democratic  policy.  Warmly  espousing 
the  doctrine  of  non-extension  of  slavery, 
he  soon  identified  himself  with  the  Re- 
publican party,  of  which  he  was  an 
ardent  supporter.  He  has  frequently 
represented  his  State  in  its  own  Le-gisla- 
ture  and  Senate,  but  never  in  the  Fed- 
eral councils.  It  may  be  doubted  whe- 
ther, with  his  reflective  habits  as  a 
pohtical   thinker   and   writer,    and    his 


restricted  experience  of  the  business  of 
state,  he  had  the  scope  of  view  and 
energy  of  action  necessary  to  the  chief 
of  the  naval  department  during  a  great 
war. 

Montgomery  Blair,  a  son  of  the  vig- 
orous Democratic  journalist,  Francis 
Preston  Blair,  the  founder  and  editor  of 
the  Washington  Qlohe,  was  born  in 
Kentucky.  Like  his  father,  he  is  a 
valiant  defender  of  the  Republican 
cause,  and  is  supposed  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  emphatic  of  the  cab- 
inet to  urge  the  full  exercise  of  the 
Federal  authority  in  checking  treason, 
as  he  was  among  the  most  resolute  in 
favor  of  vigorously  waging  war  against 
rebellion.  His  energy  of  will  and  san- 
guineness  of  temperament  rendered  him 
a  spirited  coadjutor  of  the  executive  in 
the  stir  of  conflict  ;  but  in  the  quiet  of 
peace,  his  fitness  for  ofiice,  and  especially 
that  practical  one  which  he  holds,  might 
be  more  questionable. 

Edward  Bates,  the  attorney-general, 
was  born  in  Goochland  County,  in 
Virginia,  in  1791.  Having  been  care- 
fully educated  by  a  relative  of  high 
culture,  he  emigrated  with  a  brother  to 
Missouri,  where  he  began  to  practice 
law.  He  soon  acquired  eminence  as  a 
jurist.  Although  ho  served  in  the 
Legislature  of  Missouri,  and  represented 
that  State  in  Congress,  his  life  had  been 
mostly  devoted  to  the  pursuits  of  his 
profession.  In  1847,  however,  he  was 
a  member  of  the  convention  which  met 
at  Chicao-o  for  the  advancement  of 
internal  improvements,  where  he  com- 
manded attention  by  a  brilliant  speech 


and  his  impressive  character.  Efforts 
were  made  to  induce  him  to  give  to  the 
State  the  benefit  of  his  acknowledged 
powers,  but  he  refused  office  in  Missouri 
and  resisted  the  offer  of  a  place  in  tlie 
cabinet  of  President  Fillmore.  His 
early  pohtical  bias  was  shown  by  his 
support  of  Henry  Clay  and  John  Quincy 
Adams,  with  whose  views  of  public 
policy  he  generally  accorded.  At  a 
later  period  he  opposed  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  act,  and  the 
admission  of  Kansas  as  a  State  under 


the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  other- 
wise exhibited  his  sympathy  with  the 
free-soil  party.  An  accomplished  jurist, 
he  filled  satisfactorily  the  office  of  attor- 
nej'-general,  and  a  man  of  digniGed  per- 
sonal cliaracter,  he  gave  increased  weight 
■  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  cabinet. 

Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  the  secre- 
tary of  the  interior,  had  brought  with 
him  from  his  own  State  a  high  reputa- 
tion for  ability  and  integrity,  and  he  was 
also  considered  an  effective  member  of 
the  Government. 


CHAPTER    XI, 


Action  of  the  Confederate  States. — Organization  of  an  Army. — Its  composition. — Officers. — Resignations  in  the  tTnited 
States  Army. — Buchanan's  sanction  of  Treason. — A  change  of  conduct  under  Secretarj-  Holt. — Tlie  Treason  of 
Twiggs. — His  E.xpulsion  from  the  Army. — His  Surrender  of  Government  Property  to  the  Authorities  of  Texas. — Its 
Character  and  Value. — Jlilitary  Career  of  General  Twiggs. — His  motives  for  Seceding. — ^Treachery. — Encouragement 
of  the  Confederate  States. — Defiant  Tone  and  Attitude. — Commissioners  to  Washington. — Their  Letter  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  State. — A  polite  Rebuff. — The  Commissioners  linger  in  Washington. — Career  of  Independent  Government 
of  the  Confederate  States. — A  new  Flag. — ^A  Political  Blunder. — The  influence  of  a  bit  of  Bunting. — The  motive  for 
adopting  a  new  Flag.— The  Confederate  Flag  described. — Active  preparation  for  War. — General  Beauregard  sent  to 
Charleston. — Call  upon  the  Confederate  States  for  Militia. — Progress  of  the  Works  in  the  Harbor  of  Charleston. — 
Soldiers  and  Negroes. — Floating  Battery. — Ardent  Gentlemen  as  Privates. — Statesmen  in  the  Ranks. — Rumored 
Evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter.— Courteous  relations  between  Major  Anderson  and  Citizens  of  Charleston. — Messengers 
from  the  Feder;il  Government. — Vigilance  of  the  Batteries. — An  Eastern  Schooner  driven  out  of  the  Harbor. — Per- 
plexities of  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. — A  Decision  at  last. — A  Demonstration  to  he  made  in  favor  of  Major  Anderson. 
— Preparations. — A  Special  Messenger  sent  to  the  Authorities  of  Charleston. — The  purport  of  his  Message. — The 
effect  upon  the  Southern  Confederacy. — Excitement  at  Charleston. — Appeal  to  Arms.^Departure  of  the  Confederate 
Commissioners  from  Washington. — Their  parting  Defiance. — Correspondence  between  Beauregard  and  the  Secretary 
of  War  of  the  Confederates. — Correspondence  between  Beauregard  and  Anderson. 


1S61. 


The  "  Confederate  States"  having  or- 
ganized a  government,  proceeded 
to  prepare  to  sustain  it  by  the 
formation  of  a  mihtary  establishment. 
This  was  composed  of  one  corps  of 
engineers,  one  corps  of  artillery,  six 
regiments  of  infantry,  one  regiment  of 
cavalry,  and  of  a  staff  department, 
making  in  all  ten  thousand  seven  hun- 


dred and  forty-five  officers  and  men. 
Those  who  had  abandoned  the  United 
States  for  the  Confederate  service  gave 
the  new  army  a  large  supply  of  highly 
educated  and  experienced  officers.  This 
number  was  daily  increasing. 

The  government  of  Buchanan  had 
at  fu-st  sanctioned  the  disloyalty  of  many 
of  our  officers  by  accepting  their  resig- 


TREASOISr  OF  TWIGGS. 


129 


nations,  though  their  purpose  in  giving 
up  their  commissions  could  not  be 
doubted.  Inspired,  however,  by  the 
patriotic  counsels  of  his  new  secretary 
of  war,  Holt,  Buchanan  had  become 
less  considerate  toward  treason.  When, 
Peb,  therefore,  Genedil  Twiggs,  a  vet- 
1^'  eran  officer  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  surrendered  the  posts 
which  he  commanded  to  the  commis- 
sioners of  Texas,  the  President,  with 
unusual  impatience  and  severity,  did 
not  wait  for  a  resignation,  but  expelled 
the  disloyal  officer  from  the  army. 

By  this  action  of  General  Twiggs,  the 
State  authoi'ities  of  Texas,  which  was 
on  the  eve  of  its  secession  from  the 
United  States,  became  possessed  of  an 
immense  supply  of  arms  and  military 
stores  of  all  kinds,  to  be  added,  as  none 
could  doubt,  to  the  resources  of  the 
Confederate  States.  In  San  Antonio, 
the  arsenal  contained  forty-four  cannon 
and  howitzers  of  different  caUbres,  one 
thousand  nine  hundred  muskets,  rifles, 
and  Sharp's  carbines,  four  hundred 
Colt's  pistols,  two  magazines  full  of  am- 
munition, containing  one  million  five 
hundred  thousand  ball-cartridges,  and 
five  thousand  five  hundred  pounds  of 
powder. 

At  Forts  Brown,  Duncan,  and  Clark 
there  were  large  numbers  of  cannon 
and  magazines  filled  with  ammunition. 
At  the  various  posts  there  were  sev- 
eral thousand  mules  and  horses,  many 
hundred  wagons,  abundant  clothing  and 
stores,  and  a  great  variety  of  valuable 
implements.  The  whole  of  the  Fed- 
eral property  thus  traitorously  dis- 
17 


posed  of  amounted  in  value  to  nearly  a 
million  and  a  half  of  dollars. 

General  Daniel  E.  Twiggs  was  one  of 
the  oldest  officers  in  the  United  States 
army,  which  he  had  entered  in  1812,  at 
the  age  of  twent3^-two  years.  He  had 
served  under  our  flag  with  a  fair  reputa- 
tion. He  was  a  captain  during  the  war 
with  Great  Britain  ;  served  as  a  ma- 
jor under  Generals  Gaines  and  Jackson 
in  the  Florida  campaign  ;  took  part  in 
the  Black  Hawk  war ;  was  in  command 
of  the  arsenal  at  Auscusta  during  the 
nullification  excitement,  and  in  the  Mex- 
ican war  received  the  rank  of  brevet 
brigadier-general  for  his  services  at  Palo 
Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma ;  com- 
manded a  division  at  Monterey,  and 
shared  with  General  Scott  in  the  tri- 
umphs of  our  army  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
the  capital  of  Mexico.  He  was  in  com- 
mand of  the  department  of  Texas,  with 
his  headquarters  at  San  Antonio,  when 
he  brought  to  so  dishonorable  a  close 
his  long  career  of  reputable  military 
service.  He  ranked  next  to  Lieutenant- 
General  Scott,  and  would  have  been  en- 
titled, if  he  had  remained  loyal  to  his 
country,  to  have  succeeded  him  in  the 
cliief  command  of  our  army.  A  Geor- 
gian by  birth,  and  a  large  owner  of  land 
and  slaves,  his  adherence  to  his  own 
State  was  not  unexpected,  but  few 
thought  that  one  of  the  most  honored 
officers  of  the  Federal  army  would  have 
been  guilty  of  adding  treachery  to 
treason. 

Encouraged  by  the  addition  of  Texas 
to  the  confederacy,  and  an  unconcealed 
sympathy  on  the  part  of  some  of  the 


130 


THE  WAR    WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


other  slave  States,  which  gave  promise 
of  further  acquisitions,  the  uew  govern- 
ment at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  assumed 
a  more  independent  tone  and  defiant  at- 
titude. Commissioners  Messrs.  John 
Forsyth  and  Martin  J.  Crawford  were 
appointed  to  negotiate  with  the  United 
States.  On  their  arrival  at  Washington 
they  presented  themselves  as  the  rep- 
resentatives of  an  independent  power. 
March  "  Seven  States,"  they  said,  "  of  the 
!-•  late  Federal  Union  having,  in  the 
exercise  of  the  inherent  right  of  every 
free  people  to  change  or  reform  their  po- 
Utical  institutions,  and  through  conven- 
tions of  their  people,  withdrawn  from  the 
United  States  and  reassumed  the  attri- 
butes of  sovereign  power  delegated  to  it, 
have  formed  a  government  of  their  own. 
The  Confederate  States  constitute  an  in- 
dependent nation  de  facto  and  de  jure, 
and  possess  a  government  perfect  in  all 
its  parts  and  endowed  with  all  the  means 
of  self-support."  With  this  assumption 
of  independence,  the  commissioners  pro- 
ceeded to  declare  their  purpose.  "With 
a  view  to  a  speedy  adjustment  of  all 
questions  growing  out  of  this  political 
separation  upon  such  terms  of  amity 
and  good-will  as  the  respective  in- 
terests, geographical  contiguity,  and  fu- 
ture welfare  of  the  two  nations  may 
render  necessary,"  they  said  that  they 
were  instructed  to  "  make  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  overtures 
for  the  opening  of  negotiations,  assuring 
the  Government  of  the  United  States 
that  the  President,  Congress,  and  people 
of  the  Confederate  States  earnestly 
desire  a  peaceful  solution  of  those  great 


questions  ;  that  it  is  neither  their  inter- 
est nor  their  wish  to  make  any  demand 
which  is  not  founded  in  strictest  justice, 
nor  to  do  any  act  to  injure  their  late 
confederates." 

The  secretary  of  state,  Mr.  Seward, 
had  already  declined  the  request  of  the 
commissioners  for  an  unofficial  interview 
with  him,  and  now  refused  their  demand 
for  an  official  presentation  to  the  Presi- 
dent. It  is  curious,  however,  at  this 
period,  to  note  with  what  studied  court- 
esy a  high  state  officer  is  constrained  to 
address,  and  with  what  diplomatic  con- 
sideration to  argue  the  question  of  re- 
belhon  with  its  confessed  representa- 
tives. "The  secretary  of  state,"  wrote 
Mr.  Seward,  ' '  frankly  confesses  that  he 
understands  the  events  which  have 
recently  occm-red,  and  the  condition  of 
pohtical  affairs  which  actually  exists  in 
the  part  of  the  Union  to  which  his  at- 
tention has  thus  been  directed,  very 
differently  from  the  aspect  in  which 
they  are  presented  by  Messrs.  Forsyth 
and  Crawford.  He  sees  in  them,  not  a 
rightful  and  accomphshed  revolution  and 
an  independent  nation,  with  an  estab- 
lished government,  but  rather  a  perver- 
sion of  a  temporary  and  partisan  ex- 
citement to  the  inconsiderate  purposes 
of  an  unjustifiable  and  unconstitutional 
aggression  upon  the  rights  and  the 
authority  vested  in  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and  hitherto  benignly  exercised, 
as  from  their  very  nature  they  always 
so  must  be  exercised,  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  Union,  the  preservation  of 
hberty,  and  the  society,  peace,  welfare, 
happiness,   and  aggrandizement  of  the 


THE  FLAG   OF   THE   COXFEDERACT. 


131 


American  people.  The  secretary  of 
state,  tliercfore,  avows  to  Messrs.  For- 
syth and  Crawford  that  he  looks  pa- 
tiently but  confidently  for  the  cure  of 
evils  which  have  resulted  from  proceed- 
ings so  unnecessary,  so  unwise,  so  un- 
usual, and  so  unnatural,  not  to  irregular 
negotiations,  having  in  view  new  and 
untried  relations  with  agencies  unknown 
to  and  acting  in  derogation  of  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws,  but  to  regular  and 
considerate  action  of  the  people  in 
those  States,  in  co-operation  with  their 
brethren  in  the  other  States,  through 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and 
such  extraordinary  conventions,  if  there 
shall  be  need  thereof,  as  the  Federal 
Constitution  contemplates  and  author- 
izes to  be  assembled. 

"It  is,  however,  the  purpose  of  the 
secretary  of  state,  on  this  occasion,  not 
to  invite,  or  engage  in,  any  discussion  of 
these  subjects,  but  simply  to  set  forth 
his  reasons  for  declining  to  comply  with 
the  request  of  Messrs.  Forsyth  and 
Crawford. 

"  On  the  4th  of  March  inst.,  the  newly 
elected  President  of  the  United  States, 
in  view  of  all  the  facts  bearing  on  the 
present  question,  assumed  the  executive 
administration  of  the  Government,  first 
delivering,  in  accordance  with  an  eai'ly, 
honored  custom,  an  inaugural  address 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 
The  secretary  of  state  respectfully  sub- 
mits a  copy  of  this  address  to  Messrs. 
Forsyth  and  Crawford. 

"  A  simple  reference  to  it  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  satisfy  those  gentlemen  that  the 
secretary  of  state,  guided  by  the  princi- 


ples therein  announced,  is  prevented 
altogether  from  admitting  or  assuming 
that  the  States  referred  to  by  them 
have,  in  law  or  in  fact,  withdrawn  from 
the  Federal  Union,  or  that  they  could 
do  so  in  the  manner  described  by 
Messrs.  Forsyth  and  Crawford,  or  in 
any  other  manner  than  with  the  consent 
and  concert  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  to  be  given  through  a  national 
convention,  to  be  assembled  in  conform- 
ity with  the  provisions  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States.  Of  course 
the  secretary  of  state  cannot  act  upon 
the  assumption,  or  in  any  way  admit 
that  the  so-called  Confederate  States 
constitute  a  foreign  power,  with  whom 
diplomatic  relations  ought  to  be  estab- 
Hshed." 

The  commissioners,  in  spite  of  this  re- 
buff, or  encouraged  probably  by  the 
courteous  style  in  which  it  was  con- 
veyed, still  lingered  at  the  capital 
awaiting  the  issue  of  events. 

The  Confederate  States  continued  to 
pursue  with  vigor  their  career  of  inde- 
pendent government.  Having  set  up  a 
constitution  and  an  administration  of 
their  own,  they  now  adopted  a  flag.  In 
this  respect  they  acted  with  less  than 
their  usual  discretion.  Presuming,  as 
they  still  did  undoubtedly,  however 
justly  or  unjustly,  upon  a  strong  sym- 
pathy in  the  border  and  middle  States 
with  their  movement,  it  was  not  politic 
in  them  to  disregard  the  revered  sym- 
bol of  the  united  glory  of  the  country. 
They  thought,  doubtless,  that  it  was 
merely  a  matter  of  a  bit  of  bunting 
with  more  or  less  colored  stripes  and 


132 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


stars,  but  they  forgot  how  such  trifles 
are  endeared  to  the  heart  of  a  nation 
when  they  have  once  become  associated 
with  its  history. 

The  committee  to  whom  was  referred 
the  subject  of  the  Confederate  flag, 
seemed  not  altogether  unconscious  of 
the  influence  of  the  stars  and  stripes 
upon  the  national  sentiment,  and  in 
their  report  thus  ingeniously  strove 
to  weaken  it:  "Whatever  attachment 
may  be  felt,  from  association,  for  the 
•  stars  and  stripes'  (an  attachment 
which,  your  committee  may  be  per- 
mitted to  say,  they  do  not  all  share),  it 
is  manifest  that  in  inaugurating  a  new 
government,  we  cannot,"  said  the  com- 
mittee, "  retain  the  flag  of  the  govern- 
ment from  which  we  have  withdi-awn, 
with  any  propriety,  or  without  encount- 
ering very  obvious  practical  difficulties. 
There  is  no  propriety  in  retaining  the 
ensign  of  a  government  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  States  composing  this 
confederacy,  had  become  so  oppressive 
and  injurious  to  their  interests  as  to  re- 
quire theu-  separation  from  it.  It  is 
idle  to  talk  of  '  keeping'  the  flag  of  the 
United  States  when  we  have  voluntarily 
seceded  from  them.  It  is  superfluous 
to  dwell  upon  the  practical  difficulties 
which  would  flow  from  the  fact  of  two 
distinct  and  probably  hostile  govern- 
ments, both  employing  the  same  or  very 
similar  flags.  It  would  be  a  political 
and  mihtary  solecism.  It  would  pro- 
duce endless  confusion  and  mistakes. 
It  would  lead  to  perpetual  disputes. 
As  to  'the  glories  of  the  old  flag,'  we 
must  bear  in  mind  that  the  battles  of 


the  Revolution,  about  which  our  fond- 
est and  proudest  memories  cluster,  were 
not  fought  beneath  its  folds  ;  and 
although  in  more  recent  times — in  the 
war  of  1812  and  in  the  war  with  Mexico 
— the  South  did  win  her  fair  share  of 
glory,  and  shed  her  fuU  measure  of 
blood  under  its  guidance  and  in  its 
defence,  we  think  the  impartial  page  of 
history  will  preserve  and  commemorate 
the  fact  more  imperishably  than  a  mere 
piece  of  striped  bunting.  When  the 
colonies  achieved  then'  independence  of 
the  '  mother  country'  (which  up  to  the 
last  they  fondly  called  her),  they  did  not 
desire  to  retain  the  British  flag  or  any- 
thing at  all  similar  to  it.  Yet  under 
that  flag  they  had  been  planted,  and 
nurtm'ed,  and  fostered.  Under  that 
flag  they  had  fought  in  their  infancy  for 
their  very  existence  against  more  than 
one  determined  foe.  Under  it  they  had 
repelled  and  driven  back  the  relentless 
savage,  and  carried  it  farther  and  farther 
into  the  decreasing  wilderness  as  the 
standard  of  civilization  and  rehgion. 
Under  it  the  youthful  Washington  won 
his  spm-s,  in  the  memorable  and  un- 
fortunate expedition  of  Braddock,  and 
Americans  helped  to  j^laut  it  on  the 
Heights  of  Abraham,  where  the  im- 
mortal Wolfe  fell,  covered  with  glory, 
in  the  arms  of  victory.  But  our  fore- 
fathers, when  they  separated  themselves 
from  Great  Britain — a  separation  not 
on  account  of  their  hatred  of  the  En- 
glish constitution  or  of  English  institu- 
tions, but  in  consequence  of  the  tyran- 
nical and  unconstitutional  rule  of  Lord 
North's     administration,     and     because 


PREPARATIONS  AT  CHARLESTON". 


133 


their  destiny  beckoned  tliem  on  to  in- 
dependent expansion  and  achievement 
— cast  no  hngering,  regretful  looks  be- 
hind. They  were  proud  of  tlieir  race 
and  hneage,  proud  of  their  heritage  in 
the  glories,  and  genius,  and  language  of 
Old  England,  but  they  were  influenced 
by  the  spirit  of  the  motto  of  the  great 
Hampden,  '  Yestigia  nulla  reirorsum.' 
They  were  determined  to  build  up  a 
new  power  among  the  nations  of  the 
world.  They  therefore  did  not  attempt 
'to  keep  the  old  flag.'  We  think  it 
good  to  imitate  them  in  this  compara- 
tively httle  matter,  as  well  as  to  emu- 
late them  in  greater  and  more  import- 
ant ones." 

The  committee  (of  which  it  may  not  be 
impertinent  to  say  that  a  South  Carolinian 
was  chairman,  who,  from  the  traditional 
disloyalty  of  his  native  State,  was 
less  likely  to  sympathize  with  the  rev- 
erence of  the  nation  for  the  symbol  of 
its  union)  therefore  recommended  a  new 
flag  for  the  Confederate  States,  which 
was  adopted,  "  consisting  of  a  red 
field  with  a  white  space  extending  hori- 
zontally through  the  centre  and  equal 
in  width  to  one  third  the  width  of  the 
flag,  the  red  spaces  above  and  below 
being  of  the  same  width  as  the  white  ; 
the  union  blue  extends  down  through 
the  white  space,  but  terminates  at  the 
lower  red  one.  In  the  blue  are  stars 
corresponding  in  niunber  to  the  States 
of  the  confederacy.  The  three  co"- 
ors,  red,  white,  and  blue,  are  the  true 
republican  colors.  In  heraldry  they  are 
emblematic  of  the  three  great  virtues, 
of  valor,  purity,  and  truth,"  reported  the 


committee,  while  they  added,  "the  col- 
ors constrast  admirably,  and  are  lasting." 
The  Confederate  Government  besran 
to  prepare  actively  for  war.  The  gov- 
ernors of  the  several  States  having  been 
ordered  by  President  Davis,  issued  pro- 
clamations, calling  upon  the  militia  to 
muster.  Greneral  Beauregard,  formerly 
a  major  in  the  United  States  engineer 
corps,  was  dispatched  to  take  lUarch 
command  of  the  works  and  forces  5' 
at  Charleston.  In  the  mean  time  the 
South  Carolinians  had  made  great  pro- 
gress in  strengthening  and  manning 
their  defences.  The  people  of  Charles- 
ton were  becoming  each  day  more  ex- 
cited as  they  contemplated  the  flag  of 
the  Union  persistingly  raised  in  their 
harbor.  "The  fate  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  hangs,"  they  said,  "  by  the 
ensign  halliards  of  Fort  Sumter."  The 
Governor  of  South  Carolina  made  re- 
peated calls  for  troops,  until  seven  thou- 
sand men  had  been  gathered,  and  im- 
mense gangs  of  negro  slaves  brought 
from  the  plantations  in  the  interior  and 
set  to  work  upon  the  fortifications. 
The  floating  batteries,  which  had  been 
in  course  of  construction  for  months, 
were  now  finished,  mounted,  manned, 
and  anchored  in  the  harbor.  Ardent 
gentlemen  of  South  Carolina  volun- 
teered as  privates,  among  whom  there 
was  a  large  number  of  the  members  of 
the  convention,  which  had  lately  ad- 
journed. Senators  and  members  of 
Congress  from  Carolina  and  other  se- 
ceded States  had  offered  their  services, 
and  while  some,  hke  Senator  Wigfall,  of 
Texas,  received  appointments  on  General 


134: 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Beauregard's  staff,  others  were  con- 
strained to  take  their  places  in  the 
ranks. 

In  the  mean  time,  however,  there 
were  still  rumors  that  a  conflict  would 
be  avoided  by  the  evacuation  of  Fort 
Sumter  by  Major  Anderson,  with  whom 
there  continued  to  be  preserved  a  court- 
eous relation  by  the  citizens  of  Charles- 
ton, who  not  unfrequently  had  liim  to 
dinner,  or  supplied  him  with  delicacies 
from  their  tables  and  madeira  from  their 
cellars.  Messengers  traveling  by  land 
passed  between  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment and  the  fort,  with  the  concurrence 
of  the  authorities  of  South  Carolina. 
The  batteries  in  the  harbor,  however, 
abated  not  a  jot  of  their  vigilance,  and 
were  determined  not  to  let  a  vessel 
enter  under  the  flag  of  the  United 
States.  A  trading  schooner  of  Boston, 
laden  with  ice,  having  drifted  in  a  dense 
fos  over  the  Charleston  bar,  close  to  the 
fort  on  Morris  Island,  was  fired  at.  The 
captain  hoisted  the  stars  and  stripes,  but 
this  only  increased  the  intensity  of  the 
attack  ;  and  he  was  glad  finally  to  make 
his  escape  to  sea,  after  having  received 
several  tliirty-two-pounder  shots  in  his 
rigging. 

At  Washington,  the  President  and 
cabinet  were  supposed  to  be  a  long 
time  perplexed  how  to  act  in  regard  to 
Fort  Sumter,  but  finally  came  to  a  de- 
cision. It  was  determined  to  make  a 
demonstration  at  least  of  sustaining 
Major  Anderson.  A  fleet  was  hurriedly 
fitted  out  for  the  purpose,  and  prepared 
to  sail,  the  destination  of  which  it  was 
not  doubted  was  Charleston,   although 


not  publicly  announced.  At  the  same 
time  a  special  messenger  was  sent  by 
the  United  States  Government  to  the 
authorities  at  Charleston,  bearing  the 
message  that  a  peaceable  effort  would 
be  made  to  supply  the  garrison  of  Fort 
Sumter  with  provisions,  and  that  if  this 
were  not  permitted,  force  would  be  tried. 

The  Southern  Confederacy  accepted 
this  as  a  menace  of  hostility.  The 
people  of  Charleston  were  roused  to  a 
high  degree  of  excitement.  "We  have 
patiently  submitted,"  they  said,  "  to  the 
insolent  military  domination  of  a  hand- 
ful of  men  in  our  bay  for  over  three 
months  after  the  declaration  of  our  in- 
dependence of  the  United  States.  The 
object  of  that  self-humiliation  has  been 
to  avoid  the  effusion  of  blood  while 
such  preparation  was  making  as  to 
render  it  causeless  and  useless. 

"  It  seems  we  have  been  unable,  by 
discretion,  forbearance,  and  preparation, 
to  effect  the  desired  object,  and  that  now 
the  issue  of  battle  is  to  be  forced  upon 
us.  The  gage  is  thrown  down,  and  we 
accept  the  challenge.  We  will  meet  the 
invader,  and  the  God  of  battles  must 
decide  the  issue  between  the  hostile 
hirelings  of  Abolition  hate  and  Northern 
tyranny,  and  the  people  of  South  Car- 
olina defending  their  freedom  and  their 
homes.  We  hope  such  a  blow  will  be 
struck  in  behalf  of  the  South,  that 
Sumter  and  Charleston  harbor  will  be 
remembered  at  the  North  as  long  as 
they  exist  as  a  people."* 

The  commissioners  of  the  Con-  jvpril 
federate  States  now  left  Washing-     ^' 

o  Charleeton  Mercury. 


SUERENDER   OF  FORT   SIBITER  DEMANDED. 


135 


ton,  after  sending  a  defiant  missive  to  the 
secretary  of  state  :  "  It  is  proper,  how- 
ever, to  advise  you,"  they  said  in  their 
dispatch  to  Mr.  Seward,  "  that  it  were 
well  to  dismiss  the  hopes  you  seem  to 
entertain,  that,  by  cny  of  the  modes 
indicated,  the  people  of  the  Confeder- 
ate States  will  ever  be  brought  to  sub- 
mit to  the  authority  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.  You  are  dealing 
with  delusions,  too,  when  you  seek  to 
separate  our  people  from  our  Govern- 
ment, and  to  characterize  the  deliberate, 
sovereign  act  of  the  people  as  a  '  per- 
version of  a  temporary  and  partisan  ex- 
citement.' If  you  cherish  these  dreams, 
you  will  be  awakened  from  them,  and 
find  them  as  unreal  and  unsubstantial 
as  others  in  which  you  have  recently 
indulged.  The  undersigned  would  omit 
the  performance  of  an  obvious  duty 
were  they  to  fail  to  make  known  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  that 
the  people  of  the  Confederate  States 
have  declared  their  independence  with 
a  full  knowledge  of  all  the  responsibil- 
ties  of  that  act,  and  with  as  firm  a  de- 
termination to  maintain  it  by  all  the 
means  with  which  nature  has  endowed 
them,  as  that  which  sustained  their 
fathers  when  they  threw  off  the  author- 
ity of  the  British  crown." 

As  soon  as  it  was  suspected  at 
Charleston  that  there  was  an  intention 
on  the  part  of  the  Federal  authorities 
to  make  an  effort  to  sustain  Major 
Anderson  and  his  garrison,  all  communi- 
cation between  the  people  and  the  fort 
was  at  once  stopped.  Upon  the  arrival 
of  the  Federal  messenger,  Beauregard 


announced  the  fact  by  telegraph  to  the 
secretary  of  war  of  the  Confederate 
States,  Leroy  P.  Walker. 

"  An  authorized  messenger  from  Pres- 
ident Lincoln  just  informed  Gover-  April 
nor  Pickens  and  myself,"  wrote  ^' 
Beauregard,  "  that  provisions  will  be 
sent  to  Fort  Sumter  peaceably,  or  other- 
wise by  force." 

To  this  the  secretary  answered  : 

"  If  you  have  no  doubt  of  the  author- 
ized character  of  the  agent  who  ^pril 
communicated  to  you  the  intention  !•*• 
of  the  Washington  Government,  to  sup- 
ply Fort  Sumter  by  force,  you  will  at 
once  demand  its  evacuation,  and  if  this 
is  refused,  proceed  in  such  a  manner  as 
you  may  determine  to  reduce  it.  An- 
swer." 

Beauregard    briefly   responded  :  xj^^n 
"The    demand   will    be    made    at    1^« 
twelve  o'clock." 

The  secretary,  in  his  impatience,  again 
replied:  "Unless  there  are  especial 
reasons  connected  with  your  own  con- 
dition, it  is  considered  proper  that  you 
should  make  the  demand  at  an  early 
hour." 

' '  The  reasons  are  special  for  twelve 
o'clock,"  was  the  positive  response  jVpril 
of  the  General.  ^^' 

Accordingly  Beauregard  made  his  de- 
mand on  the  11th  of  April,  which  led 
to  the  following  correspondence  : 

"Headquarters,  Pkovisiokai.  Army,  C. S.  A.  ) 
CiiAELESTOX,  S.  C,  April  11,  1861—2  p.m.    J 
"  Sir  :  The  Government  of  the  Con- 
federate States   has    hitherto   forborne 
from  any  hostile  demonstration  against 
Fort  Sumter,  in  the  hope  that  the  Gov- 


136 


THE  WAR  WITII  THE  SOUTH. 


ernment  of  the  United  States,  ■with  a 
view  to  the  amicable  adjustment  of  all 
questions  between  the  two  governments, 
and  to  avert  the  calamities  of  war, 
would  voluntarily  evacuate  it.  There 
was  reason  at  one  time  to  believe 
that  such  would  be  the  course  pursued 
by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  under  that  impression,  my 
Government  has  refrained  from  making 
any  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  fort. 

"But  the  Confederate  States  can  no 
longer  delay  assuming  actual  possession 
of  a  fortification  commanding  the  en- 
trance of  one  of  their  harbors,  and 
necessary  to  its  defence  and  security. 

"  I  am  ordered  by  the  Government 
of  the  Confederate  States  to  demand 
the  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter.  My 
aids,  Colonel  Chesnut  and  Captain  Lee, 
are  authoized  to  make  such  demand  of 
you.  All  proper  facilities  will  be  af- 
forded for  the  removal  of  yourself  and 
command,  together  with  company  arms 
and  property,  and  all  private  property, 
to  any  post  in  the  United  States  which 
you  may  elect.  The  flag  which  you 
have  upheld  so  long  and  with  so  much 
fortitude,  under  the  most  trying  circum- 
stances, maybe  saluted  by  you  on  taking 
it  down. 

"  Colonel  Chesnut  and  Captain  Lee 
will,  for  a  reasonable  time,  await  your 
answer. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 
"  G.  T.  Beauregard, 
"  Brigadier-General  Commanding. 

"  Major  Robert  Axdekson,  commanding  at 
Fort  Sumter,  Charleston  Harbor,  S.  C." 


"  Headquarters,  Fort  Sumter,  S.  C,  ) 
Ajiril  11,  1861.  j 

"  General  :  I  have  the  honor  to  ac- 
knowledge the  receipt  of  your  communi- 
cation demanding  the  evacuation  of  this 
fort  ;  and  to  say  in  reply  thereto,  that 
it  is  a  demand  with  which  I  regret  that 
my  sense  of  honor  and  of  my  obliga- 
tions to  my  Government  jsrevent  my 
compliance. 

"  Thanking  you  for  the  fair,  manly, 
and  courteous  terms  proposed,  and  for 
the  high  compliment  paid  me, 

"I  am.  General,  very  respectfully, 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

"Robert  Anderson, 

"Major  U.  S.  Army,  Commanding. 

"  To  Brigadier-General  G.  T.  Beaukegakd, 
commanding  Provisional  Army,  C.  S.  A." 

"  MoNTGOiiERT,  April  11, 
"  Gen.  Bbaurkgakd,  Charleston : 

"  We  do  not  desire  needlessly  to  bom- 
bard Fort  Sumter,  if  Major  Anderson 
will  state  the  time  at  which,  as  indicated 
by  him,  he  will  evacuate,  and  agree  that, 
in  the  mean  time,  he  will  not  use  his 
guns  against  us,  unless  ours  should  be 
employed  against  Fort  Sumter.  You 
are  thus  to  avoid  the  effusion  of  blood. 
If  this  or  its  equivalent  be  refused,  re- 
duce the  fort  as  your  judgment  decides 
to  be  most  practicable. 

"L.  P.  Walker,  Sec.  of  War." 

"Headquarters,  Provisional  Armt,  C. S.  A.  ) 
Charlestox,  April  11,  1861 — 11  p.m.  [ 
"Major  :  In  consequence  of  the  verbal 
observations  made  by  you  to  my  aids, 
Messrs.  Chesnut  and  Lee,  in  relation  to 
the  conditon  of  your  supplies,  and  that 
you  would  in  a  few  days  be  starved  out 


CORRESPONDEXCE  BETWEEN  BEAUREGARD  AND  ANDERSON. 


137 


if  our  guus  did  not  batter  you  to  pieces 
— or  words  to  that  effect — and  desiring 
no  useless  effusion  of  blood,  I  communi- 
cated both  the  verbal  observation  and 
your  written  answer  to  my  communica- 
tion to  my  Government. 

"  If  you  will  state  the  time  at  which 
you  will  evacuate  Fort  Sumter,  and 
agree  that  in  the  mean  time  you  will 
not  use  your  guns  against  us,  unless 
ours  shall  be  employed  against  Fort 
Sumter,  we  will  abstain  from  opening 
fire  upon  you.  Colonel  Chcsnut  and 
Captain  Lee  are  authorized  by  me  to 
enter  into  such  an  agreement  with  you. 
You  are  therefore  requested  to  com- 
municate to  them  an  open  answer. 
"I  remain,  Major,  very  respectfully, 
"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  G.  T.  Beauregard, 
"  Brigadier-General  Commanding. 

"  Major  Robert  Anderson,  commanding  at 
Fort  Sumter,  Charleston  Harbor,  S.  C." 

"  Headquarters,  Fort  Sumter,  S.  C,  ) 
2.30  A.M.,  ^I;j»ri7  12,  18G1.  ) 

"  General  :  I  have  the  honor  to  ac- 
knowledge the  receipt  of  your  second 
communication  of  the  11th  inst.,  by 
Colonel  Chesnut,  and  to  state,  in  reply, 
that  cordially  uniting  with  you  in  the 
desire  to  avoid  the  useless  effusion  of 
blood,  I  will,  if  provided  with  the  proper 
and  necessary  means  of  transportation, 
evacuate  Fort  Sumter  by  noon  on  the 
15th  instant,  should  I  not  receive,  prior 
to   that    time,    controlling    instructions 

18 


from  my  Government,  or  additional 
supplies  ;  and  that  I  will  not,  in  the 
mean  time,  open  my  fire  upon  your 
forces,  unless  compelled  to  do  so  by 
some  hostile  act  against  this  fort  or  the 
flag  of  my  Government,  by  the  forces 
under  your  command,  or  by  some  por- 
tion of  them,  or  by  the  perpetration  of 
some  act  showing  a  hostile  intention  on 
your  part  against  this  fort,  or  the  flag  it 
bears. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  General, 
"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"Robert  Anderson, 
"Major  U.  S.  A.  Commanding. 

"To  Brigadier-General  G.  T.  Beauregard, 
commanding  Provisional  Army,  C.  S.  A." 

«  Fort  Sumtek,  S.  C,    ) 
April  12,  1861,  3.20  a.m.  i" 

"Sir:  By  authority  of  Brigadier- 
General  Beauregard,  commanding  the 
Provisional  forces  of  the  Confederate 
States,  we  have  the  honor  to  notify  you 
that  he  will  open  the  fire  of  his  batteries 
on  Fort  Sumter  in  one  hour  from  this 
time. 

"  We  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  re- 
spectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servants, 
"  James  Chesnut,  Jr., 

"  Aid-de-Camp. 
"  Stephen  D.  Lee, 
"  Captain  S.  C.  Army  and  Aid-de-Camp. 

"Jl.ojor  Robert  Anderson,  United  States 
Army,  commanding  Fort  Sumter." 


138 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Excitement  in  the  North  in  regard  to  Fort  Sumter. — Precarious  position  of  Major  Anderson  and  liis  Ganison.— Opinion 
of  General  Scott.— No  effort  to  sustain  Fort  Sumter  reported. — Effect  of  the  Intelligence. — Government  at  last  re- 
solved to  make  an  Attempt. — Change  of  Feeling  at  the  North. — Preparations  of  the  Federal  Government. — ^A  Fleet 
got  Ready. — Its  Composition  and  Force. — Tlie  proposed  destination  uncertain. — AiTival  at  the  Eeudezvous  at 
Charleston. — Non-arrival  of  the  Tug-boats. — Defeat  of  purpose. — Schemes  concocted. — Failure. — Fort  Sumter. — The 
Artificial  Island.  —Construction  and  Cost. — The  Fortress. — Its  Cliaracter. — Strength  and  number  of  Guns. — Its  in- 
completeness.— Its  Position  and  Distances. — Its  meagre  Garrison. — Activity  of  the  Enemy. — SliUful  Engineering 
of  Beauregard. — Description  of  Fort  Moultrie. — Its  Strength  and  Armament. — The  Iron  Battery  at  Point  Cum- 
mings. — The  Floating  Battery. — Its  Construction  and  Efficiency. — The  Batteries  at  Fort  Johnson. — Their  Strength 
and  Construction. — The  Force  of  the  Enemy. — Defences  of  Charleston. — Sliill  of  Beauregard. — Life  of  Beauregard. — 
Birth. — A  Cadet  at  West  Point. — Curious  change  of  Name. — His  Father. — Ducal  descent  of  his  Mother. — Graduation 
of  Beauregard. — His  Services  in  the  War  with  Mexico. — Differs  in  opinion  with  his  superior. — Beauregard' s  Judg- 
ment Triumphant. — Rewards  of  Gallantry. — Another  illustration  of  superior  Judgment  and  another  Triumph. — 
Return  to  Louisiana. — Honor  to  the  young  Hero. — Government  appointments. — Personal  appearance  and  character. 
— Becomes  a  Secessionist. — Correspondence  between  Beauregard  and  Anderson. — Opening  of  the  Fire  upon  Fort 
Sumter. — Extent  of  Fire  surprising.  —  T;udy  Response  of  Major  Anderson. — Division  of  his  Garrison. — Who  fired 
the  first  Gun ?— Enthusiasm  of  the  Men.— Effect  of  the  Fire. — The  Enemy's  Vigor. — The  Parapet  of  Fort  Sumter 
dreadfully  damaged.— Danger  to  Life. — Havoc  among  the  Gum  en  barhdle. — Tlie  effect  of  the  Enemy's  Rifled  Can- 
non.— On  guard. — "  Shot  or  Shell." — The  laborers  at  the  Guns. — A  Hit  in  the  Centre. — The  Barracks  on  Fire. — 
Danger  of  the  Magazine. — Continued  Conflagration. — Tlie  descent  of  the  Flag. — Only  a  Salute. — A  genuine  Sliot. — 
The  Flag  still  flying. — "  Knocked  down  temporarily." — Cessation  of  the  Fire  of  Fort  Sumter  during  the  Night. — 
Tlie  Enemy  still  firing.  —Attempt  to  rig  new  Halyards  for  the  Flag. — Expecting  Aid  or  an  Assault. — Saturday  Morn- 
ing.— ^The  Conflagration  of  the  Barracks  continuing. — ^Its  Effect. — Terrific  Scene. — Danger  of  an  Explosion. — Powder 
thrown  overboard.— Scarcity  of  Cartridges. — An  Explosion  — The  Crash. — Breaking  of  the  Flagstaff. — Flag  nallerl 
to  its  Place. — Arrival  of  a  Stranger  through  an  Embrasure. — The  agitated  Wigfall.— His  pui-pose.— Displays  his 
white  Handkerchief. — An  uncomfortable  Post. — An  Interview  with  the  Slajor. — "  I  am  General  Wigfall." — Depart- 
ure of  Wigfall. — An  unauthorized  Messenger. — Commissioners  from  Beauregard. — Interview  with  Major  Anderson. 
— Hoisting  of  the  White  Flag. — Terms  of  Surrender  agreed  upon. — Departure  of  Major  Anderson  and  his  Garrison. — 
Firing  of  Salute  to  the  United  States  Flag. — Accident. — Major  Anderson  sails  for  New  Yorlt. 


1861. 


The  public  mind  at  the  North  had 
been  greatly  excited  in  regard  to 
Fort  Sumter.  The  position  of 
Major  Anderson  with  his  meagre  garri- 
son was  known  to  be  very  precarious, 
besieged  as  he  was  by  the  powerful 
works  in  Charleston  harbor,  with  an  in- 
furiated mob  of  seven  thousand  men  to 
defend  them,  and  cut  off  from  all  com- 
munication by  land  or  sea.  The  highest 
military  authority  of  the  Union,  Lieu- 
tenant-General  Scott,  was  reported  to 
have  given  it  as  his  opinion  that  it  was 
impracticable,  without   such   a  military 


and  naval  force  as  the  Government  at 
that  time  could  not  command,  to  rein- 
force Fort  Sumter.  Anderson's  mas- 
tei'ly  movement,  in  quitting  Fort  Moul- 
trie, and  his  resolute  and  protracted 
support  of  the  flag  of  the  United  States, 
while  surrounded  by  those  who  with 
intense  hostility  were  resolutely  bent 
upon  dishonoring  it,  had  won  for  him 
the  sympathy  of  the  whole  countiy. 
When,  tlierefore,  it  was  authoritatively 
declared  again  and  again  that  no  effort 
could  or  would  be  made  to  sustain  him, 
anguish    of    despair   wrung    every 


an 


UlSriTED   STATES   EXPEDITION   TO   FORT  STOITER. 


139 


patriotic  heart.  A  sudden  change,  how- 
ever, came  with  the  rumor  that  the 
Government  had  at  last  determined  at 
all  hazards  to  make  the  attempt,  and 
the  desponding  nation  was  once  more 
cheered  with  hope. 

The  Federal  authorities  were  evi- 
dently preparing  for  some  momentous 
movement.  Orders  had  been  issued  to 
have  the  vessels  of  war  at  the  various 
navy  yards  immediately  detailed  for 
service.  A  number  of  large  merchant 
steamers  and  sailing  vessels  had  been 
chartered.  The  garrisons  of  the  various 
forts  in  the  Northern  harbors  had  been 
got  ready  to  embark.  The  recruiting  in 
the  large  cities  for  sailors  and  soldiers  had 
been  stimulated  to  an  unusual  degree. 
Finally,  a  fleet  was  got  ready  and  sailed, 
and  although  the  Government  strove  to 
keep  its  destination  a  secret,  all  sus- 
pected, as  they  hoped,  that  it  was 
Charleston.  The  vessels  sailed  from  the 
various  ports  where  they  happened  to 
be,  to  meet  at  a  certain  rendezvous  de- 
termined upon.  The  steam  sloop  of 
war  Pawnee,  Captain  S.  C.  Rowan,  of 
ten  guns,  and  with  two  hundred  men, 
sailed  from  Washington  with  sealed 
orders  on  the  morning  of  Saturday, 
April  ^pril  6th.  On  the  afternoon  of 
6tl>»  the  same  day,  the  steam  sloop  of 
war  Powhatan,  of  eleven  guns,  and  with 
two  hundred  and  seventy-five  men,  left 
the  Brooklyn  navy  yard. 

On  the  following  Monday,  the  revenue 

April  cutter  Harriet  Lane,  after  having 

8»     exchanged  her  revenue  flag  for  that 

of  the  United  States,   sailed  from  the 

harbor  of  Now  York  with  an  armament 


of  five  guns  and  a  crew  of  ninety-six 
men. 

Three  of  the  largest  and  swiftest  of 
the  merchant  steamers  hitherto  enfraErod 
in  peaceful  commerce  had  been  char- 
tered, and  now  laden  with  armed  men 
and  munitions  of  war  joined  the  ex- 
pedition. The  Atlantic,  with  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty-eight  troops,  com-  j^p^jj 
posed  of  Companies  A  and  M  of  ''• 
the  Second  Artillery,  Companies  C  and  H 
of  the  Second  Infantry,  and  Company  A 
of  Sappers  and  Miners,  from  West  Point, 
steamed  out  of  the  harbor  of  New 
York  on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  April 
7th.  Two  days  after,  the  Baltic  fol- 
lowed, with  a  hundred  and  sixty  j^pry 
ti'oops.  Companies  C  and  D,  which  ^' 
had  been  lately  recruited  and  stationed 
at  Govei-nor's  Island,  in  New  York  bay. 
On  the  same  day  the  Illinois  put  to  sea 
with  three  hundred  troops,  made  ^pril 
up  of  Companies  B,  E,  F,  G,  and  H,  9' 
of  a  detachment  of  Company  D,  and 
two  companies  of  the  Second  Infantry 
gathered  from  the  recruits  at  Governor's 
Island,  Bedloe's  Island,  and  Fort  Ham- 
ilton. 

Two  steam-tugs — the  Yankee,  which 
sailed  on  Monday,  the  8th  of  April,  j^pru 
and  the  Uncle  Ben,  which  followed  ^' 
on  the  day  after — completed  this  hurried- 
ly gathered  but  not  unimposing  naval 
force. 

Thirty  launches  were  also  distributed 
among  the  larger  steamers,  to  be  used 
for  the  purpose  of  landing  the  troops 
through  the  surf  under  the  cover  of  the 
fire  of  the  armed  vessels,  or,  being  pro- 
tected with  sand-bags,  and  armed  with 


140 


THE  TVAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


swivel  guns  and  riflemen,  to  aid  in  the 
attack  of  batteries.* 

Of  this  force,  though  the  whole  was 
supposed  by  the  people  to  be  destined 
for  Charleston,  only  the  Powhatan,  the 
Pawnee,  the  Harriet  Lane,  the  Baltic, 
and  the  steam-tugs  sailed  for  that  port. 
The  rest  took  their  course  for  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  to  reinforce  the  garrisons  of 
the  Federal  forts  on  the  coasts  of  Ala- 
bama and  Florida. 

The  Pawnee,  the  Harriet  Lane,  and 
April  the  Baltic  reached  the  rendezvous 
12.  off  Charleston  on  the  12th  of 
April,  but  the  Yankee  and  Uncle  Ben 
had  foiled  to  ari'ive,  having  been  de- 
tained by  unfavorable  weather.  The 
orders  of  the  fleet  were,  that  unarmed 
boats  should  first  be  sent  in  with  stores  ; 
but  if  they  were  fired  upon,  an  effort 
was  to  be  made  to  relieve  the  fort  by 
force.  "Without  the  tug-boats,  the  pro- 
posed object  of  the  expedition  could  not 
be  eflectually  accompUshed,  as  the  only 
unarmed  steamer,  the  Baltic,  was  of  too 
great  a  draught  of  water  to  pass  the 
bar  of  Charleston,  and  the  steam-tugs 
were  alone  capable  of  approaching  the 
fort  through  the  shallow  water.  The 
naval    commanders,    however,   after    a 

o  The  whole  force  may  be  thus  recapitulated  : 

TfSids.  Ouns.     2!fn, 

Sloop  of  war  Pawnee 10        200 

Sloop  of  war  Powhatan 11        275 

Cutter  Harriet  Lane 5  96 

Steam  transport  Atlantic —        .353 

Steam  transport  Baltic —        160 

Steam  transport  niinois —        300 

Steam-tug  Yankee Ordinary  crew. 

Steam-tug  Uncle  Ben Ordinary  crew. 

Total  number  of  vessels 8 

Total  number  of  guns  (for  marine  service) 26 

Total  nnmber  of  men  and  troops 1,384 


council,  determined  to  make  an  efibrt 
for  the  reUef  of  Major  Anderson,  who 
was  already  under  shot,  for  as  soon  as 
the  first  rockets  had  been  sent  up  to 
signalize  the  concentration  of  the  fleet, 
the  enemy  had  opened  fire.  The  plan 
agreed  upon  was  to  hoist  out  the  small 
boats  and  launches,  load  them  with  men 
and  stores,  and  to  tow  them  as  far  as 
possible,  and  then,  while  covering  them 
with  the  guns  of  the  steamers,  to  send 
them  in  alone.  This,  however,  failed  in 
consequence  of  the  Baltic  having  got 
aground  during  the  night,  while  prepa- 
rations were  being  made  to  disembark 
her  stores  and  troops.  Other  schemes 
were  devised,  but  before  they  could  be 
put  into  execution,  the  time  for  action 
had  past.     Fort  Sumter  had  fallen. 

Fort  Sumter  had  been  considered  one 
of  the  strongest  works  in  the  United 
States.  The  island  upon  which  it  is 
built  was  artificial!}'  constructed  by 
placing  upon  the  original  sand  and  mud 
a  large  quantity  of  refuse  granite, 
brought  from  Xorthern  quarries,  and 
pressing  it  deeply  down  until  an  un- 
yielding foundation  was  laid.  This 
alone  cost  the  labor  of  ten  3-ears  and  an 
expense  of  five  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars, to  which  another  half  milhon  was 
added  before,  the  completion  of  the 
whole  fort.  The  walls  of  the  fortifica- 
tion, composed  of  brick  and  compact 
concrete,  are  sixty  feet  in  height  and 
from  eight  to  twelve  feet  in  thickness. 
The  fort  is  pentagonal,  and  is  pierced 
for  three  tiers  of  guns,  on  all  sides  but 
the  southern,  where  are  the  sally-ports 
and  docks,  which  had  been  left  uupro- 


FORTS   AT   CHARLESTON". 


141 


tected,  as  it  looks  toward  the  land,  and 
the  work  had  been  mainly  intended  as  a 
defence  against  attack  from  the  sea. 

Although  it  was  originally  designed 
to  have  ai-med  the  fort  with  one  hun- 
dred and  forty  cannon  of  various  cali- 
bres, there  were  but  seventy-five  in 
position  when  the  enemy  opened  fire. 
Of  these,  eleven  were  Paixhans,  and  a 
number,  thirty-two  pounders,  four  of 
which  were  en  larbeiie,  and  uncovered, 
and  being  on  pivots  could  be  made  to 
take  a  wide  range.  Fort  Moultrie  was 
within  command  of  nine  of  the  Paix- 
hans, and  the  two  others  pointed  toward 
Castle  Pinckney,  too  far  distant,  how- 
ever, to  be  within  range.  Most  of  the 
large  columbiads  in  the  fort  were  ?iot 
yet  mounted.  The  magazines  were  well 
supplied  with  ammunition,  sufficient  it 
was  thought  for  a  year,  and  artificial 
wells  had  been  constructed  capable  of 
holding  a  supply  of  water  for  the  same 
period. 

The  distance  from  Fort  Sumter  to 
Charleston  is  three  miles  and  three 
eighths  of  a  mile.  Together  with  Fort 
Moultrie,  which  had  been  abandoned  by 
Anderson,  Sumter  was  surrounded  by 
Cumming's  Point  and  Fort  Johnson, 
where  strong  works  had  been  con- 
structed and  mounted,  and  a  floating 
battery.  From  Fort  Moultrie,  Fort 
Sumter  is  distant  one  and  one-eighth 
of  a  mile  ;  from  Cumming's  Point  three- 
fourths  of  a  mile  ;  from  Fort  Johnson 
one  and  one  fourth  of  a  mile  ;  while  the 
floating  battery  had  been  anchored 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  weak  side 
of  Sumter.     The  greatest  range  of  the 


guns  of  Fort  Sumter  was  estimated  at 
three  miles,  which  placed  the  city  of 
Charleston  beyond  reach  of  its  fire. 

Six  hundred  men  would  have  been 
required  fully  to  garrison  the  fort  and 
work  the  guns  ;  but  Major  Anderson 
could  only  muster  one  hundred  and 
nine,*  of  whom  thirty  were  laborers, 
and  fifteen  composed  the  band. 

The  enemy  had  dihgently  improved 
every  moment  in  strengthening  the  Fed- 
eral forts  they  had  taken  possession  of, 
and  in  adding  new  woi-ks,  under  the 
skilful  direction  of  General  Beauregard, 
once  esteemed  as  among  the  ablest  offi- 
cers of  engineers  in  the  United  States 
service. 

Fort  Moultrie,  on  Sullivan's  Island, 
had  been  repaired,  its  dismantled  guns 
unspiked  and  mounted  again,  and  the 
lateral  spaces  between  the  cannon  pro- 
tected by  sand-bags,  to  secure  them 
against  a  flank  fire.  Though  a  weak 
work,  in  comparison  with  Fort  Sumter, 
its  walls,  built  of  brick,  capped  with 
stone  and  filled  in  with  earth,  presented 
a  solid  enclosure  of  nearly  sixteen  feet 
in    thickness.      Its    original    armament 


°  The  garrison  was  thus  composed  : 

„     .         .       «  OHfflnal  Entry 

Officera.  Bank.  Re^jiraent  or  Curpti.        j^^j^^  seiTloe. 

E.  Anderson  ..Major Ist  Artillery  ..  .July  1,1325.. . 

S.W.  Crawford. Ass"t  Surgeon.. Medical  Staff  ..Miirch  10,  ISol 

A.  Doubleday..  Captain.  Ist  Artillery  ..  ..July  1,  1*13..., 

T.  Seymour.... Captain Ist  Artillery  ...July  1, 1S4(!..., 

T.  Talbot Ist  Lieut 1st  Artillery  ..  .May  22, 1*4T.. 

Jeff.  C.  Davis.. 1st  Lieul 1st  Artillery  ...June  IT,  1»13., 

J.N.  Hall 2d  Lieut 1st  Artillery  ...Julyl,  1M9  .. 

J.  G.  Foster Captain Engineers July  1, 1*46  ... 

G.  \T.  Snyder.  .1st  Lieut Engineers July  1, 1S56. . . 

E.  K.  Meade... 2d  Lieut Engineers July  1, 185T.... 


Officers  

Band 

Artillerists  . 
Laborers . . . 


Born  iQ 

Ky. 

Penn, 

N.  Y. 

Vt. 

,D.  C. 

Iiid. 

.N.T. 

N.  H. 

N.T 

Va. 

9 
15 
65 
80 


Total IDS 


142 


THE  WAR   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


was  composed  of  eleven  guns  of  hea^y 
calibre  and  several  powerful  mortars. 

On  Cumming's  Point  the  enemy  had 
erected  a  battery  made  of  thick  logs  of 
yellow  pine.  This  was  covered  with  a 
slanting  roof  of  the  same  material,  which 
had  been  rendered  baU-proof  by  railroad 
iron  dovetailed  and  riveted  together. 
The  port-holes  were  supplied  with  iron 
shutters,  which  opened  as  the  guns  were 
thrust  out  to  fire,  and  fell  as  they  re- 
coiled after  a  shot,  and  thus  shut  in  the 
artillerists  within  an  hon-bound  and  im- 
penetrable cover.  This  novel  battery 
was  mounted  with  three  columbiads, 
which  bore  directly  on  the  southern  and 
weakest  side  of  Fort  Sumter. 

The  most  cui'ious,  and  not  the  least 
effective,  perhaps,  of  the  enemy's  works, 
was  the  floating  battery,  which  in  the 
course  of  its  construction  had  given  rise 
to  much  speculation  and  not  a  httle  rid- 
icule. This,  too,  was  constructed  of 
heavy  pine  logs  and  faced  with  a  double 
layer  of  railroad  iron.  It  was  about  a 
hundred  feet  in  length  and  twenty-five 
in  width.  Its  face  presented  an  angle 
horizontally  disposed,  formed  by  its  re- 
treating roof  and  the  front  wall  inclining 
backward  as  it  descended  to  the  water. 
It  was  mounted  with  four  guns  of  the 
heaviest  caUbre,  which  were  said  to  re- 
quire sixty  men  to  work  them.  A  mag- 
azine for  ammunition  was  built  in  the 
hold,  below  the  water-hne,  and  hned 
with  sand-bags,  laid  seven  feet  thick,  not 
only  to  protect  it  from  shot,  but  to  act 
as  ballast  necessary  to  counterpoise  the 
heavy  armament  above.  To  the  stern 
of  this  strange  structure  was  attached  a 


floating  hospital,  to  provide  for  the  or- 
dinary emergencies  of  war. 

At  Fort  Johnson — so  called  from  its 
being  the  site  of  an  old  work  no  longer 
existing — on  James'  Island,  two  long 
batteries  were  erected  of  sand,  and 
mounted  with  heavy  cannon  and  mor- 
tars. Other  temporary  structures  were 
raised,  some  of  palmetto  logs,  and  oth- 
ers of  earth  and  sand,  on  Morris  and 
Stono  islands,  Hadril's  Point,  and  other 
parts  of  the  harbor,  which  bore  on  its 
approaches,  or  upon  Fort  Sumter. 

A  large  force,  said  to  have  amounted 
to  over  seven  thousand  men,  had  been 
mustered  to  the  defence  of  Charleston. 
Four  thousand  of  these  were  manning 
the  works  in  the  harbor,  while  the  rest 
were  held  in  reserve  on  Sullivan  and 
Morris  islands  and  in  Charleston,  to  be 
ready  to  repel  any  attack  by  land. 

The  city  itself  was  immediately  de- 
fended by  the  fort  at  Castle  Pinckney, 
and  cannon  on  the  Battery  in  front  of 
Charleston.  These,  however,  could  only 
be  of  service  in  case  the  above  works 
had  failed  to  keep  out  any  intruder. 
Castle  Pinckney  is  situated  at  the  south- 
ern extremity  of  Shute's  Folly  Island. 
Its  armament  consists  of  some  thirty- 
two  pounders,  columbiads,  and  mortars, 
amounting  in  all  to  about  twenty-five 
pieces.  Its  walls  are  six  feet  in  thick- 
ness, and  are  pierced  for  one  row  of 
guns,  while  there  is  another  en  harbette. 
The  work  is  small,  and  of  little  import- 
ance in  an  attack  from  the  sea.  AU  the 
old  defences  had  been  greatly  improved, 
and  new  ones  constructed,  by  the  skilful 
engineering  of  General  Beauregard,  the 


LIFE   OF   BEAUREGAED. 


143 


officer  who  had  been  sent  by  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Confederate  States  to 
take  command  at  Charleston. 

Peter  Gustavus  Toutant  Beauregard 
had  ah'eady,  while  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  won  a  distinguished  rep- 
utation as  an  engineer.  He  was  born 
on  his  father's  plantation,  near  New  Or- 
leans. The  family  name  is  said  to  be 
Toutant,  and  that  of  the  estate  Beaure- 
gard, which,  by  a  curious  accident,  was 
originally  attached  to  the  patronymic, 
and  assumed  by  the  present  bearer,  in 
this  wise  :  The  youth,  when  admitted  a 
cadet  at  West  Point,  was  presented  as 
Toutant  de  Beauregard,  signifying  mere- 
ly that  he  was  a  Toutant  of  the  planta- 
tion of  Beauregard,  and  thus  entered 
upon  the  records  of  the  institution. 
This,  however,  was  supposed  to  be  his 
surname,  and  he  was  so  called.  Not 
averse,  probably,  to  the  dignified  sound- 
ing of  the  appellation,  the  youth  did  not 
care  to  correct  the  error,  and  subse- 
quently assumed  the  name  of  Beaure- 
gard as  his  own. 

His  father  was  a  wealthy  Creole,  with 
extensive  estates  in  Louisiana,  and  a 
descendant  of  a  reputable  French  fam- 
ily. His  mother's  name  was  Reggio, 
for  whom  has  been  claimed  a  descent 
from  the  Italian  ducal  house  of  the  Reg- 
gios  of  Italy.  In  1834;,  young  Beaure- 
gard entered  the  military  academy  at 
West  Point,  where  he  graduated  in  1838, 
ranking  the  second  of  a  class  of  forty- 
five  cadets.  On  his  graduation,  he  re- 
ceived the  commission  of  a  second  lieu- 
tenant in  the  First  Regiment  of  Artillery, 
but  iu  a  week  after  was  transferred  to 


the  Corps  of  Engineers.  In  June,  1839, 
he  was  promoted  a  fii-st  lieutenant,  and 
was  serving  in  this  grade  when  the  war 
with  Mexico  broke  out.  He  accompa- 
nied the  ai'my  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  con- 
tinued with  it  during  its  career  of  con- 
quest to  the  capital  of  Mexico. 

At  the  very  first  moment  he  gave  in- 
dications of  that  surety  of  eye,  precision 
of  foresight,  and  carefulness  of  judgment 
which  are  his  distinguishing  qualities. 
Before  Vera  Cruz,  he  was  sent  out  at 
the  head  of  a  party  of  sappers  and 
miners  to  dig  and  pre^^are  a  trench,  in 
accordance  with  the  directions  of  his 
colonel.  Upon  examining  the  ground, 
however,  he  appeared  to  find  serious 
obstacles  to  the  proposed  plan.  To  as- 
sure himself,  he  climbed  a  tree,  and 
with  the  aid  of  his  glass  took  a  careful 
survey,  which  resulted  in  confirming  the 
objections  to  his  colonel's  plan.  He  dis- 
covered that  the  trench,  if  made  as  pro- 
posed, would  be  enfiladed  by  the  en- 
emy's guns.  It  was  a  difficult  position 
for  a  young  subaltern  thus  to  find  him- 
self at  variance  with  the  judgment  of  his 
superior.  He,  however,  did  not  hesi- 
tate, but  returned  to  his  colonel  without 
having  turned  a  sod.  The  officer,  sur- 
prised to  see  him  so  soon,  asked  if  he 
had  done  the  work  ah-eady.  Beaure- 
gard replied  that  he  had  not  touched  it, 
and  gave  his  reasons.  The  colonel  was 
still  more  startled  by  the  presumption 
of  the  youthful  subaltern  who  had  ven- 
tured to  dispute  the  judgment  of  his  su- 
perior, instead  of  submissively  obeying 
his  orders.  He  accordingly,  with  the 
characteristic     peremptoriness    of    the 


lU 


THE  "WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


military  commauder,  reminded  him  of 
duties  of  obedience,  and  at  the  same 
time  impatiently  declared  that  "  the 
ground  had  been  thoroughly  exarmned, 
a  perfect  reconnoisance  had  been  made, 
and  that  a  mistake  was  impossible."' 
Notwithstanding  this,  he  was  impressed 
by  the  judgment  of  Beauregard,  and 
took  another  survey  of  the  ground, 
when  he  found  reason  to  concur  with 
the  view  of  his  young  heutenant. 

For  his  gallant  conduct  at  Contreras 
and  Cherubusco,  Beauregard  was  bre- 
vetted  captain,  to  date  from  20th  of 
August,  1847,  and  again  for  his  services 
at  Chapultepec,  he  was  promoted  to  the 
brevet  rank  of  major,  to  date  from  the 
loth  of  September  of  the  same  year. 

At  the  assault  of  the  Belen  gate  of  the 
city  of  Mexico,  Beauregard  was  wounded, 
and  throughout  the  whole  campaign  he 
was  not  only  among  the  most  brave,  but 
ranked  among  the  ablest  and  most  use- 
ful of  the  officers.  General  Scott,  in  his 
dispatch  from  the  capital  of  Mexico,  into 
which  he  had  just  entered  as  conqueror, 
spoke  of  Beauregard  as  one  of  "  our  dis- 
tinguished engmeers,"  by  the  aid  of 
whose  efficient  and  daring  reconnois- 
sances,  he  was  enabled  to  foUow  up  the 
victory  of  El  Molino  del  Rey  with  the 
triumphal  capture  of  the  city  of  Mexico. 
Again,  in  his  official  report,  Scott  al- 
luded to  Beauregard  as  one  of  the  five 
lieutenants  of  engineers  "who  were  the 
admiration  of  aU"  during  the  storming 
of  the  fortress  of  Chapultepec,  the  strug- 
gle at  the  gates,  and  the  entrance  into 
the  capital. 

Another  illustration  of  the   correct-  1 


ness  of  his  judgment  is  given  in  the 
following  incident,  said  to  have  occurred 
before  the  city  of  Mexico  : 

A  night  or  two  before  the  attack,  a 
council  of  war  was  held.  There  were 
assembled  all  the  officers,  from  the  Lieu- 
tenant-General,  including  Major-General 
Worth  and  others,  down  to  Beauregard, 
the  youngest  in  the  room.  The  council 
sat  many  hours.  All  the  officers,  but 
one,  had  spoken,  and  unanimously  main- 
tained a  plan  of  operations  at  variance 
with  that  of  Scott.  The  officer  who 
had  not  tendered  his  opinion  was  Beau- 
regard. At  last  General  Pierce  crossed 
over  and  said :  "  You  have  not  expressed 
an  opinion."  "I  have  not  been  called  on," 
said  Beauregard.  Pierce,  soon  resum- 
ing his  seat,  announced  that  Lieutenant 
Beauregard  had  not  given  his  views. 
Being  then  called  upon,  he  remarked,  that 
if  the  plan  which  had  received  the  con- 
sent of  all  but  the  commanding  general 
was  carried  into  effect,  it  would  prove 
disastrous.  It  would  be  another  Cheru- 
busco affair.  He  then  detailed  the  ob- 
jections to  it  at  length  ;  and  taking  up 
the  other,  m-ged  the  reasons  in  its  favor 
with  equal  earnestness.  The  council 
reversed  their  decision.  The  city  of 
Mexico  was  entered  according  to  the 
plan  urged  by  the  young  heutenant, 
and  it  would  seem  that  his  reasons  in- 
fluenced the  decision.  A  few  days  after- 
ward. General  Scott,  in  the  joresence  of 
a  number  of  general  officers,  alluded  to 
Lieutenant  Beauregard's  opinion  at  the 
council,  and  the  consequences  which  had 
followed  from  it. 

On  his  return  to  Louisiana,  the  yoimg 


STANDARD     ILLUSTRATED     BOOKS. 


BEISOX  J.  LOSSmG'S  "LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON 

"BATTLES   OF  AMERICA  BY  SEA  AND  LAND."  j 

"  THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH,"  by  Robt.  Tomes,  MJ 

Illustrated  by  F.   0.   C.  DAEIEY,  and  other  Eminent  Artists.  1 


OFFICE  OF 

WEALE'S  SERIES 

or 

BfflllMENTAM, 

SCIENTIFIC, 

Efliicational 

CLASSICAL 

WORKS 


REISSUE 


tj, , 


k,  k. 


illusteat: 

WORKS, 

ON  THE  SCEKEKY  '. 

The  United  Stai 

CANADA 
ITALY, 

SWITZERLAI 

THE 

BOSPHORU 

Tlie  DASIIBl 

&c.,  &c.   '• 


THE        ' 

TURNER  GALLI 

Vernon  Gallei 

WILKIE  GALLEl 
ScnlBture  Galler 

&c.,  &c. 


12  DEY  ST.,  and    544  BROADWAl 


Piirt      4  It!-i.rr.,t.,t  I.,,  !■:   n    r    i>  \i:i  IV  .,■  l  ■•  ,.     /,,.,,„-    I-.,-. 


I  ICC    -n't. 


h».W= 


VIRTUE    4    YORSTON. 
i;    I'Kv   j»ri:»:i:r.   a>»  .44   uuuauway.    xkw    tohk 


r^  yp^-^^^^^^^ 


^^-y 


FmE   OPENED   OlSr  SIBITER. 


145 


Lero  was  presented  witli  a  costly  sword. 
The  Government  of  the  United  States 
appointed  him  the  chief  engineer  to  su- 
perintend the  construction  of  the  Mint 
and  Custom-house  at  New  Orleans,  and 
of  the  fortifications  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi. 

Beauregard  at  this  time  was  forty- 
three  years  of  age,  and  willi  his  healthful 
manhood,  his  vigorous  and  concentrated 
frame,  his  promptitude  of  movement 
and  power  of  endurance,  had  all  the 
bodily  qualifications  for  a  hardy  cam- 
paigner. His  abilities  and  thorough  cul- 
ture as  an  engineer  are  unquestioned,  and 
his  admirers  claim  for  him  great  capacity 
as  a  strategist  and  leader  of  armies. 

Born  in  Louisiana,  and  bound  to  it 
by  the  strong  ties  of  family  and  prop- 
erty, he  had  not  unnaturally  joined  his 
destiny  to  the  fate  of  his  native  State. 
He  is,  moreover,  supposed  to  have  been 
early  involved  in  the  Southern  conspir- 
acy, through  the  influence  of  his  brother- 
in-law,  John  Slidell,  the  former  senator 
of  the  United  States  from  Louisiana,  and 
one  of  the  main  instigators  of  the  late 
rebellion. 

"By  authority  of  Brigadier-General 

Beauregard,  commanding  the  provisional 

April  forces  of  the  Confederate  States, 

i2'  we  have  the  honor  to  notify  you 
that  he  will  open  the  fire  of  his  batteries 
on  Fort  Sumter  in  one  hour  from  this 
time."  This  was  the  communication  ad- 
dressed by  the  aids-de-camp  of  Beaure- 
gard to  Major  Anderson  at  twenty  min- 
utes past  three  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  Friday,  the  12th  of  April.  At  twenty 
minutes  past  four  o'clock,  accordingly, 
19 


the  batteries  surrounding  Fort  Sumter 
opened  fire.  Major  Anderson  waited 
until  full  daylight,  as  he  did  not  care  to 
waste  any  of  his  ammunition  before  re- 
plying. He,  however,  immediately  or- 
dered the  sentinels  away  from  the  para- 
joets,  the  posterns  closed,  the  flag  drawn 
up,  and  forbid  his  men  to  leave  the 
bomb-proofs  until  summoned  by  the 
drum. 

The  extent  of  the  enemy's  fire  greatly 
surprised  the  garrison,  which,  however, 
was  now  explained  by  the  revelation,  for 
the  first  time,  of  a  battery  of  which  there 
had  been  hitherto  no  suspicion.  This 
was  a  battery  on  Sullivan's  Island, 
masked  by  a  cover  of  brush-wood  and 
other  materials.  Skilfully  constructed, 
heavily  mounted,  and  artfully  protected, 
its  fire  was  very  eS'ective.  It  showed 
seventeen  mortars,  throwing  ten-inch 
shells,  and  thirty-three  heavy  cannons, 
most  of  which  were  columbiads.  The 
shots  from  these  powerful  guns  struck 
against  the  walls  of  Fort  Sumter  with  a 
"terrific  crash,"  as  the  defenders  de- 
clared, and  several  of  the  shells  burst 
inside  the  fort. 

Major  Anderson,  however,  did  not  re- 
spond, and  as  late  as  half-past  six  o'clock 
had  not  fired  a  shot,  the  men  at  that 
hour  being  at  breakfast,  which  they  ate 
"  leisurely  and  calmly."  Immediately 
after,  however,  everything  was  got  ready 
for  work.  The  garrison  was  so  few  in 
number  and  so  worn  out  by  the  harass- 
ing labors  of  a  long  siege,  that  it  was 
found  necessary  to  husband  its  strength. 
The  whole  was  accordingly  divided  into 
three  reliefs  or  parties,  which  were  to 


146 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


work  the  batteries  in  turns  each  during 
four  hours. 

The  first  relief  was  under  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  Doubleday,  of  the 
Artillery,  and  Lieutenant  Snyder,  of  the 
Engineer  Corj^s.  Upon  this  party  ac- 
cordingly devolved  the  duty  of  opening 
the  fire,  and  at  seven  o'clock  in  the 
morning  the  first  gun  was  fired  by 
Doubleday.  The  fire  was  directed 
against  the  batteries  at  Cumming's 
Point,  sixteen  hundred  yards  distant ;  the 
u'on  floating  battery,  anchored  about  two 
thousand  yards  away,  and  Fort  Moultrie 
and  the  additional  batteries  on  SulUvan's 
Island.  The  cannonade  was  kept  up 
with  great  spirit  for  four  hours  ;  and  such 
was  the  enthusiasm  of  the  garrison,  that 
it  was  impossible  to  prevent  the  reliefs 
off  duty  from  taking  part  in  the  work. 
The  fire  told  apparently  with  good  effect 
upon  the  waUs  of  Fort  Moultrie,  the 
embrasures  of  which  were  considerably 
damaged.  The  battery  on  Cumming's 
Point,  however,  seemed  invulnerable, 
shot  and  shell  glancing  harmlessly  off 
from  its  mail  of  iron. 

The  enemy's  fire  was  constant  and 
effective.  Their  shells  burst  in  rapid 
succession  against  all  parts  of  the  fort, 
scattering  the  loosened  brick  and  stone 
in  every  dii-ection,  breaking  the  windows 
and  settmg  fire  to  whatever  wood-work 
they  touched.  The  gorge  in  the  rear  of 
the  fort  was  already  so  pierced  with 
balls  that  it  looked  like  a  sieve. 

The  enemy  poured  their  heaviest  fire 
on  the  parapet  of  the  fort,  and  it  became 
impossible  to  go  there  without  the  cer- 
tainty of  death.     Their  shot,  aimed  priu- 


cijDally  at  the  guns  en  barbette,  soon  made 
great  havoc  among  them,  disabhng  one 
ten-inch  columbiad,  one  eight-inch  co- 
lumbiad,  one  forty-two  pounder,  and  two 
eight-inch  howitzers.  At  the  same  time, 
a  large  portion  of  the  parapet,  ujjon 
which  these  guns  were  placed,  was 
carried  away,  and  Major  Anderson  was 
obUged  to  forbid  his  men  to  expose 
themselves  there  any  longer  in  manning 
the  barbette,  or  uncovered,  cannons.  The 
garrison  was  thus  limited  to  the  use  of 
the  two  lower  tiers  of  guns,  which  were 
protected  by  casemates. 

An  English  rifle  cannon,  which  had 
been  presented  to  Charleston  by  an 
enthusiastic  friend  of  secession  at  Liver- 
pool, was  fired  with  great  accuracy.  Its 
baUs  frequently  entered  the  embrasures 
of  Fort  Sumter,  and  on  one  occasion 
slightly  wounded  four  men.  More  mis- 
chief would  have  been  done,  had  not  a 
man  been  kept  constantly  on  the  look- 
out to  cry,  whenever  the  enemy  fired, 
"  shot"  or  "  shell,"  as  it  happened  to  be, 
so  that  our  men  could  seek  safety  under 
cover.  Our  soldiers  never  faltered  at 
their  work,  and  even  the  laborers,  though 
at  the  beginning  reluctant  to  handle  the 
guns,  finally  took  hold  and  vied  with  the 
others  in  the  dangerous  service. 

"We  had  to  abandon  one  gun," 
wrote  one  of  the  officers,  "on  account 
of  the  close  fixe  made  upon  it.  Hearing 
the  fii'e  renewed,  I  went  to  the  spot.  I 
there  found  a  party  of  workmen  engaged 
in  serving  it.  I  saw  one  of  them  stoop- 
ing over,  with  his  hands  on  his  knees, 
convulsed  with  joy,  while  the  tears 
rolled  do^yn  his  powder-begrimed  cheeks. 


FIRST  DAT  OF  THE   SIEGE. 


147 


'  What  are  you  doing  here  with  that 
gun  V  I  asked.  '  Hit  it  right  in  the 
centre, '  was  the  reply  ;  the  man  meaning 
that  his  shot  had  taken  effect  in  the 
centre  of  the  floating  battery." 

The  shot  of  the  enemy  was  particu- 
larly destructive  to  the  barracks  where 
the  officers  had  their  quarters.  Most 
of  the  brick  work  was  demolished,  and 
the  interior,  of  wood,  was  in  flames 
several  times.  As  the  day  advanced, 
the  fire  was  continued  with  more  vigor 
by  the  enemy  than  ever,  while  Major 
Anderson  soon  found  his  ability  to  re- 
spond gi'eatly  diminished.  His  car- 
tridges became  exhausted  about  noon, 
and  he  was  forced  to  set  his  men  to 
work  in  the  magazine,  making  them  of 
blankets  and  shirts. 

The  frequent  conflagration  of  the 
officers'  barracks  was  now  a  source  of 
increased  anno3Mnce  and  danger.  Three 
times  they  had  caught,  and  three  times 
been  put  out.  While  extinguishing  the 
flames,  the  men  were  obliged  to  go  out 
upon  the  parapet,  where,  though  di- 
rectly exposed  to  the  thickest  of  the 
shower  of  balls,  they  could  not  resist  the 
temptation  of  discharging  clandestinely 
the  cannon  which  had  been  loaded  and 
pointed  on  the  day  before,  ready  to  fire. 

The  soldiers  throughout  exhibited 
great  daring.  On  Friday,  when  some 
of  our  vessels  outside  having  saluted  the 
fort,  Major  Anderson  ordered  his  flag  to 
be  lowered  and  raised  in  response,  Ser- 
geant Hart,  catching  a  glance  at  it  just 
as  it  was  descending,  and  thinking  it  had 
been  cut  away  by  a  shot,  rushed  out 
into  the  open  parade  in  the  thickest  of 


the  fire,  m  order  to  raise  it.  As  it  rose, 
a  ball  really  did  come  which  divided  the 
halyards,  but  the  rope  caught  by  the 
wind  twisted  around  the  staff"  and  held 
the  flag  in  its  place. 

A  veteran  sergeant,  of  the  name  of 
Kearnan,  who  had  served  in  the  Mex- 
ican campaigns,  was  struck  on  the  head 
by  a  portion  of  masonry  shivered  by  a 
shot,  and  felled  to  the  ground.  On 
rising,  he  was  asked  if  he  were  badly 
hurt.  "  No,"  said  he,  "  I  was  only 
knocked  down  temporarily."  The  men 
were  now  obliged  to  keep  so  close  to 
their  work,  that  their  meals  were  served 
to  them  while  at  their  guns.  The  fire 
of  the  enemy  became  more  brisk  and 
accurate  as  the  day  was  closing.  Their 
iron  battery  at  Cumming's  Point,  with 
its  rifled  cannon,  was  making  great 
havoc,  striking  the  embrasures  at  every 
shot.  During  Friday  night  some  of  our 
men  strove  to  chmb  the  flagstaff"  and  rig 
new  halyards  m  place  of  those  which 
had  been  cut  away,  but  could  not  suc- 
ceed. The  flag,  however,  still  was  fly- 
ing. At  night,  Major  Anderson  ordered 
the  jDort-holes  to  be  closed,  and  ceased 
active  operations,  but  the  enemy  con- 
tinued their  fire.  A  shot  or  shell  struck 
against  the  walls,  within  which  the  httle 
garrison  was  cooped  up,  about  every  fif- 
teen minutes  during  the  whole  night. 
Major  Anderson  stationed  until  next 
morning  a  non-commissioned  officer  and 
four  men  at  each  salient  embrasure,  to 
be  in  readiness  for  any  boats  that  might 
come,  whether  from  friend  or  foe,  as 
relief  from  the  fleet  outside  or  an  assault 
from  the  enemy  was  not  improbable. 


148 


TIIE  WAli   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


On  Saturday  morning  the  officei's' 
quarters  again  caught  fire  from  the  burst- 
April  i^g  of  ^  ten-inch  shell  discharged 
1^'  by  the  enemy.  It  was  now  found 
impossible  even  to  make  the  attempt  to 
put  out  the  conflagration,  as  red-hot 
shot  were  pouring  constantly  into  the 
fort,  and  from  the  general  ruin  the  ex- 
posure was  so  great.  The  main  gates 
were  already  destroyed,  so  that  five  hun- 
dred men  could  have  readily  formed  in 
the  gorge  and  marched  in  without  oppo- 
sition. The  walls,  too,  were  so  weak- 
ened, it  was  feared  that  each  shot  might 
pierce  or  prostrate  them.  The  fire  of 
the  barracks  spread  rapidly,  and  was 
soon  sweeping  up  all  the  wood-work  of 
the  fortress. 

Great  fears  were  now  entertained  for 
the  safety  of  the  magazine.  Every  man 
who  could  be  spared  was  put  to  work 
in  removing  the  powder.  Ninety-six 
barrels  were  rolled  out  through  the 
■  flames,  at  the  imminent  hazard  of  life, 
and  most  of  them  flung  into  the  sea. 
Two  hundred  were  left  behind,  as  it  was 
found  impossible  to  make  any  further 
effort,  in  consequence  of  the  excessive 
heat,  to  remove  them.  The  doors  of 
the  magazine  were  now  closed  and 
locked,  but  there  was  a  constant  dread 
of  an  explosion  as  the  flames  gathered 
about  the  whole  structure. 

The  direction  of  the  wind  was  such 
that  it  blew  the  smoke  into  the  fort,  and 
so  filled  it  that  the  men  could  no  longer 
see  each  other,  and  the  air  became  so 
hot  and  stifling  that  it  was  almost  im- 
possible to  breathe.  They  were  finally 
forced   to   cover   their   faces    with  wet 


cloths,  and  often  thus  to  he  prostrate 
on  the  ground.  Some,  however,  man- 
aged to  grope  their  way  to  the  cannon. 
A  gun  was  occasionally  fired,  to  give  the 
fleet  and  the  enemy  notice  that  the  gar- 
rison still  held  out,  but  the  cannoneers 
could  not  see  to  aim,  and  the  cartridges 
had  became  so  scarce  that  there  was 
hardly  a  cannon  wad  left.  As  the 
sparks  flew  thick  in  every  direction,  it 
was  impossible  to  attempt  to  make  fresh 
cartridges.  The  men  at  the  same  time 
had  become  prostrate,  as  much  in  con- 
sequence of  their  constant  working  at 
the  guns  as  for  want  of  proper  food. 
They  had  eaten  their  last  biscuit  thirty- 
six  hours  previous. 

In  the  mean  time  the  enemy  increased 
their  fire,  which,  added  to  the  conflagra- 
tion, the  heat  and  the  smoke,  the  crash 
and  the  ruin,  produced  a  scene  of  inde- 
scribable awe  and  confusion.  "  The 
crashing  of  the  shot,  the  bursting  of  the 
shells,  the  falling  of  walls,  and  the  roar 
of  the  flames  made,"  reported  an  eye- 
witness, "a  pandemonium  of  the  fort." 

Now,  to  add  to  the  horror  of  the 
scene,  the  shells  and  ammunition  in  the 
upper  service-magazines  exploded,  scat- 
tering the  tower  and  upper  portions  of 
the  structure  in  every  direction.  "  The 
crash  of  the  beams,  the  roar  of  the 
flames,  the  rapid  explosion  of  the  shells, 
and  the  shower  of  fragments  of  the  fort, 
with  the  blackness  of  the  smoke,  made 
the  scene,"  wrote  one  who  was  present, 
"  indescribably  terrific  and  grand." 

The  conflagration  continued  to  spread, 
and  having  reached  the  men's  quarters, 
soon  enveloped  them   in   flames.     The 


ARRIVAL  OF  WIGF^VLL. 


149 


barrels  of  powder  which  had  been  taken 
out  of  the  magazine  and  retained  for 
use,  were  now  in  danger  of  explosion. 
All  but  four  were  accordingly  thrown 
through  the  embrasures  into  the  water, 
and  those  which  were  left  were  wrapped 
in  many  thicknesses  of  wetted  woollen 
blankets.  The  garrison  was  now  re- 
duced to  its  last  three  cartridges,  and 
those  were  ah'eady  in  the  guns. 

The  flagstaff,  which  seemed  to  have 
been  the  constant  aim  of  the  enemy,  had 
been  struck  already  eight  times,  when  it 
received  a  ninth  shot,  which  broke  it  at 
about  fifty  feet  from  the  truck  and 
brought  down  the  flag.  "  The  flag  is 
down — it  has  been  shot  away  !"  was  the 
cry,  when  Lieutenant  Hall  rushed  out 
and  brought  it  in  safely.  It  was  found 
impossible,  from  the  entanglement  of 
the  halyards,  to  hoist  it  again,  and  it  was 
accordingly  nailed  to  the  broken  staff 
and  planted  upon  the  ramparts  in  the 
midst  of  a  shower  of  shot  and  shell  from 
the  enemy's  busy  batteries.  Soon  after 
the  flag  had  fallen,  and  toward  the  close 
of  day,  a  man  presented  himself  at  one 
of  the  embrasures  of  the  fort  in  a  boat, 
with  a  white  handkerchief  tied  to  a 
sword,  asking  to  see  Major  Anderson. 
In  his  impatience,  however,  to  get  under 
cover,  he  climbed  up,  and  was  crawling 
through  the  embrasure  when  he  was 
told  that  Major  Anderson  was  at  the 
main  gate.  He,  however,  did  not  heed 
what  was  said,  but  continued  to  make 
his  way  into  the  fort,  where,  on  landing, 
he  said,  hurriedly  : 

"  I  wish  to  see  Major  Anderson  ;  I 
am   General   Wigfall,    and    come    from 


General  Beauregard ;"  while  he  added, 
with  great  agitation,  ' '  let  us  stop  this 
firing.  You  are  on  fire,  and  your  flag  is 
down.     Let  us  quit." 

Lieutenant  Davis  replied : 

"  No,  sir— our  flag  is  not  down.  Step 
out  here  and  you  wiU  see  it  waving  over 
the  ramparts." 

"Let  us  quit  this,"  exclaimed  the 
agitated  Wigfall.  "  Here's  a  white  flag 
[handing  his  handkerchief] — will  any- 
body wave  it  out  of  the  embrasure  ?" 

"  That  is  for  you  to  do,  if  you  choose," 
was  the  reply  ;  to  which  Wigfall  re- 
joined : 

"  If  there's  no  one  else  to  do  it,  I 
will ;"  and  jumping  into  the  embrasure 
through  which  he  had  just  crawled,  he 
waved  his  white  handkerchief  toward 
Fort  Moultrie.  The  firing,  however,  of 
the  enemy  still  continued,  to  the  evident 
disappointment  of  Wigfall,  who,  after 
repeated  requests  on  his  part,  was  re- 
lieved from  his  hazardous  position  by  a« 
corporal  who  took  his  place  and  waved 
the  flag.  The  enemy,  however,  still 
gave  it  no  heed,  and  the  corporal,  finding 
the  shot  falling  thick  and  fast  about 
him,  leaped  down  from  the  embrasure, 
exclaiming:  "Damn  it!  they  don't  re- 
spect this  flag — they  are  firing  at  it." 

"  They  fired  at  me  two  or  three  times, 
and  I  stood  it,"  answered  Wigfall,  "and 
I  should  think  you  might  stand  it  once." 

As  he  spoke,  he  turned  toward  the 
officers  and  added  :  "  If  you  will  show 
a  white  flag  from  your  ramparts,  they 
will  cease  firing."  Lieutenant  Davis 
replied:  "If  you  request  that  a  flag 
shaU  be  shown  there  while  you  hold  a 


150 


THE  WAR   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


conference  with  Major  Anderson,  and 
for  that  purpose  alone,  it  may  be  done." 

At  this  moment  Major  Anderson  came 
up,  and  Wigfall  said  to  him:  "I  am 
General  Wigfall,  and  come  from  General 
Beam-egard,  who  wishes  to  stop  this." 

The  Major,  rising  on  his  toes,  and 
coming  down  firmly  on  his  heels,  ex- 
claimed, "WeU,  sir!" 

"Major  Anderson,"  resumed  Wigfall, 
"you  have  defended  your  flag  nobly, 
sir.  You  have  done  all  that  is  possible 
for  man  to  do,  and  General  Beauregard 
wishes  to  stop  the  fight.  On  what 
terms.  Major  Anderson,  will  you  evacu- 
ate this  fort  ?" 

"General  Beauregard  is  already  ac- 
quainted with  my  only  terms,"  replied 
the  Major. 

"Do  I  understand  that  you  will  evac- 
uate upon  the  terms  proposed  the  other 
day  ?" 

"  Yes,  sir,  and  on  those  conditions 
#only." 

"Then,  sir,"  said  WigfaU,  "I  under- 
stand that  the  fort  is  to  be  ours  ?" 

"  On  those  conditions  only,  I  repeat," 
firmly  declared  Anderson. 

"Very  well — that's  all  I  have  to  do. 
You  mihtary  men  will  arrange  every- 
thing else  on  your  own  terms,"  said  the 
modest  Wigfall,  and  retired. 

He  now  left  in  his  boat,  his  white 
handkerchief  waving  from  the  rampart 
where  it  had  been  placed  at  his  request, 
but  the  United  States  flag  nailed  to  the 
broken  staff  was  no  longer  standing. 

Shortly  after  his  departure.  Major 
Lee,  the  Honorable  Porcher  Miles,  Sen- 
ator Chesnut,  and  the  Honorable  Roger 


A.  Pryor,  the  staff  of  General  Beaure- 
gard, approached  the  fort  with  a  white 
flag,  and  said  they  came  from  General 
Beauregard,  who  had  observed  that  the 
flag  had  been  down  and  raised  again  a 
few  minutes  afterward.  The  General 
had  sent  over,  desiring  to  know  if  he 
could  render  any  assistance,  as  he  had 
observed  that  the  fort  was  on  fire.  Ma- 
jor Andei'son,  in  replying,  requested 
them  to  thank  General  Beauregard  for 
the  offer,  but  it  was  too  late,  as  he  had 
just  agreed  with  General  Beauregard 
for  an  evacuation.  The  three,  com- 
prising the  deputy,  looked  at  each  other 
blankly,  and  asked  with  whom  ?  Major 
Anderson,  observing  that  there  was 
something  wi'ong,  remarked  that  Gen- 
eral Wigfall,  who  had  just  left,  had  rep- 
resented himself  to  be  the  Aid  of  General 
Beauregard,  and  that  he  had  come  over 
to  make  the  proposition. 

After  some  conversation  among  them- 
selves, they  said  to  Major  Anderson  that 
Wigfall  had  not  seen  General  Beauregard 
for  two  days.  Major  Anderson  rephed 
that  General  Wigfall's  offer  and  its  ac- 
ceptance had  placed  him  in  a  peciiUar  po- 
sition, and  ordered  the  United  States  flasr 
to  be  raised  again.  They  then  requested 
him  to  place  in  writing  what  General 
Wigfall  had  said  to  him,  and  they  would 
lay  it  before  General  Beauregard,  and 
at  the  same  time  urged  him  to  leave  the 
flag  down  in  the  meanwhile,  with  which 
request  Anderson  comphed. 

After  the  note  reached  General  Beau- 
regard, he  sent  his  adjutant-general  and 
other  members  of  his  staff",  including  the 
Honorable  Roger  A.  Pryor  and  Gover- 


SURRENDER  OF  FORT  SUIITER. 


151 


nor  Manning,  proposing  the  same  con- 
ditions which  Major  Anderson  had  of- 
fered to  go  out  upon,  with  the  exception 
only  of  not  saluting  his  flag.  Major  An- 
derson said  that  he  had  already  informed 
General  Beauregard  that  he  was  going 
out.  They  asked  him  if  he  would  not 
accept  of  the  terms  without  the  salute. 
Major  Anderson  told  them,  No  ;  but 
that  it  should  be  an  open  point. 

General  Beauregard  soon  after  sent 
word  that  Major  Anderson's  terms  had 
been  accepted,  and  that  he  would  send 
the  Isabel,  or  any  other  vessel  at  his 
command,  to  convey  him  and  his  men  to 
any  port  in  the  United  States  he  should 
choose. 

The  terms  of  evacuation  were,  that 
the  garrison  should  take  all  their  indi- 
vidual and  company's  property  with 
them  ;  that  they  should  march  out  with 
their  side  and  other  arms,  with  all  the 
honors  in  their  own  way  and  in  their 
own  time,  and  that  they  should  salute 
their  flag  and  bear  it  away  with  them. 
It  was  late  on  Saturday  night  when  the 
terms  demanded  were  finally  agreed  to 
by  General  Beaiuregard.      N^ext  morn- 


ing, on  Sunday,  the  Isabel  came  ^pru 
down  from  Charleston  and  an-  14« 
chored  near  Fort  Sumter,  and  the  little 
steamer  Chnch  lay  alongside  the  wharf 
to  transport  Major  Anderson  and  his 
men  to  the  larger  vessel. 

When  the  baggage  had  been  all  put 
on  board  the  Chnch,  the  soldiers  being 
inside  of  the  fort  under  arms,  a  number 
were  detailed  to  salute  the  United  States 
flag.  At  the  fiftieth  gun,  the  flag  was 
lowered  and  the  men  set  up  a  loud 
cheer.  In  firing,  however,  this  last 
discharge,  a  premature  explosion  took 
place  which  kiUed  one  man  instantane- 
ously, seriously  wounded  another,  and 
injured  less  seriously  two  other  men. 
These  were  the  only  casualties  of  mo- 
ment dui'ing  the  whole  conflict. 

The  troops,  now  being  formed,  were 
marched  out,  while  the  band  played 
"Yankee  Doodle"  and  "Hail  to  the 
Chief."  Remaining  on  board  the  Isabel 
during  the  night,  in  consequence  of  the» 
state  of  the  tide,  Major  Anderson  and  his 
command  were  transferred  next  morning 
to  the  Baltic,  and  during  the  evening  of 
the  day  after  sailed  for  New  York. 


15i 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


bed.  Our  limited  time  prevented  us 
from  visiting  the  battery  to  the  north 
of  Fort  Moultrie.  We  learn,  however, 
that  though  many  of  the  buUdings 
around  it  had  been  struck  several  times, 
and  fences,  trees,  etc.,  cut  away,  the 
battery  sustained  no  injury.  Provi- 
dentially, no  hot  shot  was  thrown  from 
Sumter — probably  from  the  fact  that 
the  garrison  had  no  fuel." 

The  battery  ou  Cumming's  Point  had 
escaped  without  damage,  beyond  six  in- 
dentations in  its  iron  armor,  showing 
the  accuracy  of  the  firing  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter, as  weU  as  proving  the  invulnera- 
bility of  the  novel  structure. 

The  greatest  interest  had  been  nat- 
urally displayed  by  the  people  of  Charles- 
ton at  the  approach  of  and  during  the 
bombardment  of  Fort  Simiter.  The  en- 
thusiasm was  described  as  "intense,  and 
the  eagerness  for  the  conflict,  if  it  must 
come,  as  unbounded."  For  days  before 
the  attack,  the  citizens  of  Charleston 
were  alert  with  expectation.  Thus,  at 
midnight,  on  one  occasion,  a  dischai'ge 
of  the  signal  guns  of  Citadel  Square 
being  fired,  the  whole  city  was  aroused. 
Hundi-eds  of  men  left  their  beds,  hurry- 
ing to  and  from  then-  respective  posts. 
In  the  absence  of  sufficient  annories,  the 
armed  citizens  gathered  at  the  corners 
of  the  streets,  in  the  public  squares, 
and  other  convenient  places,  and  all 
night  long  the  roll  of  the  drum,  the 
steady  tramp  of  the  mihtary,  and  the  gal- 
lop of  the  cavalr}-  resounding  tlu'ough  the 
city  betokened,  apparently,  the  approach 
of  the  long-expected  hostihties.  The 
Home-Guard  corps  of  old  men,  who  from 


their  age  were  exempt  from  the  ordinary 
mihtary  duties,  rode  through  the  city, 
arousing  the  soldiers  to  arms,  and  doing 
other  duty  required  by  the  emergeucj^ 
]^umbers  of  citizens  were  up  all  night. 
The  Seventeenth  Regiment,  eight  hun- 
dred strong,  mustered  in  an  hour,  and 
left  for  the  fortifications.  The  Rutledge 
Mounted  Riflemen,  the  Charleston  Dra- 
goons, the  German  Hussars,  and  Phenix 
Sharpshooters,  composed  of  the  citizens 
of  Charleston,  followed,  and  in  a  short 
space  several  thousand  homes  were  be- 
reft for  a  time  of  aU  then-  male  members 
capable  of  bearing  arms. 

The  guards  of  the  city  were  trebled. 
One  hundred  "  beat  men,"  armed  with 
muskets  and  revolvers,  who,  at  the  first 
sound  of  the  "  beU  of  St.  Michael's," 
would  be  remforced  by  eight  hundred 
moi-e,  patrolled  the  streets,  in  addition 
to  the  usual  horse  and  foot  poUce.  A 
flotilla  of  small  boats,  with  flaming 
torches,  guarded  the  bar  every  night. 
A.  veteran  Southern  pohtician,  well 
known  as  a  secession  agitator  through- 
out the  South,  the  Honorable  Edmund 
Rufl&n,  of  Vfrginia,  a  man  over  sixty 
years  of  age,  shouldered  his  rifle  and 
marched  to  the  works  as  a  private  ;*  and 
even  boys,  hardly  in  their  teens,  volun- 
teered to  serve  in  the  ranks,  and  bore 
part  in  the  conflict. 

From  the  firing  of  the  first  gun  at 
Fort  Sumter  until  its  sm-render,  the  in- 
tensity of  interest  continued  unabated. 
Day  and  night  the  streets  were  thronged 
with  people,  "full  of  excitement  and 
enthusiasm."     The  housetops,  the  Bat- 

o  He  fired  the  first  gun  against  Fort  Sumter. 


SOUTHERX   JOY  ON  THE  FALL  OF  SIBITER. 


155 


tery,  the  wharves,  the  shipping,  and 
every  place  from  which  a  view  could  be 
had  of  the  scene,  were  thronged  by  an 
eager  multitude.  When  at  last,  after 
thirty -three  houi's  of  impatient  watching 
of  the  struggle,  the  Confederate  flag 
rose  upon  the  ruined  walls  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter, the  bells  of  all  the  churches  in  the 
city  of  Charleston  rang  out  "  a  merry 
peal,"  and  the  citizens  became  "  wild 
with  joy."* 

General   Beauregard   announced  the 

April  f'^U  of  Sumter  in  a  general  order, 

14'    studiously  flattering  to  his  troops  : 

Headquaeteks  PKO\^sIONAL  Army,  C.  S.  A.,  ) 
Chaeleston,  S.  C,  A2>ril  14.  j 

General  Orders,  No.  20. 

"  The  Brigadier-General  commanding 
is  happy  to  congratulate  the  troops 
under  his  command  on  the  brilliant 
success  which  has  crowned  their  gal- 
lantry, privations,  and  hardships,  by  the 
reduction  of  the  stronghold  in  the  har- 
bor of  Charleston.  This  feat  of  arms 
has  been  accomplished  after  a  severe 
cannonading  of  about  thirty-three  hours, 
in  which  all  the  troops  have  indicated, 
by  theii'  daring  and  bravery,  that  our 
cause  must  and  shall  triumph. 

"Fort  Sumter,  which  surrendered  yes- 
terday about  1.45  P.M.,  will  be  evacu- 
ated at  9  o'clock,  A.M.,  to-day,  and  to 
show  our  magnanimity  to  the  gallant 
defenders,  who  were  only  executing  the 

<»  A  newspaper  correspondent  wrote  : 

"  The  scene  in  the  city,  after  the  raising  of  the  flag  of 
truce  and  the  surrender,  is  indescribable  ;  the  people  were 
perfectly  wild.  Men  on  horseback  rode  through  the  streets 
proclaiming  the  news,  amidst  the  greatest  enthusiasm. 

"  On  the  arrival  of  the  officers  from  the  fort  they  were 
marched  through  the  streets,  followed  hy  an  immense 
crowd,  hurrahing, shoutLug,  and  yelling  with  excitement." 


orders  of  their  government,  they  will  be 
allowed  to  evacuate  upon  the  same  terms 
which  were  offered  to  them  before  the 
bombardment  commenced.  Our  success 
should  not  lull  us  into  a  false  security, 
but  should  encourage  us  in  the  neces- 
sary preparations  to  meet  a  powerful 
enemy,  who  may  at  any  time  attempt  to 
avenge  this,  their  first  check  in  the 
present  contest. 

"  The  commandants  of  batteries  will 
promptly  send  in  their  reports  through 
the  proper  channels,  giving  a  journal  of 
the  firing  of  their  batteries  against  Fort 
Sumter,  and  of  the  fire  of  Fort  Sumter 
against  their  batteries  ;  furnishing  the 
names  of  those  who  particularly  distin- 
guished themselves,  and  other  incidents 
relative  thereto,  in  order  that  the  Gen- 
eral commanding  may  be  able  to  make 
known  to  the  Confederate  States  Gov- 
ernment, in  a  proper  manner,  their 
bravery  and  gallantly. 

"  The  General  is  highly  gratified  to 
state  that  the  troops,  by  their  labor, 
privations,  and  endurance  at  the  batte- 
ries, and  at  their  posts,  have  exhibited 
the  highest  characteristics  of  tried  sol- 
diers, and  he  takes  the  occasion  to  thank 
all,  his  staff,  the  regulars,  the  volun- 
teers, the  mihtia,  the  naval  forces,  and 
the  numerous  individuals  who  have  con- 
tributed to  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter. 

"By  order  of  Brigadier-General  Beau- 
regard, 

"  D.  R.  Jones,  Ass't.  Adj. -General." 

The  authorities  at  Montgomery,  the 
seat  of  the  Confederate  Government, 
were  honored  on  the  occasion  by  a 
serenade,  when   the   secretary  of  war, 


154 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


bed.  Our  limited  time  prevented  us 
from  visiting  the  battery  to  the  north 
of  Fort  Moultrie.  We  learn,  however, 
that  though  many  of  the  buildings 
around  it  had  been  struck  several  times, 
and  fences,  trees,  etc.,  cut  away,  the 
battery  sustained  no  injury.  Provi- 
dentially, no  hot  shot  was  thrown  from 
Sumter — probably  from  the  fact  that 
the  garrison  had  no  fuel." 

The  battery  on  Cumming's  Point  had 
escaped  without  damage,  beyond  six  in- 
dentations in  its  iron  armor,  showing 
the  accuracy  of  the  firing  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter, as  weU  as  proving  the  invulnera- 
bihty  of  the  novel  structure. 

The  greatest  interest  had  been  nat- 
urally displayed  by  the  people  of  Charles- 
ton at  the  approach  of  and  during  the 
bombardment  of  Fort  Sumter.  The  en- 
thusiasm was  described  as  ' '  intense,  and 
the  eagerness  for  the  conflict,  if  it  must 
come,  as  unbounded."  For  days  before 
the  attack,  the  citizens  of  Charleston 
were  alert  with  expectation.  Thus,  at 
midnight,  on  one  occasion,  a  discharge 
of  the  signal  guns  of  Citadel  Square 
being  fired,  the  whole  city  was  aroused. 
Hundreds  of  men  left  their  beds,  hurry- 
ing to  and  from  their  respective  j)osts. 
In  the  absence  of  sufficient  armories,  the 
armed  citizens  gathered  at  the  corners 
of  the  streets,  in  the  public  squares, 
and  other  convenient  places,  and  all 
night  long  the  roll  of  the  drum,  the 
steady  tramp  of  the  military,  and  the  gal- 
lop of  the  cavalry  resounding  through  the 
city  betokened,  apparently,  the  approach 
of  the  long-expected  hostihties.  The 
Home-Guard  corps  of  old  men,  who  from 


their  age  were  exempt  from  the  ordinary 
mihtary  duties,  rode  through  the  city, 
arousing  the  soldiers  to  arms,  and  doing 
other  duty  required  by  the  emergeuc}^ 
Numbers  of  citizens  were  up  all  night. 
The  Seventeenth  Regiment,  eight  hun- 
dred strong,  mustered  in  an  hour,  and 
left  for  the  fortifications.  The  Rutledge 
Mounted  Riflemen,  the  Chaiiestou  Dra- 
goons, the  German  Hussars,  and  Phenix 
Sharpshooters,  composed  of  the  citizens 
of  Charleston,  followed,  and  in  a  short 
space  several  thousand  homes  were  be- 
reft for  a  time  of  all  then*  male  members 
capable  of  bearing  arms. 

The  guards  of  the  city  were  trebled. 
One  hundred  "  beat  men,"  armed  with 
muskets  and  revolvers,  who,  at  the  first 
sound  of  the  "bell  of  St.  Michael's," 
would  be  reinforced  by  eight  hundred 
more,  patroUed  the  streets,  in  addition 
to  the  usual  horse  and  foot  pohce.  A 
flotiUa  of  smaU  boats,  with  flaming 
torches,  guarded  the  bar  every  night. 
A  veteran  Southern  pohtician,  well 
known  as  a  secession  agitator  through- 
out  the  South,  the  Honorable  Edmund 
Ruffin,  of  Vu'ginia,  a  man  over  sixty 
years  of  age,  shoifldered  his  rifle  and 
marched  to  the  works  as  a  private  ;*  and 
even  boys,  hardly  in  their  teens,  volun- 
teered to  serve  in  the  ranks,  aud  bore 
part  in  the  conflict. 

From  the  firing  of  the  first  gun  at 
Fort  Sumter  until  its  surrender,  the  in- 
tensity of  interest  continued  unabated. 
Day  and  night  the  streets  were  thronged 
with  people,  "  full  of  excitement  and 
enthusiasm."     The  housetops,  the  Bat- 

o  He  fired  the  first  gun  against  Fort  Sumter. 


SOUTHERN  JOY  ON  THE  FALL  OF  SUMTER. 


155 


tery,  the  wharves,  the  shipping,  and 
every  place  from  which  a  view  could  be 
had  of  the  scene,  were  thronged  by  an 
eager  multitude.  When  at  last,  after 
thirty-three  hours  of  impatient  watching 
of  the  struggle,  the  Confederate  flag 
rose  upon  the  ruined  walls  of  Fort  Sum- 
ter, the  beUs  of  aU  the  churches  in  the 
city  of  Charleston  rang  out  "  a  merry 
peal,"  and  the  citizens  became  "  wild 
with  joy."* 

General   Beauregard   announced  the 

April  f*U  of  Sumter  in  a  general  order, 

11«     studiously  flattering  to  his  troops  : 

Headquakteks  PEO\^SIOXAL  Army,  C.  S.  A.,  | 
Chaelestox,  S.  C,  A2)nl  14.  j 

General  Oedees,  No.  20. 

"  The  Brigadier- Greneral  commanding 
is  happy  to  congratulate  the  troops 
under  his  command  on  the  brilliant 
success  which  has  crowned  their  gal- 
lantry, privations,  and  hardships,  by  the 
reduction  of  the  stronghold  in  the  har- 
bor of  Charleston.  This  feat  of  arms 
has  been  accomplished  after  a  severe 
cannonading  of  about  thirty-three  houi's, 
in  which  all  the  troops  have  indicated, 
by  their  daring  and  bravery,  that  our 
cause  must  and  shall  triumph. 

"Fort  Sumter,  which  sm-rendered  yes- 
terday about  1.45  P.M.,  will  be  evacu- 
ated at  9  o'clock,  A.M.,  to-day,  and  to 
show  our  magnanimity  to  the  gallant 
defenders,  who  were  only  executing  the 

o  A  newspaper  correspondent  wrote  : 

"  The  scene  in  the  city,  after  the  raising  of  the  flag  of 
truce  and  the  surrender,  is  indescribable  ;  the  people  were 
perfectly  wild.  Men  on  horseback  rode  through  the  streets 
proclaiming  the  news,  amidst  the  greatest  enthusiasm. 

"  On  the  arrival  of  the  officers  from  the  fort  they  were 
marched  through  the  streets,  followed  by  an  immense 
crowd,  hurrahing,  shouting,  and  yelling  with  excitement." 


orders  of  their  government,  they  will  be 
allowed  to  evacuate  upon  the  same  terms 
which  were  offered  to  them  before  the 
bombardment  commenced.  Our  success 
should  not  lull  us  into  a  false  security, 
but  should  encourage  us  in  the  neces- 
sary preparations  to  meet  a  powerful 
enemy,  who  may  at  any  time  attempt  to 
avenge  this,  their  first  check  in  the 
present  contest. 

"  The  commandants  of  batteries  will 
promptly  send  in  their  rej^orts  through 
the  proper  channels,  giving  a  journal  of 
the  firing  of  their  batteries  against  Fort 
Sumter,  and  of  the  fire  of  Fort  Sumter 
against  their  batteries  ;  furnishing  the 
names  of  those  who  particularly  distin- 
guished themselves,  and  other  incidents 
relative  thereto,  in  order  that  the  Gen- 
eral commanding  may  be  able  to  make 
known  to  the  Confederate  States  Gov- 
ernment, in  a  proper  manner,  their 
bravery  and  gallantry. 

"  The  General  is  highly  gratified  to 
state  that  the  troops,  by  their  labor, 
privations,  and  endurance  at  the  batte- 
ries, and  at  their  posts,  have  exhibited 
the  highest  characteristics  of  tried  sol- 
diei's,  and  he  takes  the  occasion  to  thank 
all,  his  staff,  the  regulars,  the  volun- 
teers, the  militia,  the  naval  forces,  and 
the  numerous  individuals  who  have  con- 
tributed to  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter. 

"By  order  of  Brigadier-General  Beau- 
regard, 

"  D.  R.  Jones,  Ass't.  Adj.-General." 

The  authorities  at  Montgomery,  the 
seat  of  the  Confederate  Government, 
were  honored  on  the  occasion  by  a 
serenade,  when   the   secretary  of  war, 


3  56 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Walker,  after  exulting  in  the  success 
at  Charleston,  prophesied  "  that  the 
flag  which  now  flaunts  the  breeze  here 
[Montgomery] ,  would  float  over  the  dome 
of  the  old  Capitol  before  the  first  of 
May."  "  Let  them  try,"  he  added, 
"Southern  chivalry,  and  test  the  extent 
of  Southern  resources,  and  it  might  float 
eventually  over  Faneuil  Hall  itself." 

Throughout  all  the  States  which  had 
akeady  seceded,  great  delight  was  mani- 
fested at  the  fall  of  Sumter.  Even  in 
Yii-ginia,  which  still  affected  to  be  loyal, 
but  whose  convention  was  on  the  eve 
of  passing  an  ordinance  of  secession,  a 
"wild  shout"  of  delight  went  up  from 
the  crowds  which  had  gathered  about 
the  newspaper  offices,  eager  for  the 
news,  when  the  telegram  was  an- 
nounced :  "  Sumter  is  taken,  and  the 
Confederate  flag  waves  over  it !" 

At  the  l^orth,  the  progress  of  the  bom- 
bardment, as  it  was  briefly  told  in  the 
hourly  telegrams,  was  watched  with 
painful  anxiety.  Many  doubted,  it  is 
true,  the  ability  of  Major  Anderson  to 
hold  out,  although  generally  the  hope 
was  entertained  of  a  successful  issue  to 
the  attempt  of  the  Government  to  rein- 
force him.  When,  therefore,  the  daily 
newspaper,  so  eagerly  clutched  and  read, 
gave  out  with  spasmodic  emphasis  its 
meagre  revelations,  the  public  mind  was 
tortured  with  doubt  and  fear.  First 
came  the  brief  announcement :  "  The 
cannonading  is  going  on  fiercely  from 
all  points."  Then  followed  immediately 
the  ominous  intelligence  :  "  Fort  Sumter 
is  on  fii-e !"  relieved,  however,  by  the 
cheering  news  :  "  The  Federal  flag  still 


waves."  Again  the  telegram  declared  : 
"  Major  Anderson  is  hemmed  in  by  ruins 
and  fire.  Every  building  in  Fort  Sum- 
ter is  burning."  This  alarming  intelli- 
gence was,  however,  mitigated  by  the 
encouraging  assurance,  "  This  does  not 
in  anywise  diminish  liis  strength."  "  The 
destruction  of  Fort  Sumter  is  inevita- 
ble," was  the  next  disheartening  word  -, 
but  in  a  succeeding  paragraph  hope 
smiled  once  more  with  the  declaration, 
that  "  Two  ships  are  making  in  toward 
Morris  Island,  with  a  view  to  land  troops 
and  silence  the  batteries  there."  "  The 
flames  have  nearly  subsided  in  Fort 
Sumter,"  was  again  a  hopeful  gleam  of 
sunshine,  blotted  out,  however,  by  the 
dark  line  which  closed  the  paragraph : 
"but  Major  Anderson  does  not  fire  any 
guns."  Finally  came  the  announcement 
of  the  last  scene  of  the  exciting  drama  : 

"  Chaelestox,  via  Augusta,  ) 
April  13,  1861.  S 

"  Fort  Suiitek  has  Sueeendeeed  ! 

"The  Confederate  flag  floats  over  its 
walls ! 

"  None  of  the  garrison  or  Confederate 
troops  are  hurt. 

"  The  bombarding  has  closed. 

"  Major  Anderson  has  drawn  down  the 
stripes  and  stars,  and  displays  a  white 
flag,  which  has  been  answered  from  the 
city,  and  a  hoat  is  on  the  way  to  Sumter.'^ 

The  conduct  of  Major  Anderson  was 
freely  discussed  ;  but  though  there  were 
some  to  question  his  miUtary  capacity, 
and  even  to  doubt  his  loyalty,  the  coun- 
try finally  settled  into  the  conviction 
that  he  had  acted  bravely  and  pru- 
dently, and  resolutely  persisted  in  claim- 


LIFE   OF  MAJOR  ANDERSON. 


157 


ing  liim  as  one  of  its  heroes  who  had 
gallantly  sustained  the  honor  of  the 
United  States  flag. 

Robert  Anderson  was  born  in  Ken- 
tucky. In  1821  he  was  admitted  a  cadet 
at  the  military  academy  of  West  Point. 
After  completing  the  usual  four  years' 
course  of  study,  he  graduated  on  the 
1st  of  July,  1825,  and  entered  the  army 
as  second  Heutenant  of  the  Second,  but 
was  soon  after  transferred  to  the  Third, 
Artillery.  During  the  Black  Hawk  war, 
in  1832,  he  served  as  acting  inspector- 
general  of  the  lUinois  volunteers,  of 
which  Mr.  Lincoln,  late  President,  was 
captain. 

In  June,  1833,  Anderson  was  pro- 
moted to  a  first  lieutenancy,  and  in 
1835  he  became  assistant  instructor  of 
artillery  in  the  military  academy  at 
West  Point.  After  serving  for  three  or 
four  months  in  the  subordinate  position, 
he  was  appointed  iustructor-in-chief  of 
this  branch  of  study,  and  held  the  place 
until  1837.  In  1838,  he  was  selected 
by  General  Scott  as  one  of  his  aids-de- 
camp, and  served  in  the  campaign 
against  the  Indians  in  Florida.  He  was 
rewarded  for  his  gallant  conduct  by  pro- 
motion, in  1838,  to  the  brevet  rank  of 
captain.  In  the  same  year  he  served  as 
adjutant-general,  but  resigned  in  1841, 
on  being  promoted  to  the  captaincy  of 
bis  own  regiment. 

During  the  Mexican  war.  Captain 
Anderson  served  under  General  Scott, 
whom  he  accompanied  in  all  his  tri- 
umphs, from  the  siege  of  Vera  Cruz 
to  the  capture  of  the  Mexican  capital. 
He  greatly  distinguished  himself  at  El 


Molino  del  Rey,  one  of  the  hardest 
fought  battles  of  the  whole  campaign. 
Here,  while  acting  field  officer,  he  was 
severely  wounded,  but  continued  at  the 
head  of  his  column,  ' '  regardless  of  pain 
and  self-preservation,  and  setting  a  hand- 
some example" — ^wrote  Captain  Blake 
in  his  report — "to  his  men, of  coolness, 
energy,  and  courage."  His  services  on 
that  day  won  for  him  his  brevet  as  ma- 
jor. His  conduct  of  the  battery  he 
commanded  at  Chapultepec  elicited  the 
praise  of  Scott,  who  mentioned  him  in 
his  dispatches  with  an  emphatic  dec- 
laration of  his  great  services. 

On  the  18th  of  November,  1860,  Ma- 
jor Anderson  was  ordered  to  Fort  Moul- 
trie, in  the  harbor  of  Charleston,  to  re- 
lieve Colonel  Gardiner,  sent  to  Texas. 
His  judicious  movement  in  abandoning 
this  post,  as  well  as  his  defence  and  final 
surrender  of  Fort  Sumter,  have  been  al- 
ready described. 

The  want  of  concert  of  action  between 
Major  Anderson  and  the  fleet  has  been 
the  source  of  perplexity.  Some  have 
attributed  it  to  the  fact  that  the  message 
to  him,  conveying  the  intention  of  his 
government,  had  been  studiously  with- 
held by  the  authorities  at  Charleston. 
Others,  however,  have  surmised  that  it 
was  never  seriously  designed  to  expose 
the  armed  vessels  to  the  fire  of  the 
Chai'leston  forts,  and  that  Major  Ander- 
son, made  aware  of  this  circumstance 
through  his  private  dispatches,  had 
acted  accordingly.  It  has  been  also 
suggested  that  the  administration  at 
Washington  had  intended  only  to  make 
a  demonstration  of  force,  without  con- 


158 


THE  "WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


templating  the  exercise  of  it,  either  for 
the  purpose  of  intimidating  the  people  of 
Charleston,  or  precipitating  them,  if  war 
was  then-  purpose,  into  the  first  act  of  hos- 
tility, while  the  Government  was  per- 
forming an  obvious  act  of  duty  in  making 
an  attempt  to  supply  a  starving  garrison 
with  provisions.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  real  or  pretended  object,  the 
first  gun  fired  by  the  Charleston  forts 
was  considered  an  act  of  war  against 
the  Union,  and  rallied  aU  its  friends  to 
•its  defence. 

Anderson's  report  of  the  surrender  of 
Fort  Sumter  was  brief,  and  to  the  point : 

"  Having  defended,"  he  wrote  to  the 
secretary  of  war,  Cameron,  "  Fort  Sum- 
ter for  thirty-four  hours,  untU  the  quar- 
ters were  entirely  burned,  the  main 
gates  destroyed  by  fire,  the  gorge  wall 
seriously  injured,  the  magazine  sur- 
rounded by  flames,  and  its  door  closed 
from  the  efiects  of  the  heat,  four  barrels 
and  three  cartridges  of  powder  only 
being  available,  and  no  provisions  but 
pork  remaining,  I  accepted  terms  of 
evacuation  offered  by  General  Beaure- 
gard, being  the  same  offered  by  him  on 
the  11th  instant  [April] ,  prior  to  the  com- 
mencement of  hostilities,  and  marched 
out  of  the  fort  Sunday  afternoon,  the 
14th  instant  [April],  with  colors  flying 
and  drums  beating,  bringing  away  com- 
pany and  private  property,  and  saluting 
my  flag  with  fifty  guns." 

The  secretary  of  war  responded  with 
a  complimentary  tribute  : 

"lam  directed,"  he  wrote,  "by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  to  com- 
municate to  you,  and  through  you  to  the 


officers  and  men  under  j-our  command 
at  forts  Moultrie  and  Sumter,  the  ap- 
probation of  the  Government  of  your 
and  their  judicious  and  gallant  conduct 
there,  and  to  tender  to  you  and  them 
the  thanks  of  the  Government  for  the 
same." 

Major  Anderson,  as  an  adopted  hero 
of  the  country,  became  at  once  an  object 
of  universal  curiosity.  His  portrait  was 
displayed  in  every  shop-window,  and 
his  name  was  soon  familiar  to  every 
ear.  Personally  there  is  nothing  very 
impressive  about  the  "  hero  of  Fort 
Sumter."  A  man  of  small  stature  and 
shrunken  frame,  he  would  easily  pass 
unnoticed.  The  general  expression  of 
his  face  is  that  of  quiet  amiabihty,  yet 
in  the  keenness  of  his  concentrated  eyes 
and  in  the  firm  closure  of  his  thin  lips 
there  are  signs  of  a  resoluteness  equal  to 
the  severest  trials  of  a  soldier's  pro- 
fession. 

There  is  a  simple  earnestness,  to 
which  a  certain  puritanical  fervor  of 
piety  gives  zest,  that  marks  aU  his 
words  and  writings,  and  commends  him 
to  the  sympathy  of  the  unsophisticated 
multitude. 

His  raising  of  the  flag  he  had  brought 
with  him  from  Fort  Moultrie,  as  he 
took  possession  of  Fort  Sumter,  was 
accompanied  by  a  ceremony  character- 
istic of  Major  Anderson's  devotional 
tendencies.  Having  gathered  all  his 
men  about  the  staff,  he  himself  took  the 
halyards  in  his  hand,  and  kneeling 
down,  directed  the  chaplain  to  offer  a 
prayer.  At  its  close,  having  fervently 
uttered  the  "  Amen,"  in  which  he  was 


THE  FORTS   OF  PENSACOLA. 


159 


joined  by  the  rest,  he  slowly  raised,  the 
flag,  as  the  band  struck  up  "  Hail,  Co- 
lumbia !" 

When  the  United  States  Government 
had  resolved  upon  an  attempt  to  send 
provisions  to  Port  Sumter,  it  also  deter- 
mined to  reinforce  Fort  Pickens,  which 
was  the  only  one  of  the  several  jaublic 
works  in  the  harbor  of  Pensacola  which 
reniained  in  the  possession  of  the  Fed- 
eral Government.  The  insurgents  of 
Florida  had  seized  aU  the  rest  early  in 
January,  and  now  held  them  with  a 
strong  force  under  the  command  of 
General  Bragg,  of  the  Confederate  army, 
more  honorably  known  as  Captain  Bragg, 
the  commander  of  the  battery  which  did 
such  good  service  in  the  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  and  to  whom  General  Taylor  ad- 
dressed his  famous  command  :  "A  little 
more  grape.  Captain  Bragg." 

Pensacola  being  one  of  the  largest 
and  safest  harbors  on  the  Southern 
coast,  had  been  chosen  as  the  principal 
naval  station  of  the  South.  Here,  ac- 
cordingly, a  large  navy-yard  and  arsenal 
had  been  estabhshed,  and  strong  works 
of  defence  constructed.  The  principal 
of  these  was  Fort  Pickens,  built  upon 
the  island  of  Santa  Rosa,  a  long  stretch 
of  low  land  which  intervenes  between 
the  harbor  and  the  sea.  The  fortress 
rises  upon  the  extreme  western  point 
of  the  island,  and  commands  both  the 
harbor  and  approaches.  It  is  a  bas- 
tioned  work  of  great  strength  and  ex- 
tent, requiring  a  garrison  of  one  thou- 
sand two  hundred  and  sixty  soldiers. 
The  walls  are  of  granite  —  forty-five 
feet  high  and  twelve  feet  thick,  pierced 


for  three  tiers  of  guns,  two  of  which 
are  concreted,  and  the  third  en  barbette. 
Its  whole  armament,  when  complete, 
consists  of  sixty-three  forty-two  pound- 
ers, seventeen  thirty-two  pounders,  forty- 
nine  twenty-four  pounders,  five  eight- 
eens,  thirteen  twelves,  six  brass  field- 
pieces,  twenty-six  brass  flank  howitzers, 
thirteen  heavy  eight-inch  howitzers,  one 
thirteen-inch  mortar,  four  heavy  ten- 
inch  mortars,  four  hght  eight-inch  mor- 
tars, four  sixteen-inch  stone  mortars, 
and  five  cohorns — making  in  all  two 
hundred  and  ten  guns.  Fort  Pickens 
was  begun  in  1828,  and  completed  in 
1853,  at  a  cost  of  one  miUion  of  doUars. 

Directly  opposite,  on  the  mainland, 
stands  Fort  ^IcRae,  also  a  bastioned 
work  of  considerable  strength,  with 
walls  of  brick,  twelve  feet  thick,  and 
mounting  one  hundred  and  fifty  cannon, 
in  three  tiers — two  under  casemates,  and 
the  third  en  barbette.  When  properly 
garrisoned,  it  contains  six  hundred  and 
fifty  men.  The  guns,  Hke  those  of  Fort 
Pickens,  have  a  wide  range,  and,  to- 
gether with  the  water-battery  of  eight 
guns  toward  the  south,  Forts  Pickens 
and  McRae  defend  the  harbor  of  Pen- 
sacola from  every  approach  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

On  the  mainland,  directly  north  of 
Fort  Pickens,  is  another  strong  bas- 
tioned work,  called  Fort  St.  Carlos  de 
Barrancas,  from  the  ancient  Spanish  for- 
tress originally  standing  upon  the  same 
site.  It  is  mounted  with  forty-nine 
guns,  and  requires  a  garrison  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  men.  A  strong  re- 
doubt is  built  in  its  rear  to  give  it  ad- 


160 


THE  "WAR  WITH  THE   SOUTH. 


ditioual  suj^port.  Forts  McRae  and 
Barrancas,  together  with  the  navy-yard 
and  arsenal,  having  been  seized  by  the 
Confederates,  there  seemed  imminent 
danger  of  their  getting  possession  also  of 
Port  Pickens,  but  they  were  thwarted 
in  their  design  by  Lieutenant  Slemmer, 
the  United  States  commander.  This 
young  officer  being  on  the  alert,  no 
sooner  discovered  their  purpose,  than 
he  concentrated  his  little  garrison  of 
eighty  men  within  the  fort,  and  kept  the 
enemy  at  bay  until  the  12th  of  April, 
when  the  first  successful  attempt  was 
made  to  reinforce  him.  This  was  ef- 
fected by  the  United  States  man-of-war 
Brooklyn,  and  is  thus  described  by  one* 
who  shared  in  the  enterprise : 

"On  Priday,  April  12th,"  says  he, 
"  our  captain  received  orders  to  pre- 
pare for  landing  the  troops  (Company 
A,  Pirst  ArtiUery)  which  we  brought 
from  Port  Monroe.  After  sunset,  all 
the  boats  were  hoisted  out  and  dropped 
astern.  Volunteers  were  called  for  to 
man  them,  and  every  man  in  the  shi2D 
volunteered.  After  selecting  the  crews, 
they  were  ai'med  to  the  teeth  for  cover- 
ing the  landing  of  the  troops.  As  the 
enemy  threatened  to  prevent  the  land- 
ing, having  stationed  coast-guards  along 
shore  for  that  jim-pose,  it  was  necessary 
to  send  a  considerable  force  ;  so  the 
Sabine  and  St.  Louis'  boats  were  sent  to 
assist  our  men.  After  the  moon  had 
set,  all  deck  lights  were  extinguished,  to 
prevent  the  enemy  discovering  our  move- 
ments. Strange  to  saj,  the  light-house 
on  shore,  whose  powerful  hght  would 

»  (Jorrespondent  "  Hakpebs'  Wi^jlly." 


make  the  position  of  our  ships  visible, 
was  put  out  about  the  same  time.  Be- 
tween ten  and  eleven  o'clock  the  ship 
got  under  way,  creeping  slowly  toward 
the  shore  and  sounding  all  the  way,  an- 
choring in  seven  fathoms  of  water,  which 
indicated  close  proximity  to  the  shore. 
The  boats  were  then  got  alongside,  and 
the  men  disembarked.  At  this  time  the 
ship's  deck  presented  an  interesting  and 
lively  spectacle,  though  aU  was  done 
very  quietly,  reflecting  great  credit  upon 
the  officers  in  command.  After  all  was 
ready.  Lieutenant  Albert  N.  Smith,  who 
had  command  of  the  boat  expedition, 
shoved  off,  and  the  other  boats  followed 
in  line.  He  intended  landing  on  the 
beach  near  the  ship  and  marching  to 
the  fort,  a  distance  of  about  three  miles  ; 
but  finding  the  surf  too  heavy,  he  de- 
termined to  pull  into  the  harbor  and 
land  in  front  of  Pickens.  He  was 
successful ;  the  doors  of  the  fort  were 
opened,  and  the  troops  entered.  In  the 
mean  while  the  Wyandotte  carried  aU 
the  Sabine's  marines  and  put  them  on 
the  Brooklyn,  which,  together  with  the 
Brooklyn's  marines,  were  to  go  also. 
The  boats  made  a  second  trip,  being 
successful  in  getting  the  marines  into 
the  fort ;  but  day  broke  before  the  boats 
got  out  of  the  harbor,  makmg  the  sleepy 
sentinels  on  McRea  and  Barrancas  rub 
their  eyes  in  astonishment,  not  daring 
to  molest  the  returning  party." 

This  landing  of  marines  was,  however, 
but  a  temporary  provision.  The  regu- 
lar reinforcements  soon  arrived  and  took 
their  place.  The  ti'ansport  steamer  At- 
lantic was  the  first  to  arrive,  with  four 


REINFORCESIENT   OF  FORT  PICKENS. 


161 


hundred  and  fifty  men,  sixty-nine  liorses, 
and  large  supplies  of  food  and  muui- 
April  tions.  She  sailed  from  New  York 
1®'  on  the  7th  of  April,  and  having 
stopped  on  her  way  at  Key  West  to 
take  on  board  additional  men  and  sup- 
phes,  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the 
16th  off  the  island  of  Santa  Rosa,  and 
anchored  four  miles  from  the  shore, 
close  to  the  frigate  Sabine.  The  Sa- 
bine, 50  guns,  was  the  flag-ship  under 
Captain  Adams,  the  commander  of  the 
squadron,  which  was  composed  in  ad- 
dition of  the  steam-corvette  Brooklyn, 
14  guns,  the  corvette  St.  Louis,  22 
guns,  the  Water-Witch,  Crusader,  the 
Wyandotte  and  Mohawk,  each  10  guns, 
for  some  time  stationed  off  Pensacola. 
Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Atlantic,  the  operation  of  landing  her 
reinforcements  began.  Taking  in  tow 
the  small  boats  of  the  fleet,  some  twenty 
in  number,  and  the  night  having  closed 
in  and  aU  lights  being  put  out,  the 
steamer  stood  in  toward  the  shore  and 
anchored  within  a  mile  of  Fort  Pickens. 
The  guns  of  Fort  McRae  and  of  the 
water  batteries,  in  command  of  the 
rebels,  were  in  direct  range,  and  signal 
rockets  were  firing  from  Fort  Pickens, 
indicating  the  expectation  of  an  attack. 
The  first  boat  from  the  Atlantic  pushed 
off  at  half-past  nine  o'clock,  containing 
Colonel  Brown,  the  commander,  who 
was  to  supersede  the  intrepid  subaltern, 
liieutenant  Slemmer.  The  other  boats 
containing  the  troops  soon  followed,  and 
before  midnight  the  most  of  the  ofiicers 
and  troops  had  reached  the  fort  in 
safety.     On   the   next   morning,   at   an 

21 


early  hour,  the  rest  of  the  men  jVpril 
were  landed,  with  the  exception  of  1^* 
the  artillerists  of  Barry's  Flying  Artil- 
lery. To  land  these  with  their  horses, 
the  Atlantic  weighed  anchor  and  moved 
to  a  point  three  and  a  half  miles 
distant  from  Fort  Pickens,  but  within 
half  a  mile  of  the  beach  of  the  island 
of  Santa  Rosa.  The  troublesome  work 
of  landing  the  horses  did  not  com- 
mence before  noon,  and  continuing  all 
night,  was  not  completed  until  next 
morning. 

The  steamer  Powhatan,  Commander 


David  D.  Porter,  had  in  the  mean 


April 


time  arrived,  and  in  two  days  ^^t 
after  was  followed  by  the  transport 
steamer  Illinois,  which  had  been  April 
detained  by  long-continued  severe  19. 
weather.  The  reinforcements  brought 
by  the  Illinois  consisted  of  three  hundred 
men  and  a  number  of  horses,  besides  five 
hundred  muskets  and  a  large  quantity 
of  munitions  of  war  and  provisions.  The 
troops  were  landed  in  safety  during  the 
next  morning,  but  three  days  passed 
before  the  horses,  forage,  the  ordnance, 
provisions,  and  general  stores  were  con- 
vej^ed  to  the  shore.  Four  of  the  horses 
on  board  the  Ilhnois  had  perished  during 
the  stormy  passage,  one  was  drowned 
alongside  the  ship,  another  had  his  neck 
broken  while  landing  through  the  surf, 
and  a  third  died  from  exhaustion.  Dur- 
ing the  debarkation,  the  steamers  Pow- 
hatan and  Brooklyn  took  such  a  posi- 
tion that  they  could  at  the  same  time 
shield  the  transports  under  the  cover  of 
their  guns,  and  prevent  the  enemy  on 
the  mainland  from  attempting  to  invade 


162 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


the  island,  and  thus  obstruct  the  land- 
ing. 

Colonel  Brown  now  being  the  senior 
officer,  assumed  the  command  of  Fort 
Pickens.  He  succeeded,  with  additional 
men  and  defences,  in  keeping  at  bay 
the   large    forces   of    the    Confederates 


gathered  on  the  mainland  opposite. 
The  rebel  General  Bragg  was  reported 
to  have  had  under  his  command,  at 
various  times,  no  less  than  ten  thousand 
men,  who  were  kept  busily  strengthening 
the  works  in  the  hai'bor  and  entrenching 
their  camp. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

Divided  Opinion  of  tlie  North  in  regard  to  the  Political  Causes  of  the  Civil  Quarrel. — Uniformity  of  Sentiment  in 
regard  to  the  Attack  on  Fort  Sumter. — The  National  Dignity  insulted. — Necessity  of  Striking  in  hehalf  of  the 
National  Honor. — The  cry  of  the  Masses. — Their  faith  in  the  indissolubility  of  the  Union. — The  Flag  to  be  again 
raised  all  over  the  United  States. — The  Opinions  of  the  Press. — War  pronoimced  to  be  inevitable. — Change  of  Senti- 
ment.— Union  Sentiment  of  a  Jomiial  once  threatened  by  the  Mob  for  its  Sympathy  with  the  South. — ^The  Tirades 
of  the  Ultra-Eepublicans. — An  Ultra- Republican  Paper  on  the  Unity  of  Feeling. — The  Proclamation  of  President 
Lincoln. — Its  effect  at  the  North.- — Enthusiasm  of  the  People. — A  sudden  and  universal  blazing  of  the  "  Stars  and 
Stripes." — Scaicity  of  Bunting. — Patriotic  Waistcoats  and  Eoddices. — Patriotic  Neckerchiefs  and  MantiUas. — Patri- 
otic Shopkeepers  and  Patriotic  Customers. — Patriotic  fervor  of  the  Newspapers. — Flowers  of  Rhetoric. — A  ferrid 
Leader. — Exceptional  cases  of  protest  at  the  North  against  the  President's  Proclamation. — Bold  dissent  in  New  En- 
gland.— An  Appeal  in  behalf  of  the  Secessionists  from  Maine. — An  Opposition  to  the  War  from  Connecticut. — A 
vigorous  word  for  the  Union  from  Kentucky.  —  Call  for  Militia. — Chcular  of  the  Secretary  of  War. — Quotas  of  Militia 
of  each  State. — The  Patriotic  Response  from  the  North. — The  Refusal  and  bold  Defiance  of  the  Slave  States. — The 
Answer  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia. — Answer  of  the  Governor  of  Missouri. — Answer  of  the  Governor  of  North 
Carolina. — Answer  of  the  Governor  of  Kentucky. — Answer  of  the  Governor  of  Tennessee. — Poetical  Response  from 
President  Jefferson  Davis. — His  Privateering  Proclamation. — His  Call  for  Soldiers. — ^The  effect  of  his  Proclamation 
at  the  North. — Opinion  of  Privateering,  which  is  pronounced  Piracy. — President  Lincoln's  Proclamation. — A 
Blockade  announced. — Southern  Privateers  to  be  dealt  with  as  Pirates. 


Although  opinion  at  the  North,  in  re- 
gard to  the  pohtical  causes  of  the 
civil  quarrel,  was  still  widely  di- 
vided, there  was  httle  diversity  of  senti- 
ment concerning  the  blow  which  had 
been  struck  by  the  rebellious  South  at 
Fort  Sumter.  It  was  universally  felt  that 
in  this  violence  to  its  flag,  a  gross  indig- 
nity had  been  offered  to  the  nation,  and 
that  it  had  become  necessary,  in  order 
to  vindicate  the  national  honor,  as  well 
as  to  preserve  the  national  existence,  to 
meet  force  with  force.  The  few  who 
were  less  sana-uine  as  to  the  issue  even 


acknowledged  that  an  appeal  to  arms 
was  absolutely  obHgatory,  were  it  only 
to  assert  the  idea  of  government,  and 
thus  save  the  country  from  anarchy  and 
social  disorder.  The  more  hopeful, 
however,  who  formed  the  great  mass  of 
the  people,  were  eager  not  only  to 
avenge  the  insulted  flag,  but  to  restore 
it  to  its  former  proud  position  tlu-ough- 
out  the  wide  domain  of  the  United 
States.  With  their  traditional  reverence 
for  the  Union,  and  faith  in  its  power, 
they  could  not  contemplate  the  possi- 
bility of  its  disruption  ;  and  doubting  the 


PEESroENT'S  PROCLAMATION. 


163 


persistency  of  secession,  and  presuming 
on  its  weakness,  thej^  fondly  believed 
that  with  a  single  effort  of  the  Federal 
might,  rebeUion  could  be  suppressed, 
and  the  flag  raised  once  more  over  a 
united  land. 

Though  the  expression  of  opinion  by 
the  press  was  toned  somewhat  by  its 
various  shades  of  partisanship,  there 
was  hardly  a  journal  which  ventured  to 
dispute  the  necessity  of  war.  They  in- 
dulged, it  is  true,  in  mutual  recrimina- 
tions, charging  each  other  with  having 
caused  an  event  which  they  all  now  ac- 
knowledged to  be  inevitable.  One  jour- 
nal, which  had  before  so  warmly  and 
perseveringly  advocated  the  cause  of  se- 
cession as  to  bring  upon  itself  the  anger 
of  a  Northern  mob,  now  declared  :  "In 
a  conflict  of  this  sort,  there  can  be  but 
two  parties — a  Northern  and  a  Southern 
party  ;  for  all  other  parties  will  cease  to 
exist.  The  political  principles,  organ- 
izations, and  issues  which  have  divided 
our  country  and  our  people,  in  various 
shapes  and  forms,  since  the  treaty  of 
our  independence  with  England,  will  all 
be  very  soon  overwhelmed  in  the  sweep- 
ing changes  of  a  civil  war.  It  would  be 
foUy  now  to  argue  what  might,  could, 
would,  or  should  have  been  done  by 
Southern  fire-eaters  and  Northern  dis- 
organizers  in  1854,  1860,  or  by  Mr. 
Buchanan,  or  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  or  by  the 
late  session  of  Congress.  Civil  war  is 
upon  us,  and  the  questions  which  now 
supersede  all  others  are  :  What  are  the 
consequences  now  before  us?  Where 
is  this  war  to  end,  and  how,  and  when  ? 
What  is  our  duty  under  this  warlike 


condition  of  things?  and  what  are  the 
movements  and  the  conditions  necessary 
to  change  this  state  of  war  to  a  state  of 
peace?" 

An  ultra  Republican  journal,  after 
giving  vent  to  a  tirade  against  "  our 
journals  lately  parading  the  pranks  of 
the  secessionists  with  scarcely  disguised 
exultation,"  declares,  "  Democrat  as 
well  as  Republican,  Conservative,  and 
Radical,  instinctively  feel  that  the  guns 
fired  at  Sumter  were  aimed  at  the  heart 
of  the  American  Republic.  Not  even 
in  the  lowest  groggery  of  our  city  [New 
York]  would  it  be  safe  to  propose  cheers 
for  Beauregard  and  Governor  Pickens. 
The  Tories  of  the  Revolution  were 
relatively  ten  times  as  numerous  here 
as  are  the  open  sympathizers  with  the 
Palmetto  rebels.  It  is  hard  to  lose 
Sumter  ;  it  is  a  consolation  to  know  that 
in  losing  it  we  have  gained  a  united 
people.  Henceforth,  the  loyal  States 
are  a  unit  in  uncom^sromising  hostihty  to 
treason,  wherever  plotted,  however  just- 
ified. Fort  Sumter  is  temporarily  lost, 
but  the  country  is  saved.  Live  the  Re- 
public !" 

The  proclamation  of  the  President, 
giving  an  authoritative  sanction  to  the 
national  sentiment,  served  still  more  to 
arouse  the  spirit  of  union. 

Proclamation  of  the  Pkesident. 

"Whereas  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  have  been  for  some  time  past,  and 
now  are,  opposed,  and  the  execution 
thereof  obstructed  in  the  States  of  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Florida, 
Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  by 
combinations  too  powerful  to  be  sup- 


161 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


pressed  by  the  ordinary  course  of  judi- 
cial proceedings,  or  by  the  powers 
vested  in  the  marshals  by  law  ;  now, 
therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  in  virtue  of 
the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  laws,  have  thought  fit  to 
call  forth,  and  hereby  do  call  forth,  the 
militia  of  the  several  States  of  the 
Union  to  the  aggregate  number  of 
75,000,  in  order  to  suppress  said  com- 
binations, and  to  cause  the  laws  to  be 
duly  executed. 

"  The  details  for  this  object  will  be  im- 
mediately communicated  to  the  State 
authorities  through  the  War  Department. 
I  appeal  to  all  loyal  citizens  to  favor, 
facihtate,  and  aid  this  effort  to  maintain 
the  honor,  the  integrity,  and  existence 
of  our  national  Union,  and  the  perpetu- 
ity of  popular  government,  and  to  re- 
dress wrongs  already  long  enough  en- 
dured. I  deem  it  proper  to  say  that  the 
first  service  assigned  to  the  forces  hereby 
called  forth  will  probably  be  to  repossess 
the  forts,  places,  and  property  which 
have  been  seized  from  the  Union ;  and 
in  everjr  event  the  utmost  care  will  be 
observed,  consistently  with  the  objects 
aforesaid,  to  avoid  any  devastation,  any 
destruction  of  or  interference  with  pro- 
perty, or  any  disturbance  of  peaceful 
citizens  in  any  part  of  the  country  ;  and 
I  hereby  command  the  persons  compos- 
ing the  combinations  aforesaid  to  dis- 
perse, and  retire  peaceably  to  their  re- 
spective abodes  within  twenty  days  from 
this  date. 

"Deeming  that  the  present  condition 
of  public  affairs  presents  an  extraordinary 


occasion,  I  do  hereby,  in  virtue  of  the 
power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution, 
convene  both  Houses  of  Congress.  The 
senators  and  representatives  are  there- 
fore summoned  to  assemble  at  theii"  re- 
spective chambers  at  twelve  o'clock, 
noon,  on  Thursday,  the  fourth  day  of 
July  next,  then  and  there  to  consider 
and  determine  such  measures  as,  in  their 
wisdom,  the  jDublic  safety  and  interest 
may  seem  to  demand. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto 
set  my  hand,  and  caused  the  seal  of  the 
United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this 
fifteenth  day  of  April,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  sixty-one,  and  of  the  independence 
of  the  United  States  the  eighty-fifth. 
"  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  By  the  President. 

"  Wm.  H.  Sewakd,  Secretary  of  State." 

Throughout  the  North  the  effect  of 
this  proclamation  was  to  excite  the 
people  to  an  intense  enthusiasm.  The 
population  of  the  large  cities  became 
suddenly  so  absorbed  in  the  excitement 
of  the  hour,  that  aU  the  ordinary  trans- 
actions of  business  were  suspended. 
Flags  floated  from  every  pubhc  building, 
church  steeple,  and  private  house.  Such 
was  the  demand  for  bunting,  that  the 
ordinary  supply  was  soon  exhausted, 
and  the  ardent  gathered  every  chance- 
colored  rag  or  ribbon  that  fell  in  their 
way,  to  fashion  into  the  ' '  stars  and 
stripes"  of  their  patriotic  desire.  Union 
devices  and  badges  were  sold  at  the 
corners  of  every  street,  and  flaunted  upon 
each   patriotic   waistcoat   and   boddice. 


A  BURST  OF  PATRIOTISM. 


165 


Shop  windows  patriotically  glowed  with 
the  national  colors,  and  a  display  of 
bonnets  and  mantillas,  not  less  abund- 
ant than  neckerchiefs  and  shirt  bosoms, 
profusely  studded  with  stars  and  varie- 
gated with  red  and  white  stripes,  re- 
vealed the  enthusiasm  of  patriotic  deal- 
ers, and  awakened  the  longing  of  patri- 
otic wearers. 

The  newspapers  forgot  their  factious 
contentions  and  joined  in  a  fervid  ex- 
pression of  Union  sentiments.  Their 
leading  articles  burst  forth  into  unusual 
flowers  of  patriotic  rhetoric.  The  lan- 
guage of  one'""  may  serve  to  show  the 
spirit  pervading  all :  "  The  incidents  of 
the  last  two  days  will  live  in  histor3^  Not 
for  fifty  years  has  such  a  spectacle  been 
seen,  as  that  glorious  uprising  of  Ameri- 
can loyalty  which  greeted  the  news  that 
open  war  had  been  commenced  upon 
the  Constitution  and  Government  of  the 
United  States.  The  great  heart  of  the 
American  people  beat  with  one  high 
pulsation  of  courage,  and  of  fervid  love 
and  devotion  to  the  great  Republic. 
Party  dissensions  were  instantly  hushed  ; 
political  differences  disappeared,  and 
were  as  thoroughly  forgotten  as  if  they 
had  never  existed  ;  party  bonds  flashed 
into  nothingness  in  the  glowing  flame  of 
patriotism ;  men  ceased  to  think  of 
themselves  or  their  parties,  they  thought 
only  of  their  country  and  of  the  dangers 
which  menace  its  existence.  Nothing 
for  years  has  brought  the  hearts  of  all 
the  people  so  close  together — or  so  in- 
spired them  aU  with  common  hopes,  and 
common  fears,  and  a  common  aim,  as 

o  New  York  Times,  April  16th. 


the  bombardment  and  surrender  of  an 
American  fortress. 

"  We  look  upon  this  sublime  outburst 
of  public  sentiment  as  the  most  perfect 
vindication  of  popular  institutions — the 
most  conclusive  reply  to  the  impugners 
of  American  loyalty,  the  country  has 
ever  seen.  It  has  been  quite  common 
to  say  that  such  a  Republic  as  ours 
could  never  be  permanent,  because  it 
lacked  the  conditions  of  a  profound  and 
abiding  loyalty.  The  Government  could 
never  inspire  a  patriotic  instinct,  fervid 
enough  to  melt  the  bonds  of  party,  or 
powerful  enough  to  override  the  selfish- 
ness which  free  institutions  so  rapidly 
develop.  The  hearts  of  our  own  peo- 
ple had  begun  to  sink  within  them,  at 
the  apparent  insensibility  of  the  public 
to  the  dangers  which  menaced  the 
Government.  The  public  mind  seemed 
to  have  been  demoralized — the  public 
heart  seemed  insensible  to  perils  which 
threatened  utter  extinction  to  our  great 
Republic.  The  secession  movement, 
infinitely  the  most  formidable  danger 
which  has  ever  menaced  our  Govern- 
ment, was  regarded  with  indifference  and 
treated  as  merely  a  novel  form  of  our  usual 
political  contentions.  The  best  among 
us  began  to  despair  of  a  country  which 
seemed  incompetent  to  understand  its 
dangers,  and  indifferent  to  its  own  de- 
struction. 

"But  all  this  is  changed.  The  can- 
non which  bombarded  Sumter  awoke 
strange  echoes,  and  touched  forgotten 
chords  in  the  American  heart.  Ameri- 
can loyalty  leaped  into  instant  hfe,  and 
stood  radiant  and  ready  for  the  fierce 


166 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


encounter.  Fi'om  one  end  of  the  land 
to  the  other — in  the  crowded  streets  of 
cities,  and  in  the  sohtude  of  the  country 
— wherever  the  s^Dlendor  of  the  stars 
and  stripes,  the  gUttering  emblems  of 
our  country's  glory,  meets  the  eye,  come 
forth  shouts  of  devotion  and  pledges  of 
aid,  which  give  sure  guarantees  for  the 
perpetuity  of  American  freedom.  War 
can  inflict  no  scars  on  such  a  people.  It 
can  do  them  no  damage  which  time  can- 
not repair  It  cannot  shake  the  r-olid 
foundations  of  their  material  prosperity, 
while  it  will  strengthen  the  manly  and 
heroic  virtues  which  def}'  its  fierce  and 
frowning  front." 

Although  the  prevaihng  tone  of  the 
North  was  one  of  enthusiasm  in  behalf 
of  waging  war  against  those  who  had 
insulted  the  flag  of  the  Union,  there 
were  stiU  some  of  the  Northern  papers 
which  ventured  to  protest  against  the 
President's  proclamation.  From  New 
England,  by  a  strange  contrast  with  its 
general  feehng,  came  some  of  the  bold- 
est dissent  from  the  predominating  sen- 
timent of  the  nation. 

"  Democrats  of  Maine  !"  was  the  dar- 
ing appeal  of  an  audacious  Northern 
editor,*  "  the  loyal  sons  of  the  South 
have  gathered  around  Charleston  as 
your  fathers  of  old  gathered  about 
Boston  in  defence  of  the  same  sacred 
principles  of  liberty — principles  which 
you  have  ever  upheld  and  defended  with 
3'our  vote,  your  voice,  and  your  strong 
right  arm.  Tour  sympathies  are  with 
the  defenders  of  the  truth  and  the  right. 
Those  who  have  inaugurated  this  unholy 

o  Bangor  (Me. )  Union. 


and  unjustifiable  war  are  no  friends  of 
yours,  no  friends  of  Democratic  liberty. 
Will  you  aid  them  in  their  work  of  sub- 
jugation and  tyranny  ? 

' '  When  the  Government  at  Washing- 
ton calls  for  volunteers  or  recruits  to 
carry  on  the  work  of  subjugation  and 
tyranny  under  the  specious  phrase  of 
'  enforcing  the  laws,'  '  retaking  and  pro- 
tecting the  public  property,'  and  '  col- 
lecting the  revenue,'  let  every  Democrat 
fold  his  arms  and  bid  the  minions  of  Tory 
despotism  do  a  Tory  despot's  work.  Say 
to  them,  fearlessly  and  boldly — in  the 
language  of  England's  great  lord,  the 
Earl  of  Chatham,  whose  bold  words  in 
behalf  of  the  struggUng  Colonies  of 
America,  in  the  dark  hours  of  the  Rev- 
olution, have  enskrined  his  name  in  the 
heart  of  every  friend  of  freedom  and 
immortalized  his  fame  wherever  the 
name  of  liberty  is  known — say  in  his 
thrilling  language  :  '  If  I  were  a  South- 
erner, as  I  am  a  Northerner,  while  a 
foreign  troop  was  landed  in  my  country, 
I  would  never  lay  down  my  arms — • 
never,  never,  never!" 

Another,*  more  calmly,  but  not  less 
decidedl}'-,  opposed  the  war  : 

"The  President  has  issued  his  proc- 
lamation, calling  Congress  to  meet  on 
the  4:th  of  July.  Also  calling  for  75,000 
volunteers  to  aid  in  carrjdng  on  a  con- 
flict with  the  South.  The  news  already 
received  from  the  border  States  indi- 
cates that  they  wUl  leave  the  Union,  and 
that  the  war  will  be  between  nineteen 
free  and  fifteen  slave  States. 

"Could  this  war  policy  possibly  save 

=  Hartford  (Ct.)  Tima. 


THE  CALL  FOR  MILITIA. 


167 


the  Union  and  promote  the  welfare  of 
the  people,  we  could  look  npon  it  with 
more  complacency.  But  as  it  must  in- 
evitably more  completely  divide  the 
Union  and  injure  the  interests  of  the 
whole  country,  we  believe  it  to  be  an 
unwise  and  unsafe  policy.  To  march 
soldiers  into  the  Southern  country  to 
contend  with  armies  and  yellow  fever, 
and  to  end  in  no  good,  but  much  evil, 
does  not  seem  to  be  a  discreet  or  a 
righteous  pohcy. 

"  A  bloody  conflict  may  be  continued 
with  the  South  for  weeks,  for  months, 
or  for  years.  At  its  close  a  compromise 
must  be  made  no  more  favorable  to  the 
North  than  was  the  Crittenden  com- 
promise. But  the  evils  of  the  unneces- 
sary strife  will  continue  into  the  long 
years  of  the  future,  and  be  felt  by 
millions.  No  good  whatever  can  come 
out  of  the  shocking  conflict. 

"War  has  been  commenced.  Its  or- 
igin is  tlie  negro  agitation.  Let  the 
friends  of  the  agitation  point  out  tlie 
spot  where  a  slave  has  been  benefited, 
if  they  can.  Great  evils  have  come. 
Where  are  the  benefits  ?" 

As  a  set-off,  however,  to  this  expres- 
sion of  Southern  opinion  at  the  North, 
there  was  a  vigorous  word  uttered  for 
union  in  the  slave  State  of  Kentucky : 

"  The  secession  leaders,"  wrote  the 
editor  of  the  Louisville  Journal,  "  are 
relying  very  largely  upon  the  first  shock 
of  battle  for  the  promotion  of  a  general 
secession  feeling  in  the  Southern  States. 
They  ought,  however,  to  consider  that 
the  sympathies  of  honest  and  sensible 
men  are  not  likely  to  go  witli  the  wrong- 


doers. If  the  General  Government  com- 
mit any  wrong  or  outrage  upon  South 
Carolina  or  Florida,  it  will  be  con- 
demned ;  but  if  a  United  States  vessel 
shall  be  fired  into  and  her  men  slain  for 
a  mere  attempt  to  take  food  to  the  Gov- 
ernment's troops  in  the  Government's 
own  forts,  and  if  war  shall. grow  out  of 
the  collision,  no  spirit  of  secession  or  re- 
beUion  will  be  created  thereby  this  side 
the  cotton  line.  Such,  at  least,  is  our 
opinion,  founded  upon  our  conviction 
that  the  great  mass  of  our  fellow-citizens 
are  sensible,  and  patriotic,  and  just. 
Who  that  loves  his  country  would  see  it 
humiliated  and  its  honor  trampled  on  ?" 

With  the  proclamation  by  the  Presi- 
dent came  the  call  upon  the  several 
States  for  their  quotas  of  militia  to  make 
up  the  required  number  of  troops  to  be 
mustered  for  the  suppression  of  the  re- 
bellion and  the  defence  of  the  Union. 
The  following  circular  was  addressed  by 
the  secretary  of  war  to  the  governors 
not  only  of  the  free  States,  but  of  those 
slave  States  whose  lo3-alty  might  be  sus- 
pected, but  which  yet  nominally  contin- 
ued to  acknowledge  the  Federal  au- 
thority : 

"  Sir  :  Under  the  act  of  Congress  for 
calling  out  the  militia  to  execute  the 
laws  of  the  Union  to  suppress  insurrec- 
tion, to  repel  invasion,  etc.,  approved 
February  28,  1795,  I  have  the  honor  to 
request  your  Excellency  to  cause  to  be 
immediately  detailed  from  the  militia 
of  your  State  the  quota  designated  in 
the  table  below,  to  serve  as  infantry  or 
riflemen  for  a  period  of  three  months, 
unless  sooner  discharged.     Your  Excel- 


168 


THE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


lency  will  please  communicate  to  me 
the  time  at  about  which  your  quota  will 
be  ex^^ected  at  its  rendezvous,  as  it  wUl 
be  met  as  soon  as  practicable  by  an  officer 
or  officers  to  muster  it  into  the  service 
and  pay  of  the  United  States.  At  the 
same  time  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
United  States  will  be  administered  to 
ever}'  officer  and  man.  The  mustering 
officers  will  be  instructed  to  receive  no 
man  under  the  rank  of  commissioned 
officer  who  is  in  years  apparently  over 
forty-five  or  under  eighteen,  or  who  is 
not  in  physical  strength  and  vigor.  The 
quota  for  each  State  is  as  follows : 


Maine 1 

New  Hampshire 1 

Vermont 1 

Massachusetts 2 

Rhode  Island 1 

Connecticut 1 

New  York 17 

New  Jersey 4 

Pennsylvania 16 

Delaware 1 

Tennessee 2 

Maryland 4 


Virginia 3 

North  Carolina 2 

Kentucl^y 4 

Arkansas 1 

Missouri 4 

Ohio 13 

Indiana 6 

Illinois 6 

Michigan 1 

Iowa 1 

Minnesota 1 

Wisconsin 1 


"It  is  ordered  that  each  regiment 
shall  consist,  on  an  aggregate  of  officers 
and  men,  of  780.  The  total  thus  to  be 
called  out  is  73,391.  The  remainder, 
to  constitute  the  75,000  men  under  the 
President's  proclamation,  will  be  com- 
posed of  troops  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia." 

In  response  to  this  call,  there  came 
from  aU  the  free  States,  without  an  ex- 
ception, an  ardent  expression  of  patriotic 
sympathy  with  the  President's  procla- 
mation, and  an  immediate  effort  to  meet 
its  requirements.  Proclamations  were 
at  once  addressed  by  the  governors  to 
the    people    of   the    several   Northern 


States,  appealing  to  their  loyalty,  and 
invoking  them  to  manifest  it  by  taking 
up  arms  in  defence  of  the  Union. 

The  slave  States,  with  the  exception 
of  Maryland  and  Delaware,  answered 
with  a  resolute  refusal,  expressed  in  a 
tone  of  bold  defiance  of  the  Federal  au- 
thority. The  Governor  of  Virginia,  John 
Letcher,  wrote  :  "I  have  only  to  say, 
that  the  mihtia  of  Yu-ghiia  wUl  not  be 
furnished  to  the  powers  at  Washington 
for  any  such  use  or  purpose  as  they  have 
in  view.  Tour  object  is  to  subjugate 
the  Southern  States,  and  a  requisition 
made  upon  me  for  such  an  object — an 
object,  in  my  judgment,  not  within  the 
purview  of  the  Constitution  or  the  act 
of  1795 — will  not  be  complied  with. 
You  have  chosen  to  inaugm-ate  civil 
war,  and  having  done  so,  we  wiU  meet 
it  in  a  spirit  as  determined  as  the  ad- 
ministration has  exhibited  toward  the 
South." 

C.  F.  Jackson,  Governor  of  Missouri, 
wrote  :  "  Your  requisition,  in  my  judg- 
ment, is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  and 
revolutionary  in  its  objects,  inhuman  and 
diabolical,  and  cannot  be  complied  with. 
Not  one  man  wUl  the  State  of  Missouri 
furnish  to  carry  on  such  an  unholy 
crusade." 

John  W.  Ellis,  Governor  of  North 
Carolina,  wrote  :  "I  have  to  say  in 
reply,  that  I  regard  the  levy  of  troops 
made  by  the  administration  for  the  pur- 
pose of  subjugating  the  States  of  the 
South,  as  in  violation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  a  usurpation  of  power.  I  can 
be  no  party  to  this  wicked  violation  of 
the  laws  of  the  country,  and  to  this  war 


SOUTHERN-  PRIVATEERESTG. 


169 


upon  the  liberties  of  a  free  people. 
You  can  get  no  troops  from  North 
Carolina." 

Magoffin,  the  Governor  of  Kentucky, 
wrote  :  "I  say  emphatically  that  Ken- 
tucky wiU  furnish  no  troops  for  the 
wicked  purpose  of  subduing  her  sister 
Southern  States." 

Governor  Hai'ris,  of  Tennessee,  re- 
plied :  "  Tennessee  will  not  furnish  a 
single  man  for  coercion,  but  fifty  thou- 
sand, if  necessary,  for  the  defence  of 
our  rights,  or  those  of  our  Southern 
brethi'en." 

Governor  Reeder,  of  Arkansas,  an- 
swered with  equal  resoluteness  of  re- 
fusal, but  less  courtesy  : 

' '  In  answer  to  your  demand  for  troops 
from  Arkansas  to  subjugate  the  South- 
ern States,  I  have  to  say  that  none  will 
be  furnished.  The  demand  is  only  add- 
ing insult  to  injury. 

"The  people  of  this  Commonwealth 
are  freemen,  not  slaves,  and  will  defend 
to  the  last  extremity  their  honor,  lives, 
and  property  against  Northern  men- 
dacity and  usurpation." 

President  Davis,  of  the  Confederate 
States,  after  venting  this  exulting  jeu 
d^esprit, 

"  With  mortar,  Paixban,  and  petard 
We  sent  the  foe  our  Beauregard," 

met  the  proclamation  of  President  1  lin- 
coln  with  this  menacing  document  : 

"  Whereas  Abraham  Lincoln,  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  has,  by  proc- 
lamation, announced  his  intention  of  in- 
vading the  Confederacy  with  an  armed 
force,  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  its 
fortresses,   and   thereby   subverting   its 

22 


independence  and  subjecting  the  free 
people  thereof  to  the  dominion  of  a 
foreign  power  ;  and  whereas  it  has  thus 
become  the  duty  of  this  Government  to 
repel  the  threatened  invasion,  and  de- 
fend the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
people  by  all  the  means  which  the  laws 
of  nations  and  usages  of  civiUzed  war- 
fare place  at  its  disposal ; 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Jefferson  Davis, 
President  of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  do  issue  this,  my  proclamation, 
inviting  all  those  who  may  desii-e,  by 
service  in  private  armed  vessels  on  the 
high  seas,  to  aid  this  Government  in  re- 
sisting so  wanton  and  wicked  an  aggres- 
sion, to  make  application  for  commis- 
sions or  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal, 
to  be  issued  under  the  seal  of  these 
Confederate  States  ;  and  I  do  further 
notify  all  persons  applying  for  letters  of 
marque,  to  make  a  statement  in  writing, 
giving  the  name  and  suitable  description 
of  the  character,  tonnage,  and  force  of 
the  vessel,  name  of  the  place  of  resi- 
dence of  each  owner  concerned  therein, 
and  the  intended  number  of  crew,  and 
to  sign  each  statement,  and  deliver  the 
same  to  the  secretary  of  state  or  collector 
of  the  port  of  entry  of  these  Confederate 
States,  to  be  by  him  transmitted  to  the 
secretary  of  state  ;  and  I  do  further 
notify  all  applicants  aforesaid,  before 
any  commission  or  letter  of  marque  is 
issued  to  any  vessel,  or  the  owner  or 
the  owners  thereof,  and  the  commander 
for  the  time  being,  they  wiU  be  required 
to  give  bond  to  the  Confederate  States, 
with,  at  least,  two  responsible  sureties 
not   interested   in   such  vessel,    in    the 


170 


THE  WAR   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


penal  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars ;  or 
if  such  vessel  be  provided  with  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  then 
in  the  penal  sum  of  ten  thousand  dollars, 
with  the  condition  that  the  owners, 
officers,  and  crew  who  shall  be  employed 
on  board  such  commissioned  vessel  shaU 
observe  the  laws  of  these  Confederate 
States,  and  the  instructions  given  them 
for  the  regulation  of  their  conduct,  that 
shaU  satisfy  aU  damages  done  contrary 
to  the  tenor  thereof  by  such  vessel  dur- 
ing her  commission,  and  deliver  up  the 
same  when  revoked  by  the  President  of 
the  Confederate  States. 

"And  I  do  further  specially  enjoin 
on  all  persons  holding  offices,  civil  and 
military,  under  the  authority  of  the 
Confederate  States,  that  they  be  vigilant 
and  zealous  in  the  discharge  of  the 
duties  incident  thereto  ;  and  I  do,  more- 
ever,  exhort  the  good  people  of  these 
Confederate  States,  as  they  love  their 
country — as  they  prize  the  blessings  of 
free  government  —  as  they  feel  the 
wrongs  of  the  past,  and  those  now 
threatened  in  an  aggravated  form  by 
those  whose  enmity  is  more  implacable, 
because  unprovoked — to  exert  them- 
selves in  preserving  order,  in  promoting 
concord,  in  maintaining  the  authority 
and  efficacy  of  the  laws,  and  in  support- 
ing and  invigorating  all  the  measures 
which  may  be  adopted  for  a  common 
defence,  and  by  which,  under  the  bless- 
ings of  Divine  Providence,  we  may  hope 
for  a  speedy,  just,  and  honorable  peace. 

"In  witness  whereof,  I  have  set  m}^ 
hand  and  have  caused  the  seal  of  the 
Confederate  States  of   America  to  be 


attached  this  seventeenth  day  of  April, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  sixty-one. 

"  Jefferson  Davis. 
"  Robert  Toombs,  Secretary  of  State." 

At  the  same  time  that  President 
Davis  thus  threatened  Northern  com- 
merce with  a  fleet  of  privateers,  he 
called  upon  the  Confederacy  for  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand  men,  in  addition 
to  the  thirty-two  thousand  already  de- 
manded. A  loan  of  five  millions  of 
dollars  had  been  issued,  and  subscrip- 
tions were  reported  to  be  rapidly  coming 
in  under  the  stimulus  of  approaching 
war. 

Davis'  invitation  to  apphcations  for 
letters  of  marque  created  great  alarm, 
and  was  received  by  the  Xorth  with  a 
universal  burst  of  indignation.  Priva- 
teering was  pronounced  an  infamous 
weapon  of  warfare.  The  destruction  of 
private  property  in  the  course  of  a  con- 
flict between  two  hostile  parties  was 
declared  to  be  a  rehc  of  barbarism. 
Davis  was  reminded  of  the  treaties  of 
the  United  States  with  certain  European 
powers,  which  prohibited  citizens  of 
either  nation  from  accepting  letters 
of  marque  from  any  authority  hostile  to 
the  agreeing  parties.  This,  they  de- 
clared, would  prevent  his  obtaining  pri- 
vateers from  Europe,  and  destroy  any 
hope  of  toleration  from  them  from  that 
quarter.  It  was  declared  that  there  was 
not  one  foreign  port  where,  if  Davis' 
privateers  should  venture  to  enter,  they 
would  not  be  seized  as  pirates,  and  dealt 
with  accordingly.  If  any  man,  in  this 
country,  or  in  any  other,  dared  to  ac- 


THE   FRIGHT  AT  THE   NORTH. 


171 


cept  a  letter  of  marque  from  the  Con- 
federacy and  act  upon  it,  be  would,  it 
Avas  llircatened,  be  bung  as  a  pirate. 
The  proclamation  was,  in  a  word,  branded 
as  a  formal  sanction  of  piracy,  and  it 
was  met  not  only  with  the  menace  of 
the  yard-ai'm,  but  its  author  was  re- 
minded that  the  most  terrific  retaliation 
awaited  him  if  be  should  carry  out  bis 
purpose.  "The  first  seizure  of  an 
American  vessel  by  one  of  his  privateers 
will  let  loose,"  said  a  jouruaHst,*  "  upon 
the  South  more  John  Browns  than  he 
can  hire  pirates  in  a  year." 

The  commercial  cities  of  the  North 
were  greatly  fluttered  by  the  prospect 
of  a  swoop  hy  the  rebellious  birds  of 
prey  upon  their  fleets  which  were 
winging  their  way  over  every  sea  and 
ocean.  The  Chamber  of  Commerce  of 
New  York  met  and  resolved,  "That 
the  proposition  of  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis 
to  issue  letters  of  marque  to  whomsoever 
may  apply  for  them,  emanating  from  no 
recognized  government,  is  not  only 
without  the  sanction  of  public  law,  but 
piratical  in  its  tendencies,  and  therefore 
deserving  the  stern  condemnation  of  the 
civilized  world."  To  this  was  added  the 
further  resolution,  that  "it  is  the  duty 
of  our  Government  to  issue  at  once  a 
proclamation  warning  all  persons  that 
privateering  under  the  commissions  pro- 
posed will  be  dealt  with  as  simple  pi- 
racy." 

The  President  promptly  responded 
by  estabhshing  a  blockade  of  the  ports 
of  the  seceding  States,  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  warn  all  privateers  sailing 

«  New  York  Times. 


under  the  flag  of  the  Confederates  that 
they  would  be  treated  as  pirates  : 

"  Whereas  an  insurrection  against  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  has 
broken  out  in  the  States  of  South  Caro- 
lina, Geoi-gia,  Alabama,  Florida,  Missis- 
sippi, Louisiana,  and  Texas,  and  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  for  the  collec- 
tion of  the  revenue  can  not  be  efliciently 
executed  therein  conformably  to  that 
provision  of  the  Constitution  which  re- 
quires duties  to  be  uniform  throughout 
the  United  States  ; 

' '  And  whereas  a  combination  of  per- 
sons, engaged  in  such  insurrection,  have 
threatened  to  grant  pretended  letters  of 
marque  to  authorize  the  bearers  thereof 
to  commit  assaults  on  the  lives,  vessels, 
and  property  of  good  citizens  of  the 
country  lawfully  engaged  in  commerce 
on  the  high  seas,  and  in  waters  of  the 
United  States  ; 

"And  whereas  an  Executive  Procla- 
mation has  been  already  issued,  requir- 
ing the  persons  engaged  in  these  dis- 
orderly proceedings  to  desist  therefrom, 
calling  out  a  militia  force  for  the  purpose 
of  repressing  the  same,  and  convening 
Congress  in  extraordinary  session  to 
deliberate  and  determine  thereon  ; 

"Now,  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln, 
President  of  the  United  States,  with  a 
view  to  the  same  purposes  before  men- 
tioned, and  to  the  protection  of  the 
public  peace,  and  the  lives  and  property 
of  quiet  and  orderly  citizens  pursuing 
their  lawful  occupations,  until  Congress 
shall  have  assembled  and  deliberated  on 
the  said  unlawful  proceedings,  or  until 
the  same  shall  have  ceased,  have  further 


172 


THE  WAR   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


deemed  it  advisable  to  set  on  foot  a 
blockade  of  the  ports  within  the  States 
aforesaid,  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  and  o-f  the  laws  of 
nations  in  such  cases  provided.  For 
this  purpose  a  competent  force  will  be 
posted  so  as  to  prevent  entrance  and 
exit  of  vessels  from  the  ports  aforesaid. 
If,  therefore,  with  a  view  to  violate  such 
blockade,  a  vessel  shall  approach,  or 
shall  attempt  to  leave  any  of  the  said 
ports,  she  will  be  duly  warned .  by  the 
commander  of  one  of  the  blockading 
vessels,  who  will  endorse  on  her  register 
the  fact  and  date  of  such  warning  ;  and 
if  the  same  vessel  shall  again  attempt  to 
enter  or  leave  the  blockaded  port,  she 


will  be  captured  and  sent  to  the  nearest 
convenient  port,  for  such  proceedings 
against  her  and  her  cargo  as  prize  as 
may  be  deemed  advisable. 

"And  I  hei'eby  proclaim  and  declare, 
that  if  any  person,  under  the  pretended 
authority  of  said  States,  or  under  any 
other  pretence,  shall  molest  a  vessel  of 
the  United  States,  or  the  persons  or 
cargo  on  board  of  her,  such  person  will 
be  held  amenable  to  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  for  the  prevention  and 
punishment  of  piracy. 

"  Abrahah  Lincoln. 

"  By  the  President. 

"  WrLiiAM  H.  Sewaed,  Secretary  of  State. 
"  Washingtok,  April  19,  1861." 


CHAPTER    XV. 

Inquietude  atout  the  Border  States. — The  Convention  of  Virginia. — Committee  appointed  to  wait  upon  the  President. 
—  Its  Message.  — President  Lincoln's  Answer. — Its  effect. — Virginia  Convention  passes  an  Act  of  Secession. — Im- 
patience of  the  Secessionists. — Proclamation  of  GoTemor  Letcher. — Recognition  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. — 
Preparations  for  War. — The  Harbor  of  Norfolk  Obstmcted, — Attempt  on  Harper's  Ferry. — Description  of  the  place. 
— Its  picturesque  beauty. — Its  Kesources.— Unhappy  Associations.— Virginia  Troops  Mustering  for  an  Attack  upon 
Harper's  Ferry. — A  Force  Marches. — Description  of  the  March. — The  Federal  Commander  and  his  little  Garrison.^ 
Anticipated  Attack. — Preparations  to  thwart  its  object.— Preparing  for  a  Cortflagiation. — Positive  Information. — 
The  Torch  applied. — Retreat  of  the  Federal  Commander  and  his  Men. — An  excited  Populace. — Held  at  Bay.— Con- 
tinued Flight  of  the  Federal  Commander. — Safe  arrival  in  Pennsylvania. — Rewards  of  Gallantry. — Another  De- 
struction of  Public  Property. — Hemming  in  of  the  Gosport  Navy  Yard. — Exulting  Dispatch. — Description  of  the 
Navy  Yard. — The  Ships. — Resolution  of  Commodore  Macaulay. — The  Demand  of  the  Insurgents. — AiTival  of  the 
Pawnee. — Her  SaU  from  Fortress  Monroe  to  Norfolk. — Boisterous  Welcome. — The  Marines  set  to  work. — Securing 
the  Papers. — Destruction  of  Arms. — The  Fii-ing  of  the  Barracks. — Laying  of  the  Trains. — Departure  of  the  Pawnee. 
— A  Signal. — The  Conflagration  of  Ships  and  Navy  Yard. — The  Burning  of  the  old  Pennsylvania. — The  People  of 
Norfolk  bursting  through  the  GKites  of  the  Navy  Yard. — The  Havoc. —Incomplete  Destruction. — Curious  Reasons 
for  it. — Details  of  the  Property  destroyed. — The  Feeling  at  the  North.— The  Destruction  pronounced  unnecessary. — 
Quick  work  of  the  Insurgents. — Erection  of  defiant  Batteries. 


The  greatest  inquietude  had  long  ex- 
isted at  the  North  in  regard  to  the 
action  of  the  border  States,  and  more 
especially    of    Maryland   and   Virginia. 


In  the  latter  State  a  convention  had 
been  for  some  time  in  secret  session,  and 
the  result  was  awaited  with  intense 
anxiety.      A.  committee,   consisting   of 


PRESIDENT'S  ANSWER  TO  VIRGIXIA. 


173 


Messrs.  Preston,  Stuart,  and  Randolph, 
had  been  ai^pointed  to  wait  upon  the 
President  at  Washington,  and  to  present 
to  him  the  following  preamble  and  res- 
olution passed  by  the  Convention  of 
Virginia : 

"  Whereas,  in  the  opinion  of  this  Con- 
vention, the  uncertainty  which  prevails 
in  the  public  mind  as  to  the  policy  which 
the  Federal  Executive  intends  to  pursue 
toward  the  seceded  States  is  extremely 
injurious  to  the  industrial  and  commer- 
cial interests  of  the  country,  tends  to 
keep  up  an  excitement  which  is  unfavor- 
able to  the  adjustment  of  the  pending 
difficulties,  and  threatens  a  disturbance 
of  the  public  peace,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three 
delegates  be  appointed  to  wait  on  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  present 
to  him  this  preamble,  and  respectfully 
ask  him  to  communicate  to  this  Conven- 
tion the  policy  which  the  Federal  Ex- 
ecutive intends  to  pursue  in  regard  to 
the  Confederate  States." 

The  bearers  of  this  demand,  courteous 
April  ii^  form  but  insolent  in  substance, 
13i  were  duly  presented  at  the  White 
House,  and  received  from  Mr.  Lincoln 
a  response  in  which  he  characteristically 
rather  discussed  the  question  amiably 
with  his  interlocutors,  than  firmly  as- 
serted his  Executive  authority. 

"In  answer,  I,"  said  the  President, 
"  have  to  say  that  having,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  my  official  term,  expressed  my 
intended  policy  as  plainly  as  I  was  able, 
it  is  with  deep  regret  and  mortification 
I  now  learn  there  is  great  and  injurious 
uncertainty  in  the   pubhc   mind   as   to 


what  course  I  intend  to  pursue.  Not 
having  as  yet  seen  occasion  to  change, 
it  is  now  my  purpose  to  pursue  the 
course  marked  out  in  the  inaugural  ad- 
dress. I  commend  a  careful  considera- 
tion of  the  whole  document  as  the  best 
expression  I  can  give  to  my  purposes. 
As  I  then  and  therein  said,  I  now  re- 
peat :  '  The  power  confided  in  me  will 
be  used  to  hold  and  possess  property 
and  places  belonging  to  the  Grovernment, 
and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imports ; 
but  beyond  what  is  necessary  for  these 
objects  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no 
using  of  force  against  and  among  the 
people  anywhere.'  By  the  words  '  prop- 
Qxiy  and  places  belonging  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, '  I  chiefly  allude  to  the  military 
posts  and  property  which  were  in  pos- 
session of  the  Government  when  it  came 
into  my  hands.  But  if,  as  now  appears 
to  be  true,  in  pursuit  of  a  purpose  to 
drive  the  United  States  authority  from 
these  places,  an  unprovoked  assault  has 
been  made  upon  Fort  Sumter,  I  shall 
hold  myself  at  liberty  to  repossess  it,  if 
I  can,  and  like  places  which  had  been 
seized  before  the  Government  was  de- 
volved upon  me  ;  and  in  any  event  I 
shall,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  repel 
force  by  force.  In  case  it  proves  true 
that  Fort  Sumter  has  been  assaulted,  as 
is  reported,  I  shall,  perhaps,  cause  the 
United  States  mails  to  be  withdrawn 
from  all  the  States  which  claim  to  have 
seceded,  believing  that  the  commence- 
ment of  actual  war  against  the  Govern- 
ment justifies  and  possibly  demands  it. 
I  scarcely  need  to  say  that  I  consider 
the  militai'y  posts  and  property  situated 


174 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


within  the  States  which  claim  to  have 
seceded,  as  yet  belonging  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  as  much  as 
they  did  before  the  supposed  secession. 
Whatever  else  I  may  do  for  the  purpose, 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  collect  the  duties 
and  imj)0sts  by  any  armed  invasion  of 
any  part  of  the  country  ;  not  meaning 
by  this,  however,  that  I  may  not  laud  a 
force  deemed  necessar)-  to  relieve  a  fort 
upon  the  border  of  the  countr3^  From 
the  fact  that  I  have  quoted  a  part  of  the 
inaugural  address,  it  must  not  be  in- 
ferred that  I  repudiate  any  other  part, 
the  whole  of  which  I  reaffirm,  except 
so  far  as  what  I  now  say  of  the  mails 
may  be  regarded  as  a  modification." 

This  answer,  however,  was  sufficiently 
firm  to  convince  the  Virginian  commis- 
sioners that  the  President  had  deter- 
mined to  exercise  his  proper  authority 
in  the  suppression  of  rebellion.  Their 
return  to  Richmond  with  this  response 
served  to  precipitate  the  action  of  the 
Convention,  and  accordingly  it  passed,  in 
secret  session,  on  the  17th  of  April,  an 
April  ordinance  of  secession,  conditional, 

17'  however,  upon  its  ratification  by  a 
majority  of  the  votes  of  the  people  of 
the  State  on  the  fourth  Thursday  in  the 
ensuing  month  of  May.  The  secession 
leaders  of  Virginia,  however,  in  their 
impatience  to  rebel,  could  not  await  the 
deliberate  course  of  law,  and  began  at 
once  a  series  of  hostile  acts,  soon  to 
result  in  open  war  against  the  Federal 
authority. 

Letcher,  the  Governor  of  Virginia, 
April  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  ho 

17«    recognized  the  independence  of  the 


seceded  States,  declaring  that  they  have, 
"  by  authority  of  their  people,  solemnly 
rescued  the  powers  granted  by  them  to 
the  United  States,  and  have  framed  a 
constitution  and  organized  a  government 
for  themselves,  to  which  the  people  of 
those  States  are  yielding  willing  obedi- 
ence, and  have  so  notified  the  President 
of  the  United  States  by  all  the  formal- 
ities incident  to  such  action,  and  thereby 
become  to  the  United  States  a  sejDarate, 
independent,  and  foreign  power."  At 
the  same  time  he  thought  jj roper  ' '  to 
order  all  armed  volunteer  regiments  or 
companies  within  the  State  forthwith 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  im- 
mediate orders." 

Before  the  j^eople  of  the  State,  how- 
ever, had  an  opportunity  of  exj^ressing 
their  will  as  legally  jarovided  by  the  acts 
of  the  Virginia  Legislature  and  Conven- 
tion, Governor  Letcher  commenced  to 
wage  war  against  the  United  States. 
He  ordered  the  main  entrance  of  the 
harbor  of  Norfolk  to  be  obstructed  by 
the  sinking  of  small  boats,  to  prevent 
communication  with  the  Federal  navy- 
yard  at  that  port,  which  he  had  evi- 
dently determined  to  seize  on  the  first 
occasion  favorable  to  his  purpose,  as 
will  be  developed  in  the  course  of  this 
narrative. 

His  first  attempt,  however,  was  to 
capture  the  United  States  arsenal  and 
armory  at  Harper's  Ferry.  This  town, 
now  so  memorable,  is  in  JeiTerson  Co., 
Virginia.  It  is  situated  on  the  Potomac 
River,  just  where  the  Shenandoah  enters, 
and  the  two  streams  united  pass  through 
the  Blue  Ridge.     The   town  originally 


A  FORCE  JIARCHES. 


175 


clustered  about  the  base  of  a  hill,  but  is 
gradually  rising  up  its  steep  sides,  and 
some  scattered  hamlets  and  houses  have 
already  reached  the  table-land  on  the 
summit,  nearly  four  hundred  feet  above 
the  water.  The  ridge  on  either  side  of 
the  gap  through  which  the  Potomac, 
united  with  the  Shenandoah,  forces  its 
way,  rises  in  steep  and  bare  cliffs  to  an 
elevation  of  twelve  hundred  feet  or  more, 
the  simple  grandeur  of  which,  contrast- 
ing with  the  picturesque  beauty  of  the 
lesser  and  cultivated  heights,  gives  to 
the  surrounding  scenery  of  Harper's 
Ferry  the  most  impressive  effect. 
Thomas  Jefferson  said  that  it  was  ' '  one 
of  the  most  stupendous  scenes  in  nature, 
and  well  worth  a  voyage  across  the 
Atlantic  to  witness." 

The  town  is  described  as  at4his  time 
"containing  a  population  of  10,000,  and 
of  considerable  trading  importance  as  the 
point  of  junction  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  and  the  "Winchester  and  Potomac 
railways.  A  bridge  of  nine  hundred 
feet  in  length  connects  it  with  the  op- 
posite shore  of  Maryland.  The  main 
business  of  the  place  is  manufacturing. 
It  has  one  of  the  largest  mills  in  the 
United  States  for  grinding  flour."  Addi- 
tional importance  was  given  to  the  town 
by  the  estabhshment  there  of  the  Fed- 
eral arsenal  and  armory.  Ninety  tliou- 
sand  stand  of  arms  were  ordinarily 
stored  in  the  depots,  and  the  work-shops 
were  capable  of  producing  twenty-five 
thousand  annually. 

The  place  had  already  acquired  an 
unhappy  association  with  our  sectional 
quarrels,  by  the  invasion  of  John  Brown, 


who,  at  the  head  of  twenty-two  men, 
had  taken  possession  of  the  town  and 
strove  to  excite  the  negroes  of  Virginia 
to  insurrection.  It  has  again  repeatedly 
become  a  scene  of  commotion  and  con- 
flict during  this  civil  war. 

The  Governor  of  Virginia  was  eager 
to  possess  himself  of  the  arsenal  and 
armory,  and  thus  supply  his  secession 
allies  with  the  means  of  carrying  on  the 
war  against  the  United  States,  which  he 
contemplated.  He  accordingly  sent  j^prn 
secret  orders  to  Charlestown,  the  l^* 
county  seat  of  Jefferson,  to  muster  a 
force  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  the  Fed- 
eral property  at  Harper's  Ferry.  Some 
three  thousand  men  had  been  summoned, 
but  only  two  hundred  and  fifty,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  suddenness  of  the  call, 
mustered  at  Halltown,  the  rendezvous 
half  way  between  the  county  town  and 
Harjjer's  Ferry,  and  about  four  miles 
from  each  place.  Here  they  remained 
until  night,  that  they  might  have  the 
cover  of  dai'kness  for  their  intended  act 
of  violence  against  the  laws  of  the  United 
States. 

The  foi'ce  having  been  formed,  con- 
sisting of  a  small  body  of  infantry,  termed 
the  Jefferson  Battalion,  commanded  \pYH 
by  a  Captain  Allen,  one  piece  of  ar-  18. 
tillery,  and  a  squad  of  "  Fauquier"  cav- 
alry, under  a  Captain  Ashby,  marched, 
at  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  night  of  the 
very  day  on  which  the  order  had  been 
received  from  Richmond. 

"  The  troops  marched,"  says  one  who 
was  with  them,  "in  silence,  and  about 
a  mile  from  the  starting-point  the  col- 
umn was  challenged  by  sentries  posted 


176 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


in  the  road.  They  halted,  loaded  with 
ball-cartridge,  and  advanced  with  fixed 
baj'onets  until  they  reached  the  brow 
of  the  hill  overlooking  the  town  and  at 
the  outsliirts  of  the  village  of  Bohvar. 
Here  the  advance  was  again  challenged, 
and  the  column  halted.  As  these  sen- 
tries were  known  to  be  employes  of  the 
armoi'ies,  and  as  it  was  thought  prob- 
able from  the  temper  manifested  during 
the  day  that  the  whole  body  of  work- 
men had  united  with  the  Government 
troops,  thus  giving  them  four  hundred 
effective  men,  with  full  preparation  and 
choice  of  position,  it  was  thought  proper 
to  send  a  flag  into  the  town  to  ascertain 
how  matters  stood.  An  influential  gen- 
tleman accompanying  the  troops,  of- 
fered his  services  to  execute  this  deli- 
cate duty,  and  to  dissuade  the  citizens, 
if  possible,  from  taking  part  in  the  con- 
test. From  after-knowledge  it  was  as- 
certained that  this  precaution  was  un- 
necessary, as  the  mass  of  the  inhabitants 
were  loyal  to  the  soil  where  they  lived, 
and  such  as  might  have  entertained  dif- 
ferent sentiments  were  silenced  by  the 
reports  of  the  imjjosing  force  which  was 
supposed  to  be  at  hand. 

"  While  the  Virginia  officers  were  in 
consultation,  there  was  seen  in  the  di- 
rection of  the  ai'mory  a  flash,  accompa- 
nied by  a  report  like  the  discharge  of  a 
cannon,  followed  by  a  number  of  other 
flashes  in  quick  succession,  and  then  the 
sky  and  surrounding  mountains  were 
lighted  with  the  steady  glare  of  ascend- 
ing flames.  Captain  Ashby,  with  his 
squad,  immediately  rode  down  into  the 
town,  and  in  a  short  time  retui-ned  with 


the  report  that  the  troops  had  fired  the 
pubhc  buildings  and  retreated  across 
the  Potomac  bridge,  taking  the  mount- 
ain road  toward  Carhsle  Barracks,  in 
Pennsylvania. 

"On  our  way  down  we  met  a  long 
line  of  men,  women,  and  boys,  carrying 
loads  of  muskets,  bayonets,  and  other 
military  equipments.  The  streets  at  the 
confluence  of  the  two  rivers  were  brill- 
iantly illuminated  by  the  flames  from 
the  old  arsenal,  which  burned  like  a 
furnace.  The  inclosure  around  these 
buildings  was  covered  with  spUntered 
glass,  which  had  been  blown  out  by  the 
explosion  of  the  powder-train.  A  few 
arm-boxes,  open  and  empty,  lay  near 
the  entrance  ;  but  nearly  all  the  mus- 
kets in  this  building,  fifteen  thousand,  as 
stated,  were  destroyed. 

"  Of  the  armory  buildings  on  Poto- 
mac Street,  one  large  work-shop  was  in 
a  light  blaze,  and  two  others  on  fire. 
Alarmed  by  the  first  explosions,  the 
citizens  hesitated  to  approach  the  work- 
shops, and  warned  the  Virginia  troops 
not  to  do  so,  supposing  them  to  be 
mined  ;  but  presentlj-  becoming  reas- 
sured on  that  subject,  they  went  to 
work  with  the  engines,  extinguished 
some  of  the  fires,  and  prevented  their 
extension  to  the  town  and  railroad 
bridges." 

The  plans  of  the  secessionists  had 
been  anticipated  and  theu*  designs 
thwarted  by  the  Federal  commander 
and  his  little  force  at  Harjaer's  Ferry. 
The  Federal  garrison  consisted  of  a 
detachment  of  United  States  Rifles, 
amounting  to    about  forty  in  number, 


BURNING  OF  HARPER'S  FERRY  ARSENAL. 


177 


under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Roger 
Jones.  This  officer  had  been  notified 
some  days  previously  by  the  Govern- 
ment at  Washington  of  the  danger  wliich 
April  threatened  his  post.  On  the  17th 
17t  of  April,  before  the  march  of  the 
Virginians,  he  learned  from  various 
sources  that  the  attack  was  to  be  made 
on  the  succeeding  day.  The  militia  of 
the  town  of  Harper's  Ferry,  although 
they  professed  loyalty,  were  either 
alarmed  at  the  rumors  of  an  approach- 
ing force,  or  unwilling  to  oppose  it,  and 
consequently  disbanded.  The  workmen 
employed  at  the  arsenal  and  armory 
showed  symptoms,  if  not  of  disaffection, 
at  least  of  great  uneasiness.  Every 
hour  brought  with  it  fresh  rumors,  more 
or  less  exaggerated,  of  the  advancing 
secessionists.  The  railroad  was  in  their 
power,  and  a  special  train,  bearing 
armed  men,  was  known  to  be  hurrying 
forward.  Troops,  amounting  to  two 
thousand  in  number,  were  reported  to 
have  gathered  from  Winchester,  Charles- 
ton, and  other  neighboring  points,  and 
to  be  marching  to  Harper's  Ferry. 

Lieutenant  Jones,  conscious  of  the 
purpose  of  this  movement,  and  unable, 
with  his  meagre  garrison  of  forty  men 
in  a  country  believed  to  be  hostile,  to 
defend  his  post,  determined  to  destroy 
the  arsenal  and  armory,  lest  their  im- 
portant works  and  valuable  supphes  of 
arms  should  fall  into  the  possession  of 
those  who  were  undoubtedly  determined 
to  use  them  in  waging  war  against  the 
Federal  Government. 

Early  in  the  evening  of  the  17th  of 
April,  accordingly,  the  Lieutenant  set  his 

23 


men  to  woi-k  in  making  prepara-  Aprji 
tions  for  the  destruction  of  the  17. 
public  property,  should  it  prove  neces- 
sary. With  swords  the  soldiers  cut  up 
the  planks  and  other  timber  to  suppl)'^ 
wood  for  firing  the  buildings.  The 
mattresses  were  ripped  up,  their  con- 
tents emptied  out,  and  then  filled  with 
powder.  This  was  all  done  inside  of 
the  arsenals  and  armories,  to  conceal  the 
purpose  from  the  people  of  the  town, 
whose  loyalty  was  susjjected,  and  who, 
if  they  should  discover  it,  might  rise 
and  prevent  it.  The  arms,  some  fifteen 
thousand  stand,  were  now  collected  and 
jjiled  together,  and  the  chipped  wood  and 
mattresses  filled  with  powder  were  so 
placed  that  the  guns  and  the  buildings 
might  all  be  destroyed  together  in  one 
common  explosion  and  conflagration. 
On  the  next  night,  having  received  April 
"positive  and  reliable  information  IS* 
that  twentj'-five  hundred  or  three  thou 
sand  State  troops  would  reach  Harper's 
Ferry  in  two  hours  from  Winchester, 
and  that  the  troops  from  Halltown,  in- 
creased to  three  hundred,  were  advanc- 
ing, and  even  at  that  time^a  few  min- 
utes after  ten  o'clock — within  twenty 
minutes'  march  of  the  Ferry,"  Lieuten- 
ant Jones  gave  the  order  to  apply  the 
torch.  The  windows  and  doors  of  the 
buildings  had  been  opened  so  that  the 
flames  coidd  have  free  sway,  and  when 
all  was  ready,  the  fires  were  started  in 
the  carpenter's  shop,  and  the  trains  lead- 
ing to  the  powder  ignited.  This  done, 
the  Lieutenant  marched  out  his  men  and 
began  a  rapid  retreat.  In  three  min- 
utes after,  the  buildings  of  the  arsenal 


TILE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


and  the  carpenter's  shop  were  in  a  "com- 
plete blaze." 

The  fire  alarmed  the  town,  and  its  ex- 
cited populace  pursued  Lieutenant  Jones 
and  his  men,  coming  upon  them  just  as 
they  had  reached  the  bridge,  for  the 
pm'pose  of  escaping  across.  The  crowd 
pressed  forward,  crying  vengeance  upon 
them  for  having  set  Sre  to  the  buildings. 
Jones  wheeled  his  men,  and  facing  the 
multitude  declared,  unless  they  dis- 
persed, he  would  fire  upon  them.  The 
intimidated  throng  shrunk  back,  and 
Jones  took  the  occasion  to  continue  his 
retreat  and  take  to  the  woods,  followed, 
however,  by  several  shots,  which  fortu- 
nately were  without  effect.  He  now 
hurried  northward,  his  way  being  hghted 
up  by  the  blazing  buildings.  The  ex- 
plosion took  place  almost  as  soon  as  he 
got  beyond  the  town,  and  he  flattered 
himself  that  the  destruction  of  the  ar- 
senal and  armory  had  been  complete. 
Hurriedly  marching  all  night  across 
streams  and  bogs,  he  reached  Hagers- 
April  town  in  safety  on  the  next  morn- 

W»  ing,  at  seven  o'clock,  and  thence 
pursued  his  way  to  Chambersburg,  in 
Pennsylvania,  where,  confident  of  being 
among  a  loyal  people,  he  could  stop  to 
refresh  his  wayworn  men,  who  had 
marched  all  night  and  eaten  nothing 
since  they  left  Harper's  Ferry.  Four 
of  his  little  garrison,  however,  were 
missing,  and  it  was  feared  that  they  had 
been  captured,  or  perhaps  slain. 

From  Chambersburg  Lieutenant  Jones 
proceeded  with  his  men  to  Carlisle  Bar- 
April  racks,  a  Federal  post,  whence  he 

20.    dispatched   a   report   of  his    pro- 


ceedings to  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment. 

His  conduct  met  with  the  approbation 
of  the  President,  who,  in  consideration 
of  "  his  skilful  and  gallant  conduct  at 
Harper's  Ferry,"  gave  him  the  commis- 
sion of  assistant-quartcr-master-general 
with  the  rank  of  captain,  and  sent  to  him 
through  the  secretary  this  flattering 
tribute : 

"  War  Depaetieent,  Washington,  1 
April  22d,  1S61.  f 

"  Lieutenant  Roger  Jones  : 

"  My  dear  Sir  :  I  am  directed  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
communicate  to  you,  and  through  you 
to  the  officers  and  men  under  j-our  com- 
mand at  Harper's  Ferry  armory,  the 
approbation  of  the  Government  of  jouv 
and  their  judicious  conduct  there,  and 
to  tender  to  you  and  them  the  thanks 
of  the  Government  for  the  same. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 
"  Simon  CAiiERON, 

"  Secretary  of  War." 

This  was  soon  followed  by  another 
more  important,  but  less  justifiable  de- 
struction of  public  property  in  Virginia. 
It  will  be  recollected  that  Governor 
Letcher  had  akeady  ordered  the  main 
entrance  of  the  harbor  of  Norfolk  to  be 
obstructed  by  the  sinking  of  small  boats. 
Seven  vessels  had  been  sunk  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Elizabeth  River,  the  only 
channel  of  communication  between  the 
sea  and  the  Gosport  navy-yard.  The 
obvious  object  of  this  was  to  hem  in 
that  important  naval  station,  so  that  by 
preventing  the  egress  of  the  United 
States  vessels  there,  or  the  ingress  of 


THE  NORFOLK  NAVY  YARD. 


179 


any  force  that  might  be  sent  to  their 
aid,  the  navy-yard  with  its  ships  and  its 
stoi'es  should  be  at  the  mercy  of  the 
State  of  Yirgiuia.  The  dispatch  which 
announced  the  execution  of  the  Gover- 
nor's order  exultiugiy  declared  :  "  Thus 
have  we  secured  for  Virginia  three  of 
the  best  ships  of  the  navy,"  alluding  to 
the  Cumberland,  Merrimac,  and  Penn- 
sylvania, then  among  the  vessels  in  the 
Gosport  navy-yard  at  Norfolk.  The 
inhabitants  had,  moreover,  shown  their 
hostile  intentions  by  seizing  the  United 
April  States  magazine,  situated  below  the 
*^'  city,  and  containing  four  thousand 
kegs  of  powder. 

The  navy-yard  was  in  command  of 
Commodore  Charles  S.  Macaulay,  a  vet- 
eran naval  officer.  The  establishment, 
one  of  the  largest  in  the  United  States, 
contained  not  only  stores  of  naval  and 
mihtiiry  munitions  of  war  and  ships,  but 
arsenals,  foundries,  workshops,  and 
docks — a  mass  of  pubhc  projserty  which 
had  cost  the  United  States  over  fifty 
millions  of  dollars. 

There  were  twelve  vessels  of  war 
stationed  at  the  yard,  with  an  aggregate 
tonnage  of  about  thirty-five  thousand 
tons,  and  an  armament  of  six  hundred 
and  fifty  guns.  These  were  the  Penn- 
sylvania, a  sailing  vessel,  the  largest  line- 
of-battle-ship  ever  built  in  the  United 
States.  Her  tonnage  was  three  thou- 
sand three  hundred  and  forty-one  tons, 
and  she  was  built  to  carry  a  hundred 
and  twenty  guns,  to  work  which  and  the 
ship  would  have  required  a  crew  of  a 
thousand  men.  Launched  in  1837,  at 
Philadelphia,  she  remained  there  as  the 


wonder  of  all  sight-seers,  until  she  sailed 
to  Norfolk,  many  years  after,  where 
she  remained  a  useless  hulk,  too  un- 
wieldly  and  too  expensive  for  service. 

The  Delaware,  also  a  sailing  line-of- 
battle-ship,  was  of  two  thousand  six  hun- 
dred and  thirty-three  tons,  carrying  an 
armament  of  eighty-four  guns,  and  a  crew 
of  eight  hundred  men.  She,  however, 
was  rotten,  and  had  been  long  condemned 
as  unfit  for  service. 

The  Columbus,  a  hne-of-battle-ship, 
of  two  thousand  four  hundred  and  eighty 
tons  burthen,  and  rated  for  eighty  guns 
and  eight  hundred  men,  was  also  useless 
as  a  saihng  vessel,  but  was  thought 
capable  of  being  converted  into  a 
steamer.  The  Raritan,  a  frigate  of  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  twenty-six 
tons,  and  fifty  guns,  was  another  vessel 
which  had  been  condemned  as  unfit  for 
service. 

The  Plymouth,  a  first-class  sloop-of- 
war,  of  nine  hundred  and  eighty-nine 
tons,  and  twenty-two  guns,  was  under- 
going repau's,  and  was  a  vessel  of  httle 
value. 

There  was  the  New  York,  the  keel  of 
which  was  laid  forty-five  years  ago, 
still  on  the  stocks,  and  was  hardly 
thought  to  be  available.  To  these 
vessels  of  little  value,  may  be  added  the 
old  United  States,  built  in  1797. 

There  were,  however,  the  four  saihng 
ships,  the  fine  frigate  Cumberland,  the 
Germantown,  the  Columbia,  and  the 
brig  Dolphin,  which  were  for  the  most 
part  in  good  condition  and  capable  of 
the  best  service.  In  addition  was  the 
fii-st-class   steam  frigate  the  Merrimac, 


180 


THE  WAR   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


of  three  thousand  two  hundred  tons,  and 
forty  guns.  Built  at  the  Charlestown 
navy-yard,  near  Boston,  in  1855,  she  had 
proved  herself  ever  since  to  be  one  of 
the  most  powerful  and  valuable  steamers 
in  the  United  States  nav3\ 

Commodore  Macaulay,  supposed  to  be 
acting  with  the  concurrence  of  the 
authorities  at  Washington,  now  deter- 
mined to  save  what  little  he  could  of 
this  valuable  Government  property,  and 
destroy  the  remainder  in  order  to  pre- 
vent its  falling  into  the  possession  of  the 
April  Virginians.      The    commander    of 

20i  the  insurgents  at  Xorfollv,  General 
TaUafero,  had  already  demanded  the 
surrender  of  the  navy-yard,  and  after  a 
conference  with  the  Commodore,  at  noon, 
declared  that  he  had  liis  assurance  that 
"  none  of  the  vessels  should  be  removed, 
nor  a  shot  fired,  except  in  self-defence." 
However  this  may  be,  the  Commodore 
doubtless  was  so  persuaded  of  the  hos- 
tile intent  of  the  force  assembled  in 
Xorfolk,  as  to  beheve  that  the  most  de- 
cided measures  had  become  necessary  to 
thwart  it. 

In  the  evening  the  United  States 
April  steamer  the  Pawnee  arrived  from 

20t  "Washington  with  two  hundi'ed 
volunteers  and  a  hundred  marines,  in 
addition  to  her  own  crew,  and  after 
stopping  at  Fortress  Monroe  and  taking 
on  board  a  reinforcement  of  men,  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  co-operate  with  Com- 
modore Macaulay,  and  aid  him  in  what- 
ever action  he  had  determined  upon. 

It  was  about  seven  o'clock,  on  a  clear 
April  moonlight  night,  that  the  Pawnee, 

20>    Captain   Paulding,    flying    at   her 


peak  the  commodore's  pennant,  moved 
from  the  dock  of  Fort  Monroe  cheered 
by  the  shouts  of  the  garrison  gathered 
on  the  parapet  of  the  fortress,  and 
steamed  off  for  Xorfolk.  Ifotwithstand- 
ing  the  sunken  vessels  in  the  channel, 
the  steamer  passed  without  difficulty  up 
Hampton  Roads,  past  Norfolk,  to  Gos- 
port  navy-yard,  where  she  arrived  at 
half-past  eight  o'clock.  The  people  of 
Xorfolk  and  Portsmouth  were  greatly 
distm-bed  by  her  approach,  as  they  be- 
lieved she  had  come  to  aid  in  bom- 
bardinsc  their  towns.  Overcome  with 
fright,  and  imprepared  for  resistance, 
thej^  made  no  show  of  opposition,  but 
every  inhabitant  took  care  to  keep  at  a 
discreet  distance. 

Our  people  at  the  navy-yard,  expect- 
ing the  coming  of  the  Pawnee,  were  on 
the  alert,  and  as  she  came  alongside  the 
dock,  the  sailors  on  board  the  Cumber- 
land and  Pennsylvania,  crowding  into 
the  shrouds  and  manning  the  yards, 
heartily  cheered  her.  Cut  off  as  they 
had  been  for  so  long  a  time  from  all 
communication  with  the  town,  insulted 
and  threatened  daily  and  hom-ly  by  the 
infuriated  insurgents  of  Virginia,  they 
saw,  in  the  arrival  of  the  Pawnee,  a 
means  of  relief,  if  not  an  opportimity 
of  vindicating  the  national  dignity,  and 
exulted  greatly. 

As  soon  as  the  steamer  had  made  fast 
to  the  dock,  Colonel  Wardrop,  the  mil- 
itary commander,  marched  out  his  men 
and  stationed  them  at  the  gates  of  the 
navy-yard,  to  prevent  the  entrance  of 
the  insurgents,  should  they  make  the 
attempt.     The  marines  of  the  different 


DESTRUCTION   OF   NORFOLK   NAVY   YARD. 


181 


vessels  were  now  mustered  and  set  busily 
to  work.  Some  collected  the  records, 
23apers,  and  archives  from  the  offices 
and  placed  them  on  board  the  Pawnee, 
aud  some  gathered  whatever  was  val- 
uable, important,  and  easily  transferable 
from  the  various  ships,  and  stored  it  in 
the  Cumberland.  After  thus  having  se- 
cured what  could  be  readily  carried 
away,  the  marines  were  ordered  to  be- 
gin the  work  of  destruction.  Many 
thousand  stands  of  arms,  and  a  large 
quantity  of  pistols  and  revolvers,  were 
broken  by  severing  the  barrels  from  the 
stocks,  and  thrown  into  the  river.  Thou- 
sands of  shot  and  shell  followed,  and 
everything  on  the  ships  that  might  be 
of  service  to  the  insurgents  met  with 
the  same  fate.  The  cannon  which  were 
still  left  unspiked  were  now  sjoiked  and 
dismounted,  and  some  fifteen  hundred, 
of  which  several  were  Dahlgrens  and 
columbiads,  were  thus  rendered  useless. 
The  men  persevered  in  this  work  of 
destruction  from  nine  o'clock  in  the 
evening  until  midnight,  when  the  moon 
sunk  below  the  horizon.  The  barracks, 
situated  within  the  yard,  were  then  set 
on  fire,  in  order  that  the  marines  might, 
by  the  glare  of  the  flames,  be  enabled 
to  continue  their  labors,  which  they  re- 
newed with  increased  spirit,  as  if  en- 
livened by  the  crackling  and  blaze  of 
the  conflagration.  The  daj'',  however, 
was  approaching,  and  it  was  feared  that 
the  insurgents,  gathering  in  force,  might 
obstruct  the  escape  of  the  Pawnee  and 
the  Cumberland.  Gunjiowder  trains 
were  now  laid  upon  the  decks  of  the 
doomed  ships  and  the  ship-houses.    The 


crews  of  the  various  ships  and  all  who 
belonged  to  the  navy-yard,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  two  left  behind  to  fire  the 
trains,  now  hurried  on  board  of  the  April 
Pawnee  and  Cumberland.  The  for-  21. 
mer  left  the  dock  on  Sunday  morning, 
at  four  o'clock,  on  her  return.  As  she 
cast  off  her  moorings  she  sent  up  a  sig- 
nal rocket,  and  as  it  burst,  the  torch 
was  applied,  and  in  a  moment  the  whole 
yard  seemed  to  be  wrapped  in  a  com- 
mon flame.  Ships  and  ship-houses 
caught  simultaneously,  and  the  old  New 
York,  the  keel  of  which  had  been  laid 
forty-five  years  before,  and  was  still  on 
the  stocks,  burned,  with  its  huge  wooden 
cover,  like  tinder.  The  Pennsylvania, 
the  Merrimac,  the  Germantown,  the 
Plymouth,  the  Raritan,  the  Columbia, 
and  the  brig  Dolphin  caught  at  the  same 
time,  and  were  left  in  flames.  Some 
of  the  guns  were  loaded,  though  not 
charged  with  shot,  and  when  the  fire 
reached  them  they  exploded  and  added 
to  the  effect  of  this  scene  of  destruction. 
"The  Pennsylvania  burned  hke  a  vol- 
cano for  five  hours  and  a  half  before  her 
mainmast  fell.  I  stood  watching,"  say;3 
an  eye-witness,*  "the  proud  but  per- 
ishing old  leviathan,  as  this  sign  of  her 
manhood  was  about  to  come  down.  At 
precisely  half-past  nine  o'clock  by  my 
watch,  the  tall  tree  that  stood  in  her 
centre  tottered  and  fell,  and  crushed 
deep  into  her  burning  sides,  while  a 
stream  of  sparks  flooded  the  sky." 

Two  of  the  ships — the  Delaware  and 
Columbus — had  been  already  scuttled 
and  sunk  on  the  day  before  the  arrival 

«  New  York  Times,  April  26. 


182 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


of  the  Pawnee.  The  rest,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  old  hulk,  the  United 
States,  left  untouched,  had  been  fired. 
The  only  vessel  thus  which  was  saved 
was  the  fine  man-of-war  Cumberland, 
which,  in  tow  of  the  Yankee  tug-boat, 
followed  the  Pawnee  down  the  river. 

No  sooner  had  the  Pawnee  steamed 
away,  than  the  people  of  Norfolk  and 
Portsmouth  broke  through  the  gates 
and  filled  the  navy-yard.  Soon  after,  a 
military  company  raised  the  flag  of  Vir- 
ginia and  took  formal  possession  of  the 
place  in  the  name  of  that  State.  The 
insurgents,  though  grieved  at  the  loss 
of  the  Cumberland,  which  they  had 
hoped  to  secure,  were  surprised  that 
the  destruction,  when  once  begun,  had 
not  been  more  thorough.  A  hopeful 
writer,  whose  sanguine  speculations  it 
is  curious  now  to  read,  gave,  at  the 
time  of  the  act,  this  reason  for  its  in- 
completeness. "  Long  before,"  he  says, 
"  the  workshops  and  armories,  the  foun- 
dries, and  ship-wood  left  unharmed,  can 
bring  forth  new  weapons  of  offence,  this 
war  will  be  ended.  And  may  be,  as  of 
yore,  the  stars  and  stripes  will  float  over 
Gosport  navy-yard.  All  that  is  now 
spared  will  then  be  so  much  gained!" 

A  Norfolk  editor  reported,  after  a  cur- 
sory visit,  that  "  the  property  destroyed 
embraced,  besides  the  ship-houses  and 
contents,  the  range  of  buildings  on  the 
north  line  of  the  yard  (except  the  com- 
modore's and  commander's  residences, 
which  are  unhurt),  the  old  marine  bar- 
racks and  one  or  two  work-shops,  the 
immense  lifting  shears,  the  ships  Penn- 
sylvania, Merrimac,  Raritan,  Columbus, 


and  brig  Dolphin — burned  to  the  water's 
edge  ;  the  sloop  Germantown,  broken 
and  sunk  ;  the  Plymouth,  scuttled  and 
sunk  even  with  her  deck ;  and  a  vast 
amount  of  small  arms,  chronometers,  and 
valuable  engines  and  machinery  in  the 
ordnance  and  other  shops,  broken  up 
and  rendered  utterly  useless." 

The  feeling  at  the  North,  on  the  de- 
struction of  this  valuable  public  prop- 
erty, was  one  of  national  humiliation, 
not  unmixed  with  anger  at  the  Govern- 
ment for  not  having  avoided  it  by  timely 
precaution.  Every  one  spoke  of  it  as  a 
great  loss  and  a  national  disgrace.  By 
proper  foresight,  steam-tugs  could  have 
been  provided,  it  was  believed,  to  tow 
every  vessel  away  from  the  navy-yard 
in  safety.  Even  when  by  delay  it  had 
become  too  late  to  make  such  means 
available,  it  was  thought  that  a  more 
resolute  commander  would  have  been 
able  to  keep  the  insurgents  at  Norfolk 
at  bay.  With  a  fleet  of  ships  heavily 
armed  at  his  command,  it  was  urged 
that  he  might  have  turned  his  guns 
upon  the  towns  of  Norfolk  and  Ports- 
mouth, and  have  successfully  rejjelled 
every  attack. 

The  insurgents,  on  the  very  day  of 
the  departure  of  the  Pawnee,  had  be- 
gun to  unspike  the  cannon  and  remove 
them  below  Norfolk  to  mount  the  sand 
batteries  which  they  had  raised  in  de- 
fence of  their  harbor  and  in  defiance  of 
the  Federal  authorities. 

The  Cumberland  was  towed  from  the 
navy-yard  by  the  steam-tug  Yankee, 
which  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  Paw- 
nee.    The  three  vessels  proceeded  down 


GREAT  MEETING   AT   NEW  YORK. 


183 


ihe  river  until  nine  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing when  they  came  to  anchor  at  the 
point  where  the  channel  had  been  ob- 
structed with  sunken  vessels.  Boats 
were  sent  out  to  sound,  with  the  view 
of  discovering  another  passage.  This, 
however,  proving  without  avail,  the  fleet 
weighed  anchor  and  forced  its  way  di- 
rectly through  the  obstructions.  The 
Cumberland  got  entangled  with  one  of 


the  sunken  vessels  and  cai'ried  it  along 
with  her,  and  for  a  time  there  seemed 
danger  of  her  drifting  on  the  shore, 
where  the  enemy  had  their  batteries. 
Another  steamer,  the  Kej'^stone  State, 
however,  arriving  from  "Washington, 
went  to  her  aid,  and,  in  conjunction 
with  the  tug  Yankee,  succeeded  in  free- 
ing her  from  the  wreck  and  towing  her 
safely  under  the  guns  of  Fort  Monroe, 


CHAPTER    XVI, 


Increased  War  Spirit  of  the  North. — Unity  of  Sentiment. — Great  Meetings. — Great  Meeting  at  New  Torli. — The  Patii- 
otio  Enthusiasm  of  the  Citizens. — Tlie  display  of  Union  Colors  and  SjTnbols.— The  Immense  Gathering  at  Union 
Square. — A  dozen  "  Monster  Meetings." — Officers  and  Orators. — The  supposed  effect  of  the  New  Yorli  Demonstra- 
tion upon  the  Southern  Rebellion. — No  passing  Effervescence  of  Popular  Emotion. — Generous  Largesses  of  Men  and 
Money. — Rapid  Military  Organization. — March  to  the  Capital. — Dangers  of  Washington.— Precautions  for  its 
Safety. — Disaffection  of  Maryland. — Au  anxious  Proclamation. — The  Agitation  of  Baltimore. — Continued  Anxiety 
about  Washington. — Kumored  Approach  of  Jefferson  Davia. — ^The  effect  at  the  North. — Military  Aspect  of  the 
Northern  Cities. — March  of  the  Sixth  Massachusetts  Regiment. — Triumphal  Ovations  on  its  route. — Arrival  m  Bal- 
timore.— ^ Anxieties  about  its  reception. — The  Mob  of  Baltimore. — The  Cars  Attacked. — Obstruction  of  the  Track. — 
The  March  of  the  Massachusetts  Men  through  the  Streets  of  Baltimore. — The  Attack  on  them  by  the  Mob. — The 
First  Shot. — The  Soldiers  return  the  Fire. — A  continned  Struggle. — The  tr.agic  Result. — The  Massachusetts  Men 
Fight  their  way  and  reach  Washington. — The  Philadelphia  3Ien  turned  back. — The  Killed  and  Wounded. — Indig- 
nation at  the  North. — A  pathetic  Dispatch  from  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts. — An  Official  Statement. — Deter- 
mined Hostility  of  M.aryland. — The  impotent  Authorities  of  Maryland. — Vague  Response  of  the  Mayor  of  Baltimore 
to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts, — A  decided  Rejoinder. — The  Governor  of  Maryland  perplexed. — A  Message  to 
the  President. — Commissioners  sent. — The  President's  Answer. — Continued  Alarm  of  the  Governor  of  Maryland. — 
A  strange  Proposition. — A  dignified  Rebuke  from  the  Secretary  of  State. 


The  war  spirit  which  had  been  aroused 
at  the  North  by  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter 

continued  to  increase  in  intensity. 

Immense  meetings  were  held  in 
the  free  States,  at  which  leading  politi- 
cians of  all  parties  vied  in  their  ex- 
pressions of  devotion  to  the  Union,  and 
willingness  to  sustain  it  at  all  hazards 
to  life  and  property.  Stirring  resolu- 
tions were  passed  and  committees  ap- 
pointed to  coUect  money  and  organize 


troops  for  the  defence  of  the  Union  and 
vindication  of  an  insulted  government. 

The  most  memorable  of  these  great 
gatherings  was  that  which  was  called 
by  "leading  citizens,  without  dis-  \pj.\\ 
tinction  of  party,"  and  assembled  20t 
around  Union  Square,  New  York.  On 
the  day  appointed,  the  business  of  the 
city  was  by  common  consent  arrested. 
Commerce,  trade,  and  wealth  all  de- 
serted their  usual  resorts,  and  sought  to 


186 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


"  The  people  of  this  State  will,  in  a 
fihoi't  time,  have  the  opportunity  af- 
forded them,  in  a  special  election  of 
members  of  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  express  their  devotion  to  the 
Union,  or  their  desii'e  to  have  it  broken 
up.  T.  H.  Hicks. 

"Baltimore,  April  18,  1861." 

Baltimore  especially,  never  renowned 
for  its  respect  for  public  order,  was 
suspected  of  a  disposition  to  combine 
with  the  insurgents  of  Virginia,  in  a 
violent  disruption  of  the  Union. 

The  Virginians  openly  in  arms,  were 
thus  threatening  the  capital  of  the 
United  States  on  one  side  ;  the  disaf- 
fected of  Maryland  on  the  other,  were 
scarcely  restrained  from  violence,  while 
secret  conspirators,  and  a  suspected  pop- 
ulation in  Washington  itself,  aroused  the 
fears  of  the  whole  Northern  people  for 
its  safety  and  quickened  them  to  effort 
in  its  defence.  An  additional  stimulus 
came  in  the  rumor  that  Jefferson  Davis, 
the  President  of  the  Confederate  States, 
was  hurrying  to  the  North,  at  the  head 
of  a  considerable  force  which  was  rap- 
idly increasing  on  the  way.  The  militia 
from  the  nearest  points  jjushed  forward 
at  once,  and  the  volunteers  of  all  the 
Northern  States  organized  with  great 
rapidity.  The  large  cities  assumed  a 
warlike  air.  Men  in  uniform  filled  the 
streets  ;  the  public  parks  were  turned 
into  parade  grounds  ;  public  buildings 
were  appropriated  and  rude  structures 
of  wood  raised  for  barracks  ;  and  troops 
were  constantly  marching  in  and  out  on 
their  way  to  Washington. 

The  Sixth  Regiment  of  Massachusetts 


militia  was  the  first  to  march,  and  j^prji 
passed  through  a  succession  of  17. 
triumphal  ovations  from  town  to  town, 
greeted  on  their  arrival  with  the  cheers 
of  immense  multitudes  of  enthusiastic 
people,  and  urged  forward  on  their 
patriotic  mission  with  inspiriting  shouts 
of  encouragement.  After  having  thus 
triumphantly  passed  through  New  York 
and  Philadelphia,  this  noble  regiment 
arrived  in  Baltimore,  where  a  different 
reception  awaited  it.  It  was  half-  jvprji 
past  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  19. 
when  the  Massachusetts  men  reached 
the  city.  Here  horses  were  attached 
to  the  cars  to  convey  them  from  one 
end  to  the  other  of  the  city  to  reach 
the  depot  of  the  Baltimore  and  Wash- 
ington Railroad.  The  regiment  filled 
eleven  cars.  Meeting  with  no  opposition 
on  their  arrival,  or  indication  even  of  an 
unfriendly  spirit,  the  regiment  started 
in  the  most  cheerful  mood.  Fears,  it  is 
true,  had  been  expressed  by  some  anx- 
ious inhabitants  of  the  danger  of  an  at- 
tack, but  these  were  now  deemed  only 
the  alarms  of  the  timid.  The  cars,  how- 
ever, had  only  proceeded  the  length  of 
two  blocks,  or  squares  of  houses,  when 
it  became  clear  that  the  anxiety  of  the 
Baltimoreans  was  not  unfounded.  A 
great  mass  of  excited  people  so  ob- 
structed the  streets  that  the  horses  could 
hardly  push  through  it.  This  mob  at 
the  same  time  began  with  hootings, 
yells,  and  threatening  cries,  to  try  to 
provoke  the  Massachusetts  men.  The 
soldiers,  however,  neither  showed  them- 
selves nor  responded  to  the  insults  they 
were  receiving.     Stones,  brickbats,  and 


BALTIMORE  MOB. 


187 


bits  of  pavement  torn  from  the  side- 
walks were  now  thrown  by  the  infuria- 
ted mob  against  the  cars,  smashing  the 
windows  and  bruising  some  of  the 
troops.  In  spite,  however,  of  this  at- 
tack, nine  of  the  cars  moved  steadily 
on,  and  deposited  their  inrnj^tes  in  safety 
at  the  depot.  Two  cars,  with  the  rest 
of  the  Massachusetts  men,  were  yet  be- 
hind. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Baltimore  mob 
had  succeeded  in  obstructing  the  track 
by  means  ■  of  large  and  heavy  iron 
anchors,  lying  near  by,  which  they 
dragged  into  the  street  and  placed 
across  the  rails.  The  mob  having  ac- 
complished this  work,  began  to  exult 
with  loud  shouts  for  "  the  South,"  "  Jef- 
ferson Davis,"  "South  Carolina,"  and 
"  secession,"  to  give  vent  to  their  hatred 
of  the  Noi'th  by  groans  for  "Lincoln" 
and  "Massachusetts,"  and  to  attack  the 
soldiers,  from  some  of  whom  they  suc- 
ceeded in  snatching  the  muskets. 

It  was  now  determined  to  abandon 
the  cars,  and  march  through  the  streets 
to  the  depot.  The  one  hundred  men, 
accordingly,  who  were  all  that  were  left 
behind  of  the  regiment,  alighted,  and 
forming,  prepared  to  push  forward. 
Just  as  they  began  to  move  they  were 
met  by  a  large  throng  crowding  down 
the  street,  with  a  secession  flag  borne 
at  their  head.  As  they  approached  they 
saluted  the  little  band  of  Massachusetts 
men  with  a  volley  of  stones,  and  cried  out 
to  them  that  they  could  not  proceed 
through  the  city,  and  that  if  they  at- 
tempted it,  "  not  a  white  nigger  of  them 
would  be  left  alive." 


Nothing   daunted,    the    soldiers    con- 
tinued their  march,  when  the  missiles 
from  the  mob  began   to  fly  thick  and 
fast.     The    crowd    increased    at    every 
step    and    became    more    violent    each 
moment,     hurling    paving    stones    and 
brickbats    at   the    soldiers    continually. 
Two    of    them   had    been    struck    and 
knocked   down  by  stones,  when  there 
came  a  shot  from  either  jDistol  or  gun. 
The  captain  in  command  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts   men    now    ordered    them    to 
prime  their  guns,  which  had  been  hith- 
erto loaded  though  not  capj^ed,  and  to 
protect    themselves.     The    soldiers    ac- 
cordingly fired   into    the    people,   who, 
with  renewed  fury,   returned  the  shot 
by  an  increased  volley  of  missiles  and 
the  discharge  of  revolvers.     The  Mayor 
of  Baltimore  at  last  came  forward,  and 
occasionally  putting  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  troops,  made  a  show  of  protec- 
tion, which  proved,   however,    of  little 
effect.      The    Massachusetts   men    were 
forced  to  fight  their  way  through  the 
streets   to    the    dej)ot,    a   mile    distant. 
The    route  was   a   continued   scene   of 
struggle  between  the  mob  and  the  sol- 
diers— -the  one  hurling   missiles  of  all 
kinds,  and  occasionally  discharging  re- 
volvers and  guns,  and  the  other  return- 
ing the  attack  with  a  regular  musket 
fire  from  their  ranks.     Many,  both  sol- 
diers and  citizens,  fell  dead  by  the  way- 
side, some  of  whom  were  borne  away 
by  their  comrades,  while  others  were 
carried    into    the    nearest     apothecary 
shops.     Reaching  the   depot,  the  little 
band  of  soldiers,  who  had  thus  cut  their 
way  through  the  infuriated  mob,  once 


186 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


"  The  peoi^le  of  this  State  will,  in  a 
short  time,  have  the  opportunity  af- 
forded them,  in  a  special  election  of 
members  of  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  express  their  devotion  to  the 
Union,  or  their  desu-e  to  have  it  broken 
up.  T.  E.  Hicks. 

"Baltimoee,  April  18,  1861." 

Baltimore  especially,  never  renowned 
for  its  respect  for  public  order,  was 
suspected  of  a  disposition  to  combine 
with  the  insurgents  of  Virginia,  in  a 
violent  disruption  of  the  Union. 

The  Virginians  openly  in  arms,  were 
thus  threatening  the  capital  of  the 
United  States  on  one  side  ;  the  disaf- 
fected of  Maryland  on  the  other,  were 
scarcely  restrained  from  violence,  while 
secret  conspirators,  and  a  suspected  pop- 
ulation in  Washington  itself,  aroused  the 
fears  of  the  whole  Northern  people  for 
its  safety  and  quickened  them  to  effort 
in  its  defence.  An  additional  stimulus 
came  in  the  rumor  that  Jefferson  Davis, 
the  President  of  the  Confederate  States, 
was  hurrying  to  the  North,  at  the  head 
of  a  considerable  force  which  was  rap- 
idly increasing  on  the  way.  The  militia 
from  the  nearest  points  pushed  forward 
at  once,  and  the  volunteers  of  all  the 
Northern  States  organized  with  great 
rapidity.  The  large  cities  assumed  a 
warlike  air.  Men  in  uniform  filled  the 
streets  ;  the  public  parks  were  turned 
into  parade  grounds  ;  public  buildings 
were  appropriated  and  rude  structures 
of  wood  raised  for  barracks  ;  and  troops 
were  constantly  marching  in  and  out  on 
their  way  to  Washington. 

The  Sixth  Regiment  of  Massachusetts 


militia  was  the  first  to  march,  and 


April 


passed  through  a  succession  of  '7' 
triumphal  ovations  from  town  to  town, 
greeted  on  their  arrival  with  the  cheers 
of  immense  multitudes  of  enthusiastic 
people,  and  urged  forward  on  their 
l^atriotic  mission  with  inspiriting  shouts 
of  encouragement.  After  having  thus 
triumphantly  passed  through  New  York 
and  Philadelphia,  this  noble  regiment 
anived  in  Baltimore,  where  a  different 
reception  awaited  it.  It  was  half-  j^prj] 
past  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  19« 
when  the  Massachusetts  men  reached 
the  city.  Here  horses  were  attached 
to  the  cars  to  convey  them  from  one 
end  to  the  other  of  the  city  to  reach 
the  depot  of  the  Baltimore  and  Wash- 
ington Railroad.  The  regiment  filled 
eleven  cars.  Meeting  with  no  opposition 
on  their  arrival,  or  indication  even  of  an 
unfriendly  spirit,  the  regiment  started 
in  the  most  cheerful  mood.  Fears,  it  is 
true,  had  been  expressed  by  some  anx- 
ious inhabitants  of  the  danger  of  an  at- 
tack, but  these  were  now  deemed  only 
the  alarms  of  the  timid.  The  cars,  how- 
ever, had  only  proceeded  the  length  of 
two  blocks,  or  squares  of  houses,  when 
it  became  clear  that  the  anxiety  of  the 
Baltimoreans  was  not  unfounded.  A 
great  mass  of  excited  people  so  ob- 
structed the  streets  that  the  horses  could 
hardly  push  through  it.  This  mob  at 
the  same  time  began  with  hootings, 
yells,  and  threatening  cries,  to  try  to 
provoke  the  Massachusetts  men.  The 
soldiers,  however,  neither  showed  them- 
selves nor  responded  to  the  insults  they 
were  receiving.     Stones,  brickbats,  and 


BALTBIORE  MOB. 


187 


bits  of  pavemeut  torn  from  the  side- 
walks were  now  thrown  by  the  infuria- 
ted mob  against  the  cars,  smashing  the 
windows  and  bruising  some  of  the 
troops.  In  spite,  however,  of  this  at- 
tack, nine  of  the  cars  moved  steadily 
on,  and  deposited  their  inmg,tes  in  safety 
at  the  depot.  Two  cars,  with  the  rest 
of  the  Massachusetts  men,  were  yet  be- 
hind. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Baltimore  mob 
had  succeeded  in  obstructing  the  track 
by  means-  of  large  and  heavy  iron 
anchors,  lying  near  by,  which  they 
dragged  into  the  street  and  placed 
across  the  rails.  The  mob  having  ac- 
complished this  work,  began  to  exult 
with  loud  shouts  for  "  the  South,"  "  Jef- 
ferson Davis,"  "South  Carolina,"  and 
"  secession,"  to  give  vent  to  their  hatred 
of  the  North  by  groans  for  "Lincoln" 
and  "  Massachusetts,"  and  to  attack  the 
soldiers,  from  some  of  whom  they  suc- 
ceeded in  snatching  the  muskets. 

It  was  now  determined  to  abandon 
the  cars,  and  march  through  the  streets 
to  the  depot.  The  one  hundred  men, 
accordingly,  who  were  all  that  were  left 
behind  of  the  regiment,  alighted,  and 
forming,  prepared  to  push  forward. 
Just  as  they  began  to  move  they  were 
met  by  a  large  throng  crowding  down 
the  street,  with  a  secession  flag  borne 
at  their  head.  As  they  approached  they 
saluted  the  little  band  of  Massachusetts 
men  with  a  volley  of  stones,  and  cried  out 
to  them  that  they  could  not  proceed 
through  the  city,  and  that  if  they  at- 
tempted it,  "  not  a  white  nigger  of  them 
would  be  left  alive." 


Nothing   daunted,    the    soldiers   con- 
tinued their  march,  when  the  missiles 
from  the   mob  began   to  fly  thick   and 
fast.     The    crowd    increased    at   every 
step    and    became    more   violent    each 
moment,    hurling    paving    stones    and 
brickbats    at   the    soldiers    continually. 
Two    of    them    had    been    struck    and 
knocked   down  by  stones,   when  there 
came  a  shot  from  either  pistol  or  gun. 
The  captain  in  command  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts   men    now    ordered    them   to 
prime  their  guns,  which  had  been  hith- 
erto loaded  though  not  capped,  and  to 
protect    themselves.     The    soldiers    ac- 
cordingly fired   into   the    people,   who, 
with  renewed  fury,   returned  the  shot 
by  an  increased  volley  of  missiles  and 
the  discharge  of  revolvers.     The  Mayor 
of  Baltimore  at  last  came  forward,  and 
occasionally  putting  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  ti'oops,  made  a  show  of  protec- 
tion, which  proved,   however,    of  little 
eflfect.      The    Massachusetts   men   were 
forced  to  fight  their  way  through  the 
streets   to   the    dejDot,    a   mile    distant. 
The    route  was    a   continued   scene   of 
struggle  between  the  mob  and  the  sol- 
diers— the   one   hurling    missiles   of  all 
kinds,  and  occasionally  discharging  re- 
volvers and  guns,  and  the  other  return- 
ing the  attack  with  a  regular  musket 
fire  from  their  ranks.     Many,  both  sol- 
diers and  citizens,  fell  dead  by  the  way- 
side, some  of  whom  were  borne  away 
by  their  comrades,  while  others  were 
carried    into    the    nearest     apothecary 
shops.     Reaching  the   depot,  the  little 
band  of  soldiers,  who  had  thus  cut  their 
way  through  the  infuriated  mob,  onoe 


188 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


more  joined  their  fellows  who  awaited 
them,  and  the  whole  regiment  prepared 
to  start  for  Washington.  The  mob,  how- 
ever, had  followed,  and  stiU  beset  them. 

"The  scene  while  the  troops  were 
changing  cars,"  wrote  an  eye-witness, 
"  was  indescribably  fearful.  Taunts, 
clothed'  in  the  most  fearful  language, 
were  hurled  at  them  by  the  panting 
crowd,  who,  almost  breathless  with  run- 
ning, passed  up  to  the  car  windows,  pre- 
senting knives  and  revolvers,  and  cursed 
up  into  the  faces  of  the  soldiers.  The 
police  were  thrown  in  between  the  cars, 
and  forming  a  barrier,  the  troops 
changed  cars,  many  of  them  cocking 
their  muskets  as  they  stepped  on  the 
platform. 

"  After  embarking,  the  assemblage  ex- 
pected to  see  the  train  move  ofi',  but  its 
departure  was  evidently  delayed  in  the 
vain  hope  that  the  crowd  would  dis- 
perse ;  but  no,  it  swelled ;  and  the 
troops  expressed  to  the  officers  of  the 
road  theii'  determination  to  go  at  once, 
or  they  would  leave  the  cars  and  make 
their  way  to  Washington. 

"  While  the  delay  was  increasing  the 
excitement,  a  wild  cry  was  raised  on  the 
platform,  and  a  dense  crowd  ran  down 
the  platform,  and  along  the  raikoad 
toward  the  Spring  Gardens,  until  the 
track  for  a  mile  was  black  with  an  ex- 
cited, rushing  mass.  The  crowd,  as  it 
went,  placed  obstructions  of  every  de- 
scription on  the  track.  Great  logs  and 
telegrapli  poles,  requiring  a  dozen  or 
more  men  to  move  them,  were  laid  across 
the  rails,  and  stones  roUed  from  the 
embankment. 


"A  body  of  i^olice  followed  after  the 
crowd,  both  in  a  full  run,  and  removed 
the  obsti'uctions  as  fast  as  they  were 
placed  on  the  track.  Various  atterajits 
were  made  to  tear  up  the  track  with 
logs  of  wood  and  pieces  of  timber,  and 
there  was  a  great  outcr}^  for  pickaxes 
and  handspikes,  but  only  one  or  two 
could  be.  found.  The  police  interfered 
on  every  occasion,  but  the  crowd  grow- 
ing larger  and  more  excited,  would  dash 
off  at  a  break-neck  run  for  another 
position  farther  on,  until  the  -county  hne 
was  reached.  The  police  followed,  run- 
ning, until  forced  to  stop  from  fatigue. 
At  this  point  many  of  the  throng  gave 
it  up  from  exhaustion ;  but  a  crowd, 
longer-winded,  dashed  on  for  nearly  a 
mile  farther,  now  and  then  pausing  to 
attempt  to  force  the  rails,  or  place  some 
obstruction  upon  them.  They  could  be 
distinctly  seen  for  a  mile  along  the  track, 
where  it  makes  a  bend  at  the  Washingtou 
road  bridge.  When  the  train  went  out, 
the  mass  of  people  had  almost  returned 
to  the  depot." 

In  the  same  railroad  train  by  which 
the  Massachusetts  regiment  had  come 
from  Philadelphia,  there  were  some 
Pennsylvania  ti'oops.  These  formed  one 
half  of  the  Washington  Brigade,  and  con- 
sisted of  six  companies  of  the  First  Reg- 
iment, under  the  command  of  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Berry,  and  foiu:  companies 
of  the  Second  Regiment,  under  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Schoenleber  and  Major 
GuUman.  Being,  however,  unarmed, 
they  did  not  venture  an  attempt  to  force 
their  way,  and  remained  in  the  cars  at 
the  depot  where  they  had  at  first  arrived. 


THE  MASSACHUSETTS  DEAD. 


189 


They,  too,  were  assailed  by  the  insulting 
cries  of  the  mob,  and  some  of  them 
were  bruised  severely  by  missiles  hurled 
against  the  cars,  which  broke  the  win- 
dows and  penetrated  inside.  After  re- 
maining for  two  hours  thus  exposed, 
they  were  finally  protected  by  the  po- 
lice of  Baltimore,  but  were  obliged  to 
retrace  their  way  back  to  the  North. 

The  total  number  of  killed  and 
wounded,  in  the  street  conflict  between 
the  Massachusetts  regiment  and  Balti- 
more mob,  amounted  to  twenty-two. 
Of  these,  nine  citizens  and  two  soldiers 
were  killed,  and  three  citizens  and  eight 
soldiers  wounded.  This  tragic  event 
excited  great  indignation  throughout 
the  North,  and  especially  in  Massachu- 
setts, where  the  victims  of  the  Balti- 
more riot  were  considered  as  martyrs 
who  had  been  sacrificed  in  a  holy  cause. 
The  Governor  of  the  State  expressed  his 
reverence  for  their  memory  in  this  pa- 
triotic dispatch  to  the  Mayor  of  Bal- 
timore : 

"  I  pray  you  cause  the  bodies  of  our 
Massachusetts  soldiers,  dead  in  battle, 
to  be  immediately  laid  out,  preserved 
in  ice,  and  tenderly  sent  forward  by  ex- 
press to  me.  All  expenses  will  be  paid 
by  this  Commonwealth. 

"  John  A.  Andrew, 
"  Governor  of  Massachusetts." 

The  occurrence,*  however,  presented 

o  The  following  report  by  Captain  FoUambec,  who  com- 
manded the  Massachusetts  men  who  fought  their  way 
through  Baltimore,  though  not  in  every  respect  accurate, 
is  interesting  : 

"  We  arrived  in  Baltimore  about  ten  o'clock  A.  M.  The 
cars  are  drawn  through  the  city  by  horses.  There  were 
about  thirty  cars  in  our  train,  there  being,  in  addition  to 
Colonel  Jones'  command,  1,200  troops  from  PhiUulelphia, 


a  graver  aspect  than  it  showed  merely 
in  its  sentimental  bearings.     The  com- 

without  uniforms  or  anns,  they  intending  to  get  them 
here.  After  we  arrived,  the  cars  were  taken,  two  at  a 
time,  and  drawn  to  the  depot,  at  the  lower  part  of  tlie 
city,  a  mob  assaulting  them  all  the  way.  The  Lowell 
Mechanic  Phalanx  car  was  the  ninth,  and  we  waited  till 
after  the  rest  had  left  for  our  turn,  till  two  men  came  to 
me  and  informed  me  that  I  had  bettor  talic  my  command 
and  march  to  the  other  depot,  as  the  mob  had  taken  up 
the  track  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the  cars.  I  imme- 
diately informed  Captain  Pickering,  of  the  Lawrence  Light 
Infantry,  and  we  filed  out  of  the  cars  in  regular  order. 
Captain  Hart's  company,  of  LoweU,  and  Captain  DUk's,  of 
Stoneham,  did  the  same,  and  formed  in  a  line  on  the  side- 
walk. The  captains  consulted  together,  and  decided  that 
the  command  should  devolve  upon  me.  I  Immediately 
took  my  position  at  the  right,  wheeled  into  column  of 
sections,  and  requested  them  to  march  in  close  order. 
Before  we  had  started,  the  mob  was  upon  us,  with  a  seces- 
sion flag  attached  to  a  pole,  and  told  us  we  never  could 
march  through  that  city.  They  would  kill  every  white 
nigger  of  us  before  we  could  reach  tlie  other  depot.  I 
paid  no  attention  to  them,  but  after  I  had  wheeled  the 
batta,lion,  gave  the  order  to  march. 

"As  soon  as  the  order  was  given,  the  brickbats  liegan  to 
fly  into  our  ranks  from  the  mob.  I  called  a  policeman, 
and  requested  him  to  lead  the  way  to  the  other  depot. 
He  did  so.  After  we  had  marched  about  a  hundred  yards, 
we  came  to  a  bridge.  The  rebels  had  torn  up  most  of  the 
planks.  We  had  to  play  '  Scotch  hop'  to  get  over  it. 
As  soon  as  we  had  crossed  the  bridge  they  commenced  to 
fire  upon  us  from  the  streets  and  houses.  We  were  loaded, 
hut  not  capped.  I  ordered  the  men  to  cap  their  rifles  and 
protect  themselves,  and  then  we  returned  their  fire,  and 
laid  a  great  many  of  them  away.  I  saw  four  fall  on  the 
sidewalk  at  one  time.  They  followed  us  up,  and  we 
fought  our  way  to  the  other  depot,  about  one  mile. 
They  kept  at  us  tiU  the  cars  started.  Quite  a  number  of 
the  rascals  were  shot  after  we  entered  the  cars.  We  went 
very  slowly,  for  we  expected  the  rails  were  torn  up  along 
the  road. 

"I  do  not  know  how  much  damage  we  did.  Report 
says  about  forty  were  killed,  but  I  think  that  is  exag- 
gerated. StUl,  it  may  be  so.  There  is  any  quantity  of 
them  wounded.  Quite  a  number  of  horses  were  killed. 
The  mayor  of  the  city  met  us  almost  half  way.  He  said 
that  there  would  he  no  more  trouble,  and  that  we  could 
get  through,  and  kept  with  me  for  about  a  hundred 
yards;  but  the  stones  and  balls  whistled  too  near  his 
head,  and  he  left,  took  a  gun  from  one  of  my  company, 
fired,  and  brought  his  man  down.  That  was  the  last  I 
saw  of  him.  We  fought  our  way  to  the  cars,  and  joined 
Colonel  Jones  and  the  seven  companies  that  left  us  at  the 
other  end  of  the  city  ;  and  now  we  are  here,  every  man  of 


192 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


President  Lincoln's  answer  was  tend- 
erly considerate  of  the  nervous  agitation 
of  the  Maryland  officials,  and  indicated 
as  well  by  its  comjjlacent  concessions 
how  at  that  early  period  the  Govern- 
ment was  embarrassed  by  the  manoeuvres 
of  its  enemies. 

"Washington,  April  20,  1861. 
"  GovKENOB  Hicks  axd  Mayor  Beown  : 

"  GrEXTLEMEN  :  Tour  letter,  by  Messrs. 
Bond,  Dobbin,  and  Brune,  is  received. 
I  tender  you  both  my  sincere  thanks  for 
your  efforts  to  keep  the  peace  in  the 
trying  situation  in  which  you  are  placed. 
For  the  future,  troops  must  be  brought 
here,  but  I  make  no  point  of  bringing 
them  through  Baltimore. 

"  Without  any  military  knowledge 
myself,  of  course  I  must  leave  details  to 
General  Scott.  He  hastily  said  this 
morning,  in  the  presence  of  these  gen- 
tlemen, '  March  them  around  Baltimore, 
and  not  tkrough  it.' 

"I  sincerely  hope  the  General,  ou 
fuller  reflection,  will  consider  this  prac- 
ticable and  proper,  and  that  you  will 
not  object  to  it. 

"  B}'^  this  a  coUision  of  the  people  of 
Baltimore  with  the  troops  will  be 
avoided,  unless  they  go  out  of  their 
way  to  seek  it.  I  hope  you  wiU  exert 
your  influence  to  prevent  this. 

' '  Now  and  ever  I  shaU  do  all  in  my 
power  for  peace,  consistently  with  the 
maintenance  of  the  Government. 
"Your  obedient  servant, 

"  Abraham  Lincoln." 

The  Governor's  agitation  was  not 
calmed,  however,  by  the  good-natured 
sympathy  of  President  Lincoln  and  his 


readiness  of  concession.  On  the  con- 
trary, each  day  the  disaffected  people  of 
Marjdand  became  more  threatening  anl 
their  Governor  more  alarmed.  He  now 
begged  that  no  more  troops  should  be 
sent  not  only  thi'ough  Baltimore,  but 
through  Maryland,  while  he  proposed, 
with  a  strange  disregard  of  the  dignity 
of  the  Government  to  which  he  claimed 
to  be  loyal,  that  the  English  ambassador 
at  Washington  should  be  invited  to 
mediate  between  the  United  States  and 
its  rebeUious  citizens ! 

"  Executive  Chamber,  Annatolis,  ) 
April  22,  1861.  ) 

"  To  His  Excellency  A.  Lincoln,  Peesideni 
OF  TriE  United  States  : 

Sir  :  I  feel  it  my  duty,  most  respect- 
fully, to  advise  you  that  no  more  troops 
be  ordered  or  allowed  to  pass  through 
Maryland,  and  that  the  troops  now  off 
Annajjolis  be  sent  elsewhere,  and  I  most 
respectfully  urge  that  a  truce  be  offered 
bj'  you,  so  that  the  effusion  of  blood 
may  be  prevented.  I  respectfull}^  sug- 
gest that  Lord  Lyons  be  requested  to 
act  as  mediator  between  the  contending 
parties  of  our  country. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  re- 
spectfully, your  obedient  servant, 

"  Thos.  H.  Hicks." 

The  President,  on  receiving  this  re- 
markable missive,  no  longer  trusted  to 
his  own  amiable  and  informal  mode  of 
dealing  with  his  adversaries,  but  sub- 
mitted the  Governor's  dispatch  to  tlie 
secretary  of  state,  to  be  dealt  with  ac- 
cording to  that  distinguished  statesman's 
more  official  and  dignified  manner  : 


NEW  Rational  work  on  the  late  rebellion. 

/    Noiv  PHhlishimj,  in  Parts  at  50  ceitts,  and  Divisions  at  $1. 

THE  GREAT  CIVIL  WAK; 


•A   HISTORY   OF 


Being  a  complete  Narrative  of  the  Events  connected  with  the  Origin,  Progress,  and  Conclusion  of  the  War,  with  Biographical 
Sketches  of  Leading  Statesmen  and  Distinguished  Military  and  Naval  Commanders,  etc.,  etc. 

By    ROBERT    TOMES,    M.D. 

Conthnicd  from  the  heijimiitig  of  the  i/ear  1864  to  the  end  of  the  ^Var, 

By    BENJ.    G.    smith,    Esq. 

HlHStrated  by  iiiiineroiis  lii^Iily  fliiished  Steel  En,?raviii£;s,  Colored  Maps,  Plaus,  etc.,  from  Drawings  by  F.  0.  €.  Darley 

and  other  eminent  Artists. 

— 'S^^se^ 


The  four  years'  war,  now  happily  ended — so  remarkable  for  it.s  sudden  outbreak,  its  unexpected 
duration,  and  its  entire  termination — not  only  ab.sorbed  universal  attention  at  homo,  but  had,  during  its 
cuntinuance,  a  paramount  interest  for  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  was  the  subject  of  constant  comment 
and  prophecy  on  the  part  of  both  the  friends  and  enemies  of  national  self-government.  It  not  oidy 
displayed  the  astonishing  i-esources  of  the  country,  and  exhibited,  even  while  the  .struggle  continued,  in 
the  vast  armies  raised  and  the  persistent  spirit  of  the  people,  a  capacity  for  wa"r  that  entitles  the  United 
States  to  the  first  rank  .among  military  nations,  but  also  demonstrated  the  enduring  character  of  the 
government  and  institutions,  which  have  proved  themselves  able  to  withstand  even  the  fearful  shocks  of 
a  gigantic  civil  war. 

A  history  of  this  great  war  will  be  a  necessity  to  every  loyal  American.  To  be  Avithout  a  know- 
ledge of  the  causes  and  events  of  the  great  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  would  be  as 
niexcusable  as  to  be  ignorant  of  the  events  which  led  to  its  formation. 

The  present  work  will  be  a  complete  history  of  the  war  and  of  its  immediate  causes,  from  the 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  commencement  of  actual  hostilities  by  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  to  the 
evacuation  of  Richmond  and  the  surrender  of  the  armies  of  Lee.  Johnston,  and  Kirby  Smith.  It  Avill 
contain  detailed  accounts  of  the  great  battles,  sieges,  marches,  and  naval  operations,  a  recoi'd  of  polit- 
ical events,  remarks  on  foi'eign  relations,  statistical  facts  with  regard  to  the  resources  of  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  descriptions  of  foi'tresses  and  battle-fields,  and  a  large  number  of  bio- 
graphical sketches  of  distinguished  commanders  and  statesmen,  to  which  will  bo  appended  a  copious  and 
elaborate  Index. 

Not  the  least  attractive  feature  of  the  work  Avill  be  the  large  mnnber  of  beautiful  and  costly  steel 
engravings,  comprising  portraits  of  statesmen  and  military  and  naval  commanders,  Northern  and  South- 
ern,  who  have  become  famous  in  the  course  of  the  war. 

Among  the  illustrations  are  also  splendid  bird's-eye  views  of  Fortress  Monroe  and  vicinity,  Ciiarles- 
ton,  Richmond,  and  New  Orleans  ;  representations  of  battle-scenes,  views  of  forts  and  battle-fields, 
sea  views,  and  a  number  of  carefully  prepared  colored  maps  and  plans,  highly  useful  in  making  clear 
the  movements  and  positions  of  armies. 


CONDITIONS      OF      PUBLICATION. 


Tlie  work  will  be  printed  in  a  clear,  bold  type,  on  siipertine,  calendared 
[japer,  and  issued  in  Parts  at  Fifty  Cents,  and  Di\  isions  at  SI  each. 

I'lie  illustrations  will  comprise  fifty-tour  portraits  and  thirty-six  battle- 
scenes,  plans,  maps,  bird's-eye  views,  etc. 


until  completed,  the  whole  not  to  exceed  .fortj-'five  Parts,  at  Fifty  Cents 
each. 

No  subscriber's  name  received  for  less  than  the  whole  work  ;  and  each 
Part  or  Division  will  be  payable  on  delivery,  the  carrier  not  being  allowed 


A  Part  will  be  published  every  two  weeks  and  a  Division  every  month   1   to  give  credit  or  receive  payment  in  advance. 


VIBTUE   &   VORSTONt   t2   OEV   STREET^    ^   544   BROADWAY,   NEW   VORK» 

Artd  Sotcfi  by  ttielp  Afeots  in  atl  the  Prfncipal  Cttfes  of  ttt©  Ifnlteii  States  af>^  Canadas, 


New  National  Work  on  tlie  Late  Rebellion. 

Pari     5  IthutrtUtdby  F.   O.   C.  J>AKLf:yrondotl.to^jniMHt  AHiM». 


I'rirr  Sue 


To  be  Completed  in  Forty-five  Parts,  at  Fifty  Cents  each. 


^x^. 


■    .jt*.'t,*Kfr  .~^i)^Jtjvit»  ntt^rr^H^D 


A  DIGNIFIED  REBUKE  FROM  SECRETARY  SEWARD. 


193 


"Depaetment  of  State,  ) 
April  22,  1861.  f 

"  Bts  ExcKLLKNCY  Thos.  H.  Hicks,  Goveknoe 
OF  Maetland  : 

"  Sir  :  I  have  had  the  honor  to  re- 
ceive your  communication  of  this  morn- 
ing, in  which  you  inform  me  tha.t  you 
have  felt  it  to  he  yotir  duty  to  advise 
the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
order  elsewhere  the  troops  then  off  An- 
napohs,  and  also  that  no  more  may  be 
sent  through  Maryland  j  and  that  you 
have  further  suggested  that  Lord  Lyons 
be  requested  to  act  as  mediator  between 
the  contending  parties  in  our  country, 
to  prevent  the  efl'usion  of  blood. 

"  The  President  directs  me  to  ac- 
knowledge the  receipt  of  that  communi- 
cation, and  to  assure  you  that  he  has 
weighed  the  counsels  which  it  contains 
with  the  respect  which  he  habitually 
cherishes  for  the  Chief  Magistrates  of 
the  several  States,  and  especially  for 
yourself.  He  regrets,  as  deeply  as  any 
magistrate  or  citizen  of  the  country  can, 
that  demonstrations  against  the  safety 
of  the  United  States,  with  very  exten- 
sive preparations  for  the  effusion  of 
blood,  have  made  it  his  duty  to  call  out 
the  force  to  which  you  allude. 

"  The  force  now  sought  to  be  brought 
through  Maryland  is  intended  for  noth- 
ing but  the  defence  of  this  capital.  The 
President  has  necessarily  confided  the 
choice  of  the  national  highway,  which 
that  force  shall  take  in  coming  to  this 
city,  to  the  Lieutenant-General  com- 
manding the  army  of  the  United  States, 
who,  like  his  only  jDredecessor,  is  not 
less  distinguished  for  his  humanity  than 

25 


for  his  loyalty,  patriotism,  and  distin- 
guished public  service. 

' '  The  President  instructs  me  to  add, 
that  the  national  highway  thus  selected 
by  the  Lieutenant-General  has  been 
chosen  by  him,  upon  consultation  with 
prominent  magistrates  and  citizens  of 
Maryland,  as  the  one  which,  while  a 
route  is  absolutely  necessary,  is  furthest 
removed  from  the  populous  cities  of  the 
State,  and  with  the  expectation  that  it 
would,  therefore,  be  the  least  objection- 
able one. 

"  The  President  cannot  but  remember 
that  there  has  been  a  time  in  the  his- 
tory of  our  country  when  a  General  of 
the  American  Union,  with  forces  de- 
signed for  the  defence  of  its  capital,  was 
not  unwelcome  anywhere  in  the  State 
of  Maryland,  and  certainly  not  at  An- 
napolis, then,  as  now,  the  capital  of 
that  patriotic  State,  and  then,  also,  one 
of  the  capitals  of  the  Union. 

"  If  eighty  years  could  have  oblit- 
erated all  the  other  noble  sentiments  of 
that  age  in  Maryland,  the  President 
would  be  hopeful,  nevertheless,  that 
there  is  one  that  would  forever  remain 
there  and  everywhere.  That  sentiment 
is,  that  no  domestic  contention  whatever 
that  may  arise  among  the  parties  of  this 
Republic  ought  in  any  case  to  be  re- 
ferred to  any  foreign  arbitrament,  least 
of  all  to  the  arbitrament  of  a  European 
monarchy. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  distin- 
guished consideration,  your  Excellency's 
most  obedient  servant, 

"William  H.  Seward." 


194 


THE  WAR   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER     XVII. 


J 


Indignation  against  Maryland  in  the  North. — To  Washington  through  Baltimore. — An  energetic  Citizen  of  New  York 
addresses  the  President. — An  Editorial  Be-echo.— Increased  Martial  Ardor. — The  Seventh  Regiment. — Its  composi- 
tion.— Anticipatory  Heroes. — Their  Departure  from  New  York. — Enthusiasm  of  the  People. — March  of  the  Sev- 
enth.— Its  Glorification. — An  Account  hy  an  Historiognipher  from  the  Ranks.— The  Eighth  Massachusetts. — 
Obstructions  to  their  March  to  the  C.ipital. — General  Butler  in  command. — ^His  Promptitude  and  Energy.— Seizure 
of  the  Ferry-boat  Maiyland. — Arrival  at  Annapolis. — Rescue  of  "Old  Ironsides." — ^The  difficulty  of  the  Achieve- 
.  ment. — Honor  to  Butler. — His  Biography. — ^Birth  and  Descent.— Education. — Piofessional  Career. — Prominence  as 
a  Lawyer. — His  Legal  Characteristics. — First  Appearance  in  Public  Life. — A  Delegate  to  the  Democratic  Convention 
at  Charleston. — A  Breckenridge  Elector.— A  Candidate  for  Governor  of  Massachusetts. — Suspiciously  regarded. — 
A  proof  of  Loyalty. — Welcomed  as  a  Defender  of  the  Union.— Appointed  to  Command  by  his  Political  Opponent. — 
His  Energy  and  Success. — National  Gratitude. — Pertonal  Description  and  Character  of  Butler. — His  Coolness  in 
Danger  illustrated. — Other  proofe  in  the  course  of  this  History. 


IS61. 


The  attack  of  the  mob  of  Baltimore 
upon  the  Massachusetts  troops,  and  the 
apparent  determination  of  the  se- 
cessionists of  Maryland,  by  ob- 
structing the  raikoads,  tearing  up  the 
tracks,  and  burning  the  bridges,  to  cut 
off  all  commimication  through  their 
State  between  Washington  and  the 
North,  greatly  angered  the  Northern 
people.  The  universal  cry  was  now, 
"To  Washington  through  Baltimore!' 
and  the  determination  was  expressed 
that  the  way  must  be  cleared  at  all  haz- 
ards. An  energetic  citizen*  of  New 
York  addressed  the  President  in  an 
emphatic  letter,  in  which  he  said  :  ' '  It 
is  demanded  of  Government  that  they 
at  once  take  measures  to  open  and 
estabhsh  those  hues  of  communication, 
and  that  they  protect  and  preserve 
them  from  any  further  interruption. 
Unless  this  is  done,  the  people  will  be 
compelled  to  take  it  into  then-  own 
hands,  let  the  consequences  be  what  it 

'  Mr.  George  I^w. 


may  and  let  them  faU  where  they  will." 
The  press  echoed  these  resolute  senti- 
ments of  a  private  citizen  with  emphatic 
sjTnpathy,  and  declared  :  "If  any  man 
of  position  as  a  military  leader  or  as  a 
strong,  resolute  commander,  woidd  offer 
to  lead  a  force  through  Baltimore,  with 
or  without  orders,  he  could  have  fifty 
thousand  followers  as  soon  as  they  could 
rush  to  his  standard.''  To  this,  an  ed- 
itor added,  aUuding  to  the  energetic 
private  citizen  .akeady  referred  to,  that 
he  "  could  raise  in  three  days  volunteers 
enough  to  clear  the  track,  even  if  it 
should  leave  Baltimore  an  ash-heap." 
The  doom  of  that  city  was  foreshadowed 
as  a  second  Sodom  which  must  be  de- 
stroyed, "if  it  is  necessary  first  to  de- 
stroy the  Government  at  Washington 
that  now  defends  it." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  martial  ardor 
of  the  country  was  daily  intensifying. 
The  choice  miUtary  coi'ps  of  the  large 
cities  hurried  forward  to  the  endan- 
gered capital.    The  Seventh  Mihtia  Reg- 


THE   NEW  YORK   SEVENTH. 


195 


imeut  of  the  city  was  the  first  to  move 
of  the  large  force  rapidly  mustering 
everywhere  in  jSTew  York.  This  corps, 
composed  of  young  men  belonging  more 
or  less  to  the  wealthier  classes,  and  long 
admired  for  the  precision  of  their  drill 
and  the  elegance  of  their  tenue,  was  the 
pet  regiment  of  the  city.  When,  there- 
fore, it  was  announced  that  these  youth- 
ful soldiers,  who  had  been  hitherto  the 
mere  ornaments  of  a  gala  parade,  had 
determined  to  come  forward  to  assmne 
the  serious  work  of  fighting  for  their 
country,  the  population  of  the  city  ap- 
plauded their  spirited  resolution,  and, 
confident  of  their  good  conduct,  antici- 
pated its  rewards  by  bestowing  upon 
them  the  honors  of  an  accomplished 
April  heroism.  On  the  day  of  their  de- 
i^«  parture  for  Washington  the  city 
was  unusually  excited.  ' '  Never  be- 
fore," said  a  daily  paper,  "were  the 
people  moved  to  such  a  pitch  of  enthu- 
siastic patiiotism.  There  have  been 
gala  days,  and  funeral  pageants,  and 
mihtary  shows,  and  complimentary  re- 
ceptions, and  triumphal  processions  that 
filled  the  streets  with  crowds  of  curi- 
ous, wondering,  sympathetic  people,  but 
never  has  there  been  developed  such  a 
universal,  heartfelt,  deep-rooted,  genu- 
ine enthusiasm.  The  American  colors 
were  prominent  everywhere — on  house- 
tops, on  flagstafifs,  on  horses  attached  to 
all  kinds  of  vehicles,  on  ropes  stretched 
across  the  streets,  on  the  masts  of  ship- 
ping in  the  harbor,  on  breastpins,  on  the 
lappets  of  coats,  on  the  fronts  of  men's 
hats  ;  on  all  sides  the  glorious  old  red, 
white,  and   blue  waved  in  the  joyous 


breeze  and  every  eye  was  dazzled  with 
bright  colors.  The  awful  solemnity  of 
civil  war  came  pressing  home  to  our 
people  who  had  sons,  and  brothers,  and 
fathers  just  departing,  perhaps  never  to 
return.  The  news  of  the  difficulties  in 
Baltimore,  the  struggle  of  the  troops 
with  the  rabble,  the  reported  death  of 
many,  the  rumors  of  an  attack  on  the 
capital,  the  tearing  up  of  railroad 
tracks,  and  all  the  attendant  horrors  of 
internecine  warfare,  struck  terror  into 
many  a  stout  heart,  while  the  tears  of 
kind-hearted  women  flowed  copiously  as 
a  rain-storm." 

"  It  was  many  Fourths- of- July  rolled 
into  one,"  was  the  comprehensive  cU- 
max  arrived  at  by  a  writer*  who  had  in 
vain  attempted  an  adequate  description 
of  the  scene. 

The  story  of  the  journey  of  the 
Seventh  to  Philadelphia  ;  its  prudent 
dodging  of  the  rioters  at  Baltimore,  by 
passing  down  the  Delaware  and  up  the 
Chesapeake  ;  its  arrival  and  encamp- 
ment at  Annapolis,  and  its  famous  march 
to  Washington  were  told  again  and  again 
in  daily  newspapers,  in  pictorial  week- 
lies, and  in  grave  monthlies. 

The  regiment  did  not  want  for  his- 
toriographers, as  in  its  gallant  ranks 
there  were  those  who  were  not  unknown 
to  fame  for  their  skill  in  the  literary 
art.  Onef  who  recorded  the  eventful 
progress  of  the  Seventh  to  Washington, 
gave  an  animating  account,  from  which 
the  following  extracts  are  made  : 

"  Swift  through  New  Jersey.    *    *    * 

"  New  York  Times,  April  20. 

f  Captain  Fitz-James  O'Brien,  in  tlie  New  Torii  Times. 


196 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


All  along  the  track  shouting  crowds, 
hoarse  and  valorous,  sent  to  us,  as  we 
passed,  their  hopes  and  wishes.  When 
we  stopped  at  the  different  stations, 
rough  hands  came  in  through  the  win- 
dows, apparently  unconnected  with  any 
one  in  particular  imtil  you  shook  them, 
and  then  the  subtle  magnetic  thrill  told 
that  there  were  bold  hearts  beating  at 
the  end.  This  continued  until  night 
closed,  and,  indeed,  until  after  midnight. 

"  Within  the  cars  the  sight  was 
strange.  A  thousand  young  men,  the 
flower  of  the  North,  in  whose  welfare 
a  million  of  friends  and  relatives  were 
interested,  were  rushing  along  to  con- 
jectured hostilities  with  the  same  smil- 
ing faces  that  they  would  wear  going  to 
a  '  German'  party  in  Fifth  Avenue.  It 
was  more  Uke  a  festivity  than  a  march. 
Those  fine  old  songs,  the  chorusses  of 
which  were  familiar  to  all,  were  sung 
with  sweet  voice.     *     *     * 

"  Our  arrival  at  Philadelphia  took 
place  at  four  o'clock.  We  slept  in  the 
cars,  awaiting  orders  from  our  Colonel, 
but,  at  daylight,  hunger — and  it  may  be 
thirst — becoming  imperious,  we  sallied 
out  and  roamed  about  that  cheerless 
neighborhood  that  surrounds  the  depot. 
*  *  *  Finding  that  we  were  likely 
to  remain  for  some  time  in  the  city — al- 
though under  the  impression  that  we 
were  to  go  straight  through  to  Balti- 
more— we  wandered  away  from  the 
desert  of  the  depot  and  descended  on 
civilized  quarters.  The  superintendent 
of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  Asylum  was  a 
man  for  the  emergency.  He  provided 
a  handsome  breakfast  for  aU  such  mem- 


bers of  the  Seventh  as  chose  to  partake 
of  it,  and  we  commanded  beefsteak  on 
our  fingers,  and  ordered  tea  by  sign- 
manual.  Great  numbers  of  our  regi- 
ment, being  luxurious  dogs,  went  down 
to  the  Continental  and  Girard  hotels, 
where  they  campaigned  on  marble  floors, 
and  bivouacked  on  velvet  couches  ;  they 
are  such  delicate  fellows,  the  Seventh 
Regiment !     *     * 

"  We,  of  course,  were  entirely  ig- 
norant of  our  route,  or  how  we  were 
going.  The  general  feeling  of  the  regi- 
meiit  was  in  favor  of  pushing  our  way 
coute  qui  coute  straight  through  Balti- 
more. Rumors  came  along  that  the 
city  was  in  arms.  The  Massachusetts 
troops  had  to  fight  their  way  through, 
killing  eighteen,  and  losing  two  men. 
This  seemed  only  to  stimulate  our  boys, 
and  the  universal  word  was  Baltimore ! 
But,  as  it  turned  out  afterward,  we  were 
under  a  wise  direction,  and  the  policy 
of  our  Colonel,  to  whom  we  perhaps  are 
altogether  indebted  for  bringing  us  safe 
here,  was,  I  presume,  to  avoid  all  un- 
necessary collision,  and  bring  his  regi- 
ment intact  into  Washington.  The  rails 
were  reported  to  have  been  torn  up  for 
forty  miles  about  Baltimore,  and  as  we 
were  summoned  for  the  defence  of  the 
capital,  it  follows,  according  to  reason, 
that  if  we  could  get  there  without  loss 
we  would  better  fulfil  our  duty.  As  it 
happened  afterward,  we  had  to  run 
through  more  peril  than  Baltimore  could 
have  offered. 

"  There  seemed  but  little  enthusiasm 
in  Philadelphia.  *  *  I  understand 
that  the  people  were  out  in  large  num- 


DODGING  BALTIMOKE. 


197 


bers  to  see  us  enter,  but  our  delay  dis- 
appointed them,  and  they  went  home. 
*  *  We  came  and  went  without  a  re- 
ception or  demonstration. 

"  There  was  one  peculiar  difference 
that  I  noticed  existing  between  the 
Massachusetts  regiments  that  we  met  in 
Philadelphia  and  our  men.  The  Massa- 
chusetts men — to  whom  all  honor  be 
given  for  the  splendid  manner  in  which 
they  afterward  acted  in  a  most  trying 
situation — presented  a  singular  moral 
contrast  to  the  members  of  the  Seventh. 
They  were  earnest,  grim,  determined. 
Badly  equipped,  haggard,  unshorn,  they 
yet  had  a  manhood  in  their  look  that 
hardships  could  not  kill.  They  were 
evidently  thinking  all  the  time  of  the 
contest  into  which  they  were  about  to 
enter.  Their  grey,  eager  eyes  seemed 
to  be  looking  for  the  heights  of  Vir- 
ginia. With  us  it  was  somewhat  differ- 
ent. Our  men  were  gay  and  careless, 
confident  of  being  at  any  moment  capa- 
ble of  performing,  and  more  than  per- 
forming, theu"  duty.  They  looked  battle 
in  the  face  with  a  smile,  and  were  read}'- 
to  hob-nob  with  an  enemy  and  kill  him 
afterward.  The  one  was  courage  in  tiie 
rough  ;  the  other  was  courage  bur- 
nished. The  steel  was  the  same  in 
both,  but  the  last  was  a  little  more  pol- 
ished. 

"  On  April  20,  at  4.20  p.m.,  we  left 
the  Philadelphia  dock,  on  board  the 
steamer  Boston.  The  i-egimeut  was  in 
entire  ignorance  of  its  destination.  Some 
said  we  were  gomg  back  to  New  York, 
at  which  suggestion  there  was  a  howl 
of  indignation.     Others  presumed  that 


we  were  going  to  steam  up  the  Poto- 
mac— a  course  which  was  not  much  ap- 
proved of,  inasmuch  that  we  were  cooped 
up  in  a  kind  of  river  steamer  that  a  shot 
from  the  fort  at  Alexandria  might  sink 
at  any  moment.     *     *     * 

"  The  first  evening,  April  20,  on  board 
the  Boston,  passed  delightfully.  We 
were  all  in  first-rate  spirits,  and  the 
calm,  sweet  evenings  that  stole  on  us  as 
we  approached  the  South,  diffused  a 
soft  and  gentle  influence  over  us.  The 
scene  on  board  the  ship  was  exceedingly 
picturesque.  Fellows  fumbling  in  hav- 
ersacks for  rations,  or  extracting  sand- 
wiches from  reluctant  canteens  ;  guards 
pacing  up  and  down  with  drawn  bay- 
onets ;  knapsacks  piled  in  corners  ; 
bristhng  heaps  of  muskets,  with  sharp, 
shining  teeth,  crowded  into  every  avail- 
able nook  ;  picturesque  groups  of  men 
lolhng  on  deck,  pipe  or  cigar  in  mouth, 
indulged  in  the  Mce  far  niente,  as  if 
they  were  on  the  blue  shores  of  Capri 
rather  than  on  their  way  to  battle  ;  un- 
buttoned jackets,  crossed  legs,  heads 
leaning  on  knapsacks,  blue  uniforms 
everywhere,  with  here  and  thei'e  a  glint 
of  officers'  red  enlivening  the  foreground 
— all  formed  a  scene  that  such  painters 
as  the  English  Warren  would  have  rev- 
elled in. 

' '  I  regret  to  say  that  all  was  not  rose- 
colored.  The  steamer  that  the  Colonel 
chartered  had  to  get  ready  at  three  or 
four  hours'  notice,  he  having  changed 
his  plans,  in  consequence  of  the  tearing 
up  of  the  rails  around  Baltimore.  The 
result  was  that  she  was  imperfectly  pro- 
visioned.    As  the  appetites  of  the  men 


198 


THE  WAK  -WTTH  THE  SOUTH. 


begiui  to  develop,  the  resources  of  the 
vessel  began  to  appear.  In  the  first 
place,  she  was  far  too  small  to  accom- 
modate a  thousand  men,  and  we  were 
obliged  to  sleep  in  all  sorts  of  impossible 
attitudes.  There  is  an  ingenious  device 
known  to  carpenters  as  'dove-tailing,' 
and  we  were  so  thick  that  we  had  posi- 
tively to  dove-tail,  only  that  there  was 
very  little  of  the  dove  about  it ;  for 
when  perambulating  soldiers  stepped  on 
the  faces  and  stomachs  of  the  sleepers, 
as  they  lay  on  deck,  the  greeting  that 
they  received  had  but  little  flavor  of  the 
olive-branch. 

"  Notwithstanding  that  we  found  very 
soon  that  the  commissariat  was  in  a  bad 
way,  the  men  were  as  jolly  as  sandboys. 
I  never  saw  a  more  good-hmnored  set 
of  men  in  my  life.  Fellows  who  would 
at  Delmonico's  have  sent  back  a  turban 
de  volaille  aitx  truffes  because  the  truffles 
were  tough,  here  cheerfully  took  their 
places  in  file  between  decks,  tin  plates 
and  tin  cups  in  hand,  in  order  to  get  an 
insufiicient  piece  of  beef  and  a  ^dsion  of 
cofifee.  But  it  was  aU  merrily  done. 
The  scant  fare  was  seasoned  with  hilar- 
ity ;  and  here  I  say  to  those  people  in 
New  York  who  have  sneered  at  the 
Seventh  Regiment  as  being  dandies,  and 
guilty  of  the  unpardonable  crimes  of 
cleanhness  and  kid  gloves,  that  they 
would  cease  to  scoif  and  remain  to  bless 
had  they  beheld  the  square,  honest, 
genial  way  in  which  these  militaiy 
Brummells  roughed  it.  Farther  on  you 
wiU  see  what  they  did  in  the  way  of 
endurance  and  activity. 


'  April  21st  was  Sundaj'. 


A  glorious. 


cloudless  day.  Tv'e  had  steamed  all 
night,  and  about  ten  o'clock  were  in  the 
vicinity  of  Chesapeake  Bay.  At  eleven 
o'clock  A.  M.  we  had  service  read  by  our 
chaplain,  and  at  one  p.  M.  we  were  seven 
miles  from  the  coast.  The  day  was 
calm  and  dehcious.  In  spite  of  our 
troubles  with  regard  to  food — troubles, 
be  it  understood,  entirely  unavoidable — 
we  drank  in  with  delight  the  serenity 
of  the  scene.  A  hazy  tent  of  blue  hung 
over  our  heads.  On  one  side  the  dim 
thread  of  shore  hemmed  in  the  sea. 
Flights  of  loons  and  ducks  skimmed 
along  the  ocean,  rising  lazily,  and  spat- 
tering the  waves  with  their  wings  as 
they  flew  against  the  wind,  until  they 
rose  into  air,  and,  wheehng,  swept  into 
calmer  feeding  grounds.  Now  and  then 
the  calm  of  the  hour  was  broken  with 
the  heavy  tramp  of  men  and  the  me- 
taUic  voice  of  the  corporal  of  the  guard 
reUeving  his  comrades.  At  five  o'clock 
p.  M.  we  passed  a  hght-ship  and  hailed 
her,  our  object  being  to  discover  whe- 
ther any  United  States  vessels  were  in 
the  neighborhood  waiting  to  convoy  us 
up  the  Potomac  River.  We  had  heard 
that  the  forts  at  Alexandria  were  ready 
to  open  upon  us  if  we  attempted  to  pass 
up,  and  our  steamer  was  of  such  a  build 
that,  had  a  shell  or  shot  struck  it,  we 
would  have  been  burned  or  drowned. 
It  therefore  behooved  us  to  be  cautious. 
The  answers  we  got  from  the  light-ship 
and  other  vessels  that  we  hailed  in  tliis 
spot  were  unsatisfactozy,  and  although 
the  feehngs  of  the  men  were  unanimous 
in  wishing  to  force  the  Potomac,  wiser 
counsels,  as  it  proved,  were  behind  us. 


ARRIVAL   AT  ANNAPOLIS. 


199 


aud  we  kept  on.  *  *  *  ALL  this 
time  we  were  entirely  ignorant  of  where 
we  were  going.  The  officers  kept  all 
secret,  aud  our  conjectures  drifted  like  a 
drifting  boat.  On  the  mornrug  of  the 
22d  we  were  in  sight  of  Auuapohs,  ofi' 
which  the  Constitution  was  lying,  •  and 
there  found  the  Eighth  Regiment  of 
Massachusetts  volunteers,  on  board  the 
Maryland.  They  were  aground,  owing, 
it  is  supposed,  to  the  treachery  of  the 
captain,  whom  they  put  in  irons,  and 
wanted  to  hang.  I  regret  to  say  that 
they  did  not  do  it.  Duriirg  the  greater 
portion  of  that  forenoon  we  were  oc- 
cupied in  trying  to  get  the  Maryland 
off  the  sand-bar  on  which  she  was 
grounded.  From  our  decks  we  could 
see  the  men  in  file  trying  to  rock  her, 
so  as  to  facihtate  our  tugging.  These 
men  were  without  water  and  without 
food,  were  well  conducted  and  uncom- 
plaining, and  behaved,  in  aU  respects, 
like  heroes.  They  were  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Butler.     *     *     * 

"On  the  afteruoeu  of  the  22d  we 
landed  at  the  AnnapoUs  dock,  after 
having  spent  hours  in  trying  to  reUeve 
the  Maryland.  For  the  first  time  in  his 
life  your  correspondent  was  put  to  work 
to  roll  floiu-  barrels.  He  was  intrusted 
with  the  honorable  and  onerous  duty  of 
transporting  stores  from  the  steamer  to 
the  dock.  Later  still  ha  descended  to 
the  position  of  mess  servant,  when,  in 
company  with  gentlemen  weil-known  in 
Broadway  for  immaculate  kids,  he  had 
the  honor  of  attending  on  his  company 
with  buckets  of  cooked  meat  and  crack- 
ers,  the    only  difference   between   him 


and  Co.  and  the  ordinary  waiter  being, 
that  the  former  were  civil. 

"After  this  I  had  the  pleasing  duty 
of  performing  three  hours  of  guard  duty 
on  the  dock  with  a  view  to  protect  the 
baggage  and  stores.  It  was  monotonous 
— being  my  first  guard — but  not  un- 
pleasant. The  moon  rose  calm  and 
white.  A  long  dock  next  to  the  one  on 
whicli  I  was  stationed  stretched  away 
into  the  bay,  resting  on  its  numerous 
piles,  until  it  looked  in  the  clear  moon- 
light hke  a  centipede.  All  was  still  and 
calm,  until  at  certain  periods  the  guard 
challenged  persons  attempting  to  pass. 
TJiere  was  a  holy  influence  in  the  hour, 
and  somehow  the  hot  fever  of  anxiety 
that  had  been  over  us  for  days,  seemed 
to  pass  away  under  the  touch  of  the 
magnetic  fingers  of  the  night. 

' '  We  were  quartered  in  the  buildings 
belonging  to  the  Naval  School  at  An- 
napohs.  I  had  a  bunking-place  in  what 
is  there  called  a  fort,  which  is  a  rickety 
structure  that  a  lucifer  match  would  set 
on  fire,  but  furnished  with  imposing 
guns.  I  suppose  it  was  merely  built  to 
practice  the  cadets,  because  as  a  defence 
it  is  worthless.  The  same  evening,  boats 
were  sent  off  from  the  yard,  and  toward 
nightfall  the  Massachusetts  men-  landed, 
fagged,  hungry,  thirsty,  but  indomitable. 
At  an  early  hour  there  was  a  universal 
snore  through  the  Naval  School  of  An- 
napolis. 

"  The  two  days  that  we  remained  at 
AnnapoHs  were  welcome.  We  had  been 
without  a  fair  night's  sleep  since  we  left 
New  York,  and  even  the  hard  quarters 
we  had  there  were  luxury  compared  to 


200 


THE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


the  dirty  decks  of  the  Boston.  Besides, 
there  were  natural  attractions.  The 
grounds  are  very  prettily  laid  out,  and 
in  the  course  of  my  experience  I  never 
.  saw  a  handsomer  or  better  bred  set  of 
young  men  than  the  cadets  ;  and  they 
have  proved  loyal,  only  twenty  liaving 
left  the  school  owing  to  political  con- 
viction. The  remainder  are  sound 
Union  fellows,  eager  to  prove  their  de- 
votion to  the  flag.  After  spending  a 
delightful  time  in  the  Navy  School,  rest- 
ing and  amusing  ourselves,  our  repose 
was  disturbed,  at  9  p.  ji.,  April  23d,  by 
rockets  being  thrown  up  in  the  bay. 
The  men  were  scattered  all  over  the 
grounds  ;  some  in  bed,  others  walking 
or  smoking,  all  more  or  less  undressed. 
The  rockets  being  of  a  suspicious  char- 
acter, it  was  conjectured  that  a  Southern 
fleet  was  outside,  and  our  drummer  beat 
the  roll-call  to  arms.  From  the  stroke 
of  the  drum  until  the  time  that  every 
man,  fully  equipjjed  and  in  fighting 
order,  was  in  the  ranks,  was  exactly,  by 
watch,  seven  minutes.  It  is  needless  to 
say  anything  about  such  celerity— it 
speaks  for  itself.  The  alarm,  however, 
proved  to  be  false,  the  vessels  in  the 
offing  proving  to  be  laden  with  the 
Seventy-first  and  other  New  York  regi- 
ments ;  so  that,  after  an  unpremeditated 
trial  of  our  readiness  for  action,  we 
were  permitted  to  retire  to  our  virtuous 
couches,  which  means,  permit  me  to  say, 
a  blanket  on  the  floor,  with  a  military 
overcoat  over  you,  and  a  nasal  concert 
all  around  you  that,  in  noise  and  num- 
ber, outvies  Musard's  celebrated  concerts 
monstres. 


"On  the  moi-ning  of  the  24th  of 
April  we  started  on  what  afterward 
proved  to  be  one  of  the  hardest  marches 
on  record.  The  secessionists  of  Annap- 
olis and  the  surrounding  district  bad 
threatened  to  cut  us  off  in  our  march, 
and  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  they 
would  attack  our  quarters.  This,  of 
course,  was  the  drunken  Southern 
ebullition.  A  civilian  told  me  that  he 
met  in  the  streets  of  Annapolis  two 
cavalry  soldiers  who  came  to  cut  our 
throats  without  delay,  but  as  each  brave 
warrior  was "  endeavoring  to  hold  the 
other  up,  my  friend  did  not  apprehend 
much  danger. 

"A  curious  revulsion  of  feeling  took 
place  at  Annapolis,  and  indeed  aU 
through  Maryland,  after  our  arrival. 

"  The  admirable  good  conduct  which 
characterizes  the  regiment,  the  open 
liberality  which  it  displays  in  all  pecuni- 
ary transactions,  and  the  courteous  de- 
meanor which  it  exhibits  to  all  classes, 
took  the  narrow-minded  population  of 
this  excessively  wretched  town  by  sur- 
prise. They  were  prepared  for  pillage. 
They  thought  we  were  going  to  sack  the 
place.  They  found,  instead,  that  we 
were  prepared  and  willing  to  ]3ay  liberal 
prices  for  everything,  and  that  even 
patriotic  presentations  were  steadilj^  re- 
fused. While  we  were  in  the  Navy 
School,  of  coui'se  all  sorts  of  rumors  as 
to  our  operations  were  floating  about. 
It  surprised  me  that  no  one  suggested 
that  we  were  to  go  off  in  a  balloon  ; 
however,  all  surmises  were  put  to  an 
end  by  om*  receiving  orders,  the  evening 
of  the   23  d,    to  assemble    in   marching 


MARCH   TO   "WASHIiSrGTOX. 


201 


order  next  morning.  The  dawn  saw  us 
up.  Knapsacks,  with  our  blankets  and 
overcoats  strapped  on  them,  were  piled 
on  the  green.  A  brief  and  insufficient 
breakfast  was  taken,  our  canteens  filled 
with  vinegar  and  water,  cartridges  dis- 
tributed to  each  man,  and  after  muster- 
ing and  loading,  we  started  on  our  first 
march  through  a  hostile  country. 

"General  Scott  has  stated,  as  I  have 
been  informed,  that  the  march  that  we 
performed  from  Annapolis  to  the  Junc- 
tion is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  on 
record.  I  know  that  I  felt  it  the  most 
faliguing,  and  some  of  our  officers  have 
told  me  that  it  was  the  most  perilous. 
We  marched  the  first  eight  miles  under 
a  burning  sun,  in  heavy  marching  order, 
in  less  than  three  hours  ;  and  it  is  well- 
known  that,  placing  all  elementary  con- 
siderations out  of  the  way,  marching  on 
a  railroad  track  is  the  most  harassing. 
We  started  at  about  eight  o'clock  a.  m., 
and  for  the  first  time  saw  the  town  of 
Annapolis,  which,  without  any  disre-, 
spect  to  that  place,  I  may  say,  looked 
very  much  as  if  some  celestial  school- 
boy, with  a  box  of  toys  under  his  arm, 
had  dropped  a  few  houses  and  men  as 
he  was  going  home  from  school,  and  that 
the  accidental  settlement  was  called  An- 
napolis. Through  the  town  we  marched, 
the  people  unsympathizing,  but  afraid. 
They  saw  the  Seventh  for  the  first  time, 
and  for  the  first  time  they  realized  the 
men  that  they  had  threatened. 

"  The  tracks  had  been  torn  up  be- 
tween AnnapoUs  and  the  Junction,  and 
here  it  was  that  the  wonderful  qualities 
of  the  Massachusetts  Eighth  Regiment 

20 


came  out.  The  locomotives  had  been 
taken  to  pieces  by  the  inhabitants,  in 
order  to  prevent  our  travel.  In  steps  a 
Massachusetts  volunteer,  looks  at  the 
piece-meal  engine,  takes  up  a  flange,  and  ^ 
says  coolly,  '  I  made  this  engine,  and  1 
can  put  it  together  agahi.'  Engineers 
were  wanted  when  the  engine  was  ready. 
Nineteen  stepped  out  of  the  ranks.  The 
rails  were  torn  up.  Practical  railroad 
makers  out  of  the  regiment  laid  them 
again,  and  all  this,  mind  you,  without 
care  or  food.  These  brave  boys,  I  say, 
were  starving  while  they  were  doing 
this  good  work.  What  their  Colonel 
was  doing  I  can't  say.  As  we  marched 
along  the  track  that  they  had  laid,  they 
greeted  us  with  ranks  of  smiling  but 
hungry  faces.  One  boy  told  me,  with  a 
laugh  on  his  young  lips,  that  he  had  not 
eaten  anything  for  thirty  hours.  There 
was  not,  thank  God,  a  haversack  in  our 
regiment  that  was  not  emptied  into  the 
hands  of  these  ill-treated  heroes,  nor  a 
flask  that  was  not  at  their  disposal. 

"Our  march  lay  through  an  arid, 
sandy,  tobacco-growing  country.  The 
sun  poured  on  our  heads  like  hot  lava. 
The  Sixth  and  Second  companies  were 
sent  on  for  skirmishing  duty,  under  the 
command  of  Captains  Clarke  and  Nevers, 
the  latter  commanding  as  senior  officer. 
A  car,  on  which  was  placed  a  howitzer, 
loaded  with  grape  and  canister,  headed 
the  column,  manned  by  the  engineer  and 
artillery  corps,  commanded  by  Lieu- 
tenant Bunting.  This  was  the  rallying 
point  of  the  skirmishing  party,  on  which, 
in  case  of  difficulty,  they  could  fall  back. 
In  the  centre  of  the  column  came  the 


202 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


cars  laden  with  medical  stores,  and  bear- 
ing our  sick  and  wounded,  while  the 
extreme  rear  was  brouglit  up  with  a 
second  howitzer,  loaded  also  with  grape 
and  canister.  The  engineer  corps,  of 
course,  had  to  do  the  forwarding  work. 
New  York  dandies,  sir ! — but  they  built 
bi'idges,  laid  rails,  and  headed  the  regi- 
ment through  that  terrible  march. 
After  marching  about  eight  miles,  dur- 
ing which  time  several  men  caved  in 
from  exhaustion,  and  one  young  gentle- 
man was  sun-struck  and  sent  back  to 
New  York,  we  halted,  and  instantly, 
with  the  divine  instinct  which  character- 
izes the  hungry  soldier,  j^i'oceeded  to 
forage.  The  worst  of  it  was,  there  was 
no  foraging  to  be  done.  The  only  house 
within  reach  was  inhabited  by  a  lethargic 
person,  who,  like  most  Southern  men, 
had  no  idea  of  gaining  money  by  labor. 
We  offered  him  extravagant  jjrices  to 
get  us  fresh  water,  and  it  was  with  the 
utmost  reluctance  we  could  get  him  to 
obtain  us  a  few  pailfuls.  Over  the 
mantle-piece  of  his  miserable  shanty  I 
saw — a  curious  coincidence — the  portrait 
of  Colonel  Duryea,  of  our  regiment. 

' '  After  a  brief  rest  of  about  an  hour, 
we  again  commenced  our  march ;  a 
march  which  lasted  until  the  next  morn- 
ing— a  march  than  which,  in  historj^, 
nothing  but  those  marches  in  which  de- 
feated troops  have  fled  from  the  enemy, 
can  equal.  Our  Colonel,  it  seems,  de- 
termined to  march  by  railroad,  in  pref- 
erence to  the  common  road,  inasmuch 
as  he  had  obtained  such  secret  informa- 
tion as  led  him  to  suppose  that  we  were 
waited  for  on  the  latter  route.     Events 


justified  his  judgment.  There  were 
cavalry  troops  posted  in  defdes*  to  cut 
us  off.  They  could  not  have  done  it,  of 
course,  but  they  could  have  harassed  us 
severely.  As  we  went  along  the  rail- 
road we  threw  out  skirmishing  parties 
from  the  Second  and  Sixth  companies, 
to  keep  the  road  clear.  I  know  not  if  I 
can  describe  that  night's  march.  I  have 
dim  recollections  of  deep  cuts  through 
which  we  passed,  gloomy  and-  treacher- 
ous-looking, with  the  moon  shining  full 
on  our  muskets,  while  the  banks  were 
wrapped  in  shade,  and  each  moment 
expecting  to  see  the  flash  and  hear  the 
crack  of  the  rifle  of  the  Southern  guer- 
rilla. The  tree  frogs  and  hzards  made 
a  mournful  music  as  we  passed.  The 
soil  on  which  we  traveled  was  soft  and 
heavy.  The  sleepers  lying  at  intervals 
across  the  track  made  the  march  terribly 
fatiguing.  On  all  sides  dark,  lonely 
pine  woods  stretched  away,  and  high 
over  the  hooting  of  owls  or  the  plain- 
tive petition  of  the  whip-poor-will  rose 
the  bass  commands  of  Halt !  Forward ! 
March  ! — and  when  we  came  to  any 
ticklish  spot,  the  word  would  run  from 
the  head  of  the  column  along  the  hne, 
'  Holes,'  '  Bridge,  pass  it  along,'  etc. 

"  As  the  night  wore  on,  the  monotony 
of  the  march  became  oppressive.  Owing 
to  our  having  to  explore  every  inch  of 
the  way,  we  did  not  make  more  than  a 
mile,  or  a  mile  and  a  half  an  hour.  We 
ran  out  of  stimulants,  and  almost  out  of 
water.  Most  of  us  had  not  slept  for 
four  nights,  and  as  the  night  advanced, 
our  march  was  almost  a  stagger.  This 
was  not  so  much  fatigue  as  want  of  ex- 


SLiRCH  OF  THE  EIGHTH  MASSACHUSETTS. 


203 


citement.  Our  fellows  were  spoiling  for 
a  fight,  and  when  a  dropping  shot  was 
heard  in  the  distance,  it  was  wonderful 
to  see  how  the  languid  legs  straightened 
and  the  column  braced  itself  for  action. 
If  we  had  had  even  the  smallest  kind  of 
a  skirmish,  the  men  would  have  been 
able  to  walk  to  Washington.  As  it  was, 
we  went  sleepily  on.  I  myself  fell 
asleep  walking  in  the  ranks.  Numbers, 
I  find,  followed  my  example  ;  but  never 
before  was  there  shown  such  indomitable 
pluck  and  perseverance  as  the  Seventh 
showed  in  that  march  of  twenty  miles. 
The  country  that  we  passed  through 
seemed  to  have  been  entirely  deserted. 
The  inhabitants,  who  were  going  to  kill 
us  when  they  thought  we  .d^iren't  come 
through,  now  vamosed  their  respective 
ranches,  and  we  saw  them  not.  Houses 
were  empty.  The  population  retired 
into  the  interior,  burying  their  money 
and  carr3dng  their  families  along  with 
them.  They,  it  seems,  were  under  the 
impression  that  we  came  to  ravage  and 
pillage,  and  they  fled  as  the  Gauls  must 
have  fled  when  Attila  and  his  Huns 
came  down  on  them,  from  the  North. 
As  we  did  at  Annapolis,  we  did  in 
Maryland  State.  We  left  an  impression 
that  can  not  be  forgotten.  Everything 
was  paid  for.  No  discourtesy  was  of- 
fered to  any  inhabitant,  and  the  sobriety 
of  the  regiment  should  be  an  examjile 
to  others.     *     *     * 

"  The  secret  of  this  forced  march,  as 
well  as  our  unexpected  descent  on  An- 
napolis, was  the  result  of  Col.  LefFerts' 
judgment,  which  has  since  been  sus- 
tained by  events.     Finding  that  the  line 


along  the  Potomac  was  closed,  and  the 
route  to  Washington  by  Baltimore 
equally  impracticable,  he  came  to  the 
conclusion  that  Annapolis,  commanding, 
as  it  did,  the  route  to  the  capital,  must 
of  necessity  be  made  the  basis  of  mili- 
tary operations.  It  was  important  to 
the  Government  to  have  a  free  channel 
through  which  to  transport  troops,  and 
this  post  presented  the  readiest  means. 
The  fact  that  since  then  all  the  Northern 
troops  have  passed  through  the  line  that 
we  thus  opened,  is  a  sufficient  comment" 
on  the  admirable  judgment  that  decided 
on  the  movement.  It  secured  the  in- 
tegrity of  the  regiment,  and  saved  lives 
the  loss  of  which  would  have  plunged 
New  York  into  mourning.  Too  much 
importance  can  not  be  attached  to  this 
strategy." 

The  Eighth  Massachusetts  Regiment, 
which  had  passed  through  New  York  on 
the  day  of  the  departure  of  the  \rff[\ 
Seventh  Regiment,  had,  after  reach-  19' 
ing  Philadelphia,  pushed  forward  by  the 
railway  as  far  as  the  Susquehanna 
River.  Here  it  was  found  impossible  to 
continue  the  route  through  Maryland,  in 
consequence  of  the  destruction  of  the 
bridges  by  the  secessionists.  Brigadier- 
General  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  had 
accompanied  the  Eighth  on  his  way  to 
Washington  to  assume  the  general  com- 
mand of  the  militia  force  of  his  State, 
sent  to  aid  in  the  defence  of  the  capital. 
He  accordingly  assumed  the  command 
and  directed  the  movements  of  the 
Massachusetts  soldiers  when  thus  ob- 
structed on  their  march.  It  was  by  his 
energy  and  promptitude  of  action  that 


201 


THE  WAR  ^YlTn  THE  SOUTH. 


a  way  was  finally  cleared  to  the  capital. 
General  Butler  seized  the  steam  ferry- 
boat the  Maryland,  on  the  Susquehanna, 
and  embarking  his  troops  sailed  down 
the  river  into  Chesapeake  Bay  and 
took  possession  of  the  city  of  Annapolis. 
Here  his  first  act  was  to  save  the  ship 
Constitution — used  by  the  cadets  of  the 
Naval  School  as  an  exercise  ship,  and 
familiarly  known  as  "  Old  Ironsides,"  one 
of  the  most  revered  of  our  national 
relics — from  the  clutch  of  some  insur- 
gents who  were  about  pouncing  upon 
her.  The  General  learning  of  the  help- 
less condition,  from  want  of  a  crew,  of  the 
old  ship,  mustered  his  men  and  de- 
clared "if  there  are  any  men  in  the 
ranks  who  understand  how  to  manage  a 
ship,  let  them  step  forward."  Fifty-tlu-ee 
presented  themselves,  and  they  were 
immediately  put  on  board.  The  Mary- 
land then  took  her  in  tow,  and  she  was 
safely  borne  out  of  harm's  way.  The 
General's  announcement  of  the  event 
April  ™  ^^is  order  of  the  day  was  char- 
22i    acteristic : 

"  The  purpose  which  could  only  be 
hinted  at  in  the  orders  of  yesterday  has 
been  accomplished.  The  frigate  Con- 
stitution has  lain  for  a  long  time  at  this 
port,  substantially  at  the  mercy  of  the 
armed  mob  which  sometimes  paralyzes 
the  otherwise  loyal  State  of  Maryland. 
Deeds  of  daring,  successful  contests,  and 
glorious  victories  had  rendered  Old 
Ironsides  so  conspicuous  in  the  naval 
history  of  the  country,  that  she  was 
fitly  chosen  as  the  school  in  which  to 
train  the  future  officers  of  the  navy  to 
like  heroic  acts.     It  was  given  to  Massa- 


chusetts and  Essex  counties  first  to  man 
her  ;  it  was  reserved  to  Massachusetts  to 
have  the  honor  to  retain  her  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Union  and  the  laws.  This 
is  a  sufficient  triumph  of  right — a  suffi- 
cient triumph  for  us.  By  this  the  blood 
of  our  friends,  shed  by  the  Baltimore 
mob,  is  so  far  avenged.  The  Eighth 
Regiment  may  hereafter  cheer  lustily 
upon  all  proper  occasions,  but  never 
without  orders.  The  old  Constitution, 
by  their  efforts,  aided  untiringly  by  the 
United  States  officers  having  her  in 
charge,  is  now  '  possessed,  occupied,  and 
enjoyed'  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  is  safe  from  all  her 
enemies." 

The  revered  Constitution  had  been 
thus  rescued  with  much  difficulty  from 
imminent  danger.  For  four  days  and 
nights,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Gen- 
eral Butler,  her  crew  had  been  at 
quarters  with  the  guns  shotted.  The 
insurgents  of  Maryland  were  plotting 
her  destruction  or  capture.  It  may 
easily  be  imagined  that  it  was  a  work 
of  no  little  difficulty  to  move  her, 
threatened  as  she  was  by  the  people  on 
shore.  She  had  four  anchors  and  seven 
chains  out  when  the  Maryland  was 
ordered  by  General  Butler  alongside. 
One  anchor  alone  was  hove  up,  the  rest 
were  slipped,  and  finally  by  lighting  and 
careening,  and  by  dint  of  hard  labor, 
she  was  dragged  over  the  bar.  The 
crew  of  the  Maryland  were  only  kept  to 
their  work  and  duty  by  placing  a  guard 
over  them  armed  with  revolvers.  After 
dragsfinsr  her  over  the  bar,  the  vessel 
grounded  on  the  Outer  Spit.     About  ten 


RESCUE  OF  THE  COXSTITirTIOX. 


205 


! 


P.  M.,  information  having  been  brought 
off  that  the  channel  outside  the  ship 
would  be  obstructed,  kedges  were  laid 
out,  and  it  was  endeavored  to  warp  the 
ship  over  the  Spit,  part  of  the  men 
being  at  the  guns.  The  Maryland  hav- 
ing been  run  aground  by  her  officers 
during  the  warping,  a  squall  came  up 
and  drove  the  ship  ashore  again.  At 
daylight  a  steam-tug  from  Havre  de 
Grace  came  in  sight,  arfd  was  taken  to 
tow  the  ship  out.  She  was  then  taken 
in  tow  by  the  R.  R.  Cuyler,  and  brought 
to  New  York.  Subsequently  slie  was 
sent  to  j^ewport,  Rhode  Island,  whither 
the  Naval  School  formerly  at  AimapoliS 
was  removed. 

The  General's  next  operation  was  to 
re-establish  the  railroad  between  An- 
napolis and  Washington.  His  otVn  ranks 
supplied  skilled  mechanics  to  reconstruct 
the  broken  engines,  and  the  hardy  men 
of  Massachusetts,  aided  by  the  tender 
hands  of  the  gentlemen  of  New  York, 
performed  the  rude  labor  of  laying  the 
iron  rails. 

These  timely  services  of  General 
Butler  won  for  him  the  gratitude  of  the 
whole  Northern  people  who  fondly 
cherished  his  rising  military  repute,  and 
hailed  him  in  advance  as  one  of  their 
future  heroes. 

Benjamin  P.  Butler  was  born  in  Deer- 
field,  Rockingham  County,  New  Hamp- 
shire, in  1818.  He  claims  relationship 
with  the  Cilleys,  a  family  of  Revolution- 
ary renown,  from  which  sprang  the 
Honorable  Jonathan  Cilley,  who  was 
killed  in  a  duel  with  his  associate  in 
Congress,  Graves,  of  Kentucky,     Young 


Butler  was  educated  at  a  Baptist  college 
in  Waterville,  Maine.  He  subsequently 
studied  law,  and  removing  to  Massachu- 
setts commenced  its  practice  at  Lowell. 
Here  he  soon  acquired  prominence  as  a 
successful  advocate  in  jury  cases.  He 
was  remarkable  for  his  devotion  to  the 
interests  of  his  clients,  and  the  oratori- 
cal vehemence  with  which  he  defended 
their  cause.  With  an  impulsive  nature, 
and  great  flexibility  and  readiness  of 
speech,  restrained  by  no  over-fastidious- 
ness of  rhetoric,  his  eloquence  is  distin- 
guished rather  by  its  force  than  its  re- 
finement. 

Though  long  prominent  as  an  active 
politician  of  the  Democratic  party,  his 
first  appearance  in  public  life  was  in 
1853,  when  he  became  a  member  of 
the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts.  In 
the  same  year  he  was  elected  to  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention,  and  in  1859-60 
was  senator  of  the  State.  In  May,  18C0, 
he  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  Demo- 
cratic Convention,  which  first  met  at 
Charleston.  In  the  rupture  which 
ensued  in  the  party,  he  sided  with  the 
Southern  faction,  and  was  a  member  of 
the  subsequent  convention  at  Baltimore 
which  nominated  Breckenridge  for  Presi- 
dent. He  was  appointed  one  of  the 
Presidential  electors  for  Massachusetts, 
and  headed  the  electoral  list  on  the 
Breckenridge  ticket.  He  was  also  nom- 
inated as  the  catudidate  for  Governor 
of  Massachusetts,  by  that  portion  of  the 
Democratic  party  supposed  to  be  favor- 
able to  the  policy  of  the  slave  States. 

Though  suspiciously  regarded  in  the 
anti-slavery  State  of  Massachusetts  as  a 


206 


THE  WAK  vnrn  the  south. 


political  ally  of  the  "States  Rights" 
men  of  the  South,  he,  on  the  first  overt 
act  of  Southern  rebellion,  proved  his 
loyalty  to  the  Union  by  coming  forward 
among  the  earliest  to  offer  his  services 
in  its  defence.  Governor  Andrew,  of 
^Massachusetts,  though  always  his  politi- 
cal opponent,  was  glad  to  welcome  so 
spirited  and  able  a  co-operator  in  the 
common  cause  of  national  luiity,  and 
appointed  him  commander  of  the  Eighth 
Massachusetts  Regiment.  Leading  this 
corps  to  the  defence  of  the  capital,  he 
found  his  progress  suddenly  obstructed  ; 
and  an  occasion  offering  for  the  exercise 
of  those  energies  which  characterize  him, 
he  exerted  them  with  a  spirit  and  a  suc- 
cess which  won  for  him  the  gratitude  of 
the  whole  nation.  His  picture  was  thus 
forcibly  drawn  at  this  time  as  "  in  the 
prime  of  life,  being  forty-three  years  of 
age.  Though  somewhat  unwieldly  in  ap- 
pearance, he  is  possessed  of  great  physical 
activity.  His  expression,  disfigiu'ed  by 
a  cast  in  his  left  eye,  might  be  thought 
severe  and  even  sinister  by  the  casual 
observer,  but  by  his  friends  he  is  es- 
teemed as  an  amiable  companion,  and 
by  his  subordinates  readily  obeyed  as  a 
popular  commander. 

"  With  his  acknowledged  energy  in 
action,  fertility  of  resource,  and  cool- 
ness in  danger,  there  is  reason  to  be- 
lieve when  his  natural  impulsiveness  of 
character  has  been  diily  temjDcred  by 
military  experience,  that  he  will  become 
one  of  the  most  efficient  leaders  in  the 
present  war." 

As  proof  of  his  coolness  and  intre- 
pidity in  danger,  the  following  incident 


is  told.     It  occurred  in  Lowell,  Massa- 
chusetts, in  1856. 

"  It  was  during  the  Presidential  con- 
test, and  Hon.  Rufus  Choate  had  been 
invited  to  address  the  conservative  citi- 
zens. The  largest  hall  of  the  city  was 
crowded  to  excess  ;  the  audience  was 
wild  with  enthusiasm,  as  the  brilliant 
orator  swayed  them  by  his  eloquence  ; 
but  in  the  midst  of  the  applause  a  jar 
was  felt,  a  crash  was  heard,  and  every 
face  save  one  turned  pale  as  the  cry 
went  forth,  '  The  floor  is  sinking !'  The 
man  whose  cheek  knew  no  pallor  was 
General  Butler.  He  sprang  up  and 
calmed  the  fears  of  the  multitude  by 
telling  them  that  he  did  not  apprehend 
the  least  danger  ;  that  the  architect  was 
present ;  but  to  allay  any  misgiving,  he 
would  gt)  with  the  architect  and  exam- 
ine the  building.  An  immediate  in- 
vestigation showed  that  the  edifice  was 
in  the  greatest  possible  danger,  and  a 
sudden  movement,  a  rush  on  the  part  of 
the  assembly,  would  result  in  the  slaugh- 
ter of  thousands.  Forgetful  of  himself, 
he  bravely  pushed  through  the  dense 
crowd.  He  did  not  shriek — he  showed 
no  marks  of  trepidation — but  with  a, 
bland  comitcnanco  whispered  a  few  ap- 
parently pleasant  and  assuring  words  to 
Mr.  Choate.  Mr.  Butler  then  turned  to 
the  audience,  and  in  a  calm,  clear  voice 
remarked  :  '  My  friends,  there  is  no 
present  danger ;  but  as  the  house  is 
overcrowded,  it  will  be  better  to  quietly 
adjourn  to  the  open  air  ;  and  I  there- 
fore invite  you  to  the  front  of  the  Mer- 
rimack House.'  The  whole  thing  was 
accomplished   in   a   few  moments.      It 


CHARACTER  OF  GENERAL  BUTLER. 


207 


was  only  by  Mr.  Butler's  self-possession 
that  the  catastrophe  was  avoided.  On 
this  occasion  he  showed  more  cool  cour- 
age than  any  battle  will  ever  call  into 
requisition.  In  the  Ufe  of  Mr.  Choate 
we  find  what  the  words  were  that 
blandly  fell,  sotto  voce,  from  Mr.  Butler, 


viz.,  '  Mr.  Choate,  I  must  clear  this 
house,  or  we  shall  all  be  in  h — 11  in  five 
minutes!'"*  Before  the  close  of  this 
history,  there  will  be  found  otiier  more 
memorable  incidents  recorded,  in  which 
Butler  has  given  ample  proof  of  his 
characteristic  energy  and  courage. 


CEAPTER    XYIII. 

Perplexities  of  President  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet. — Humiliating  Expedients. — The  Governor  of  Marjdand  and  the 
llayor  of  Baltimore  summoned  to  Washington. — The  Conference  with  the  President.— Opinion  of  General  Scott. — 
The  Federal  Authority  agrees  not  to  bring  Troops  through  Baltimore. — End  of  the  Conference. — Another  Inter- 
view.— Troops  Kecalled  from  Cockeysville. — The  continued  Movement  of  Troops  to  W.oshington. — ^The  Route  by 
Annapolis  kept  open  by  General  Butler. — Opposition  from  Maryland. — A  Protest  from  the  Governor. — Response  of 
Butler. — Another  Letter  from  Butler.— A  jicrtinent  Question  as  to  the  Loyalty  of  Maryland. — A  Rebuke  to  the 
Governor.— Another  Piotest  from  Governor  Hicks. — The  Legislature  of  Maryland  convened. — A  Home-tlirust  from 
Butler. — Fastidious  regard  for  Maiyland. — Offer  to  suppress  a  Slave  Insurrection. — The  offer  declined. — The  Legis- 
laturs  of  Maryland  meets  at  Frederick. — The  Message  of  the  Governor. — Amiable  Rhetoric. — Gentleness,  Peace, 
and  Neutrality. — The  Secession  tendencies  of  the  Legislature. — Hesitation. — Union  Meetings. — A  forcible  Appeal 
to  Loyalty. — Movement  of  Butler  to  the  Relay  House. — Indirect  Action  of  the  Legislature. — The  "  Board  of  Public 
Safety." — Its  purpose. — Defeated  by  the  Conservatives.— Animosity  of  the  Legislature. — E.xpression  of  Opinion  in 
regard  to  the  Re-opening  of  Communications. — A  quasi  Justification  of  the  violence  of  the  Maryland  Rioters. — • 
Guarantees  demanded  from  the  Federal  Goverimieut. — Commissioners  sent  to  the  President. — Their  Report.— 
Sympathy  with  Secession  manifested. 


The  President  and  his  cabinet,  beset 
by  a  rebellion  the  extent  of  which  it  was 
impossible  to  measure,  and  unpre- 
pared to  meet  it  with  the  scattered 
resources  of  a  government  they  were  so 
suddenly  called  to  administer,  were  nat- 
urally perplexed.  Surrounded  with  dan- 
gers, the  greater  as  they  were  unde- 
fined, and  prevented  from  the  exercise 
of  powers  which,  however  great,  were 
yet  beyond  their  control,  the  Federal 
authorities  were  obliged  to  resort  to  the 
humiliating  expedient  of  temporizing 
with  the  insurgents  of  Maryland.  The 
President  accordingly  summoned  the 
Governor  of  Maryland  and  the  Mayor 


of   Baltimore    to    Washington    to  April 
"consult"  with  them  for  "the  pres-     21. 
ervation  of  the  peace  of  Maryland." 

"  Governor  Hicks  not  being  at  hand, 
Mayor  Brown,  with  several  notable  cit- 
izens, proceeded  without  him  to  the 
capital  in  obedience  to  the  summons  of 
the  President.  An  audience  was  imme- 
diately granted  by  President  Lincoln, 
accompanied  by  all  the  members  of  his 
cabinet  and  Lieutenant-General  Scott. 
A  long  conversation  and  discussionf  en- 


o  Harper's  Weddy. 

f  The  occurrences  at  this  interview  are  related  as  re- 
ported in  the  "  statement"  of  Mayor  Brown,  National  In- 
telligencer, April  22. 


208 


THE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


sued.  The  President  recognized  the 
good  faith  of  the  city  and  State  author- 
ities of  ^Maryland,  and  insisted  upon  his 
own.  He  admitted  the  excited  state  of 
feehng  in  Baltimore,  and  his  desire  and 
duty  to  avoid  the  fatal  consequences  of 
a  collision  with  the  people.  He  urged, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  absolute,  irre- 
sistible necessity  of  having  a  transit 
through  the  State  for  such  troops  as 
might  be  necessary  for  the  protection 
of  the  Federal  capital.  The  protection 
of  Washington,  he  asseverated  with 
great  earnestness,  was  the  sole  object 
of  concentrating  troops  there,  and  he 
protested  that  none  of  the  troops  brought 
through  Maryland  were  intended  for  any 
purposes  hostile  to  the  State  or  aggres- 
sive as  against  the  Southern  States. 
Being  now  unable  to  bring  them  up  the 
Potomac  in  security,  the  Government 
must  either  bring  them  through  Mary- 
land or  abandon  the  capital. 

"  General  Scott  being  called  upon 
for  his  opinion,  said  that  troops  might 
be  brought  through  Maryland,  without 
passing  through  Baltimore,  by  either 
carrying  them  from  Perryville  to  An- 
napolis and  thence  by  rail  to  Wash- 
ington, or  by  bringing  them  to  the  Re- 
lay House,  on  the  Northern  Central 
Railroad,  and  marching  them  to  the  Re- 
la}'  House,  on  the  Washington  Railroad, 
and  thence  transporting  them  by  rail  to 
the  capital.  If  the  people  of  Maryland 
would  permit  the  troops  to  go  by  either 
of  these  routes  uninterruptedly,  the  ne- 
cessity of  their  passing  through  Balti- 
more might  be  avoided.  If,  however,  the 
General  declared,  the  people  would  not 


allow  them  to  take  this  cu'cuitous  route, 
the  soldiers  would  be  obhged  to  select 
their  own  best  course,  and,  if  need  be, 
fight  theu'  own  way  through  Baltimore, 
a  result  which  he  most  earnestly  depre- 
cated. 

"  The  President  expressed  his  hearty 
concurrence  with  the  desire  of  the  Gen- 
eral to  avoid  a  collision,  and  said  that 
no  more  troops  should  be  ordered  to 
pass  through  Baltimore,  if  they  were 
permitted  to  go  uninterruptedly  by  ei- 
ther of  the  routes  suggested  by  General 
Scott.  The  secretary  of  war,  Cameron, 
gave  his  assent  to  the  decision  of  Mr. 
Lincoln. 

"  Mayor  Brown  assured  the  President 
that  the  city  authorities  would  use  all 
lawful  means  to  prevent  their  citizens 
from  leaving  Baltimore  to  attack  the 
troops  in  passing  at  a  distance  ;  but  he 
urged  at  the  same  time  the  impossibility 
of  their  being  able  to  promise  anything 
more  than  their  best  efforts  in  that  di- 
rection. The  excitement  was  great,  he 
told  the  President ;  the  people  of  all 
classes  were  fully  aroused,  and  it  was 
impossible  for  any  one  to  answer  for 
the  consequences  of  the  presence  of 
Northern  troops  anywhere  within  the 
borders  of  Maryland.  He  reminded  the 
President,  also,  that  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  city  authorities  was  confined  to  their 
own  population,  and  that  he  could  give 
no  promises  for  the  people  elsewhere, 
because  he  would  be  unable  to  keep 
them  if  given.  The  President  frankly 
acknowledged  this  difficulty,  and  said 
that  the  Government  would  onl}^  ask 
the  'city  authorities   to   use  their  best 


THROUGH   ]MARYT.A]SrD. 


209 


efiforts  with  respect  to  those  under  their 
jurisdiction. 

"  The  interview  terminated  with  the 
distinct  assurance  on  the  part  of  the 
President,  that  no  more  troops  would 
be  sent  through  Baltimore,  unless  ob- 
structed in  their  transit  in  other  di- 
rections, and  with  the  understanding 
that  the  city  authorities  should  do  their 
best  to  restrain  their  own  people. 

"  The  Mayor  and  his  companions,  be- 
fore departmg,  urged  upon  the  Presi- 
dent in  the  most  earnest  manner  a 
course  of  policy  which  would  give  peace 
to  the  country,  and  especially  the  with- 
drawal of  all  orders  contemplating  the 
passage  of  troops  through  any  part  of 
Maryland." 

The  Mayor  had,  however,  just  as  he 
was  about  leaving  the  capital,  received 
a  dispatch  informing  him  of  the  march 
of  Pennsylvania  troops  to  Cockeysville, 
in  Maryland,  oaily  distant  fifteen  miles 
from  Baltimore.  This  appeared  to  him 
as  a  threatening  approach,  and  he  hur- 
ried with  his  dispatch  to  the  President, 
who  expressed  great  surprise  at  its  pur- 
port, and  immediately  summoned  Gen- 
eral Scott  and  the  secretary  of  war,  who 
at  once  appeared,  in  company  with  the 
other  members  of  the  cabinet.  The 
dispatch  containing  intelligence  of  the 
movement  of  the  Pennsylvania  troo^Ds 
was  now  submitted  to  the  whole  con- 
clave. Mr.  Lincoln  having  declared  that 
he  had  no  idea  that  a  force  was  to 
move  on  that  day  to  Cockeysville,  urged 
emphatically  the  immediate  recall  of  the 
troops,  to  avoid  the  slightest  suspicion 
of  bad  faith  on  his  part  in  summoning 
27 


the  Mayor  of  Baltimore  to  Washington, 
and  allowing  troops  to  advance  toward 
the  city  during  his  absence.  The  Pres- 
ident then  expressed  his  desire  that  the 
troops  might,  if  practicable,  be  sent  back 
at  once  to  York  or  Harrisburg. 

General  Scott  warmly  concurred,  and 
immediately  issued  an  order  to  that  ef- 
fect and  deUvered  it  to  an  aid-de-camp, 
who  departed  on  the  instant.  At  the 
same  time  assurances  were  given  that 
the  troops  at  Cockeysville  were  not  in- 
tended to  march  through  Baltimore,  but 
to  the  Relay  House,  on  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad. 

The  military  activity,  however,  of  the 
free  States  was  quickly  relieving  the 
Government  from  its  position  of  per- 
plexity and  humiliation.  The  militia 
regiments  akeady  organized,  and  the 
volunteer  corps  forming  with  wonderful 
rapidity,  kept  daily  moving  on  toward 
the  capital.  Some  reached  AnnapoUs 
by  the  way  of  Philadelphia,  while  others 
were  transported  directly  thither  from 
Northern  ports  on  steamers  chartered 
by  the  Government  for  the  purpose. 
The  route  from  Annapolis  to  Washing- 
ton, through  a  disaffected  State,  was 
kept  clear  by  the  energetic  action  of 
General  Butler,  who  continued  to  hold 
the  chief  command  in  that  quarter. 

This  spirited  afificer  met  with  great 
opposition  in  Maryland  from  the  au- 
thorities of  that  State,  either  intimidated 
by  the  rebellious,  or  disposed  to  sympa- 
thize with  their  disloyalty.  Governor 
Hicks  had  repaired  to  Annapolis,  the 
capital  of  ]\Iaryland,  and  remonstrated 
against  Butler's  landing  of  the  troops : 


210 


TILE  WAR  -WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


April  "  I  would  most  earnestly  advise," 
-W'  -fio  wrote,  "  that  you  do  not  land 
j'our  men  at  Annapolis.  The  excite- 
ment, here  is  very  great,  and  I  think 
that  you  should  take  your  men  else- 
where. 1  have  telegraphed  to  the  sec- 
retary of  war,  advising  against  your 
landing  your  men  here." 

To  this  communication  Butler  merely 
answered,  in  the  iirst  place,  that  the  ar- 
rival of  his  command  at  Annapolis  was 
the  result  of  circumstances  beyond  his 
control,  and  that  their  landing  was  a 
necessary  part  of  the  performance  of  his 
duty  to  the  Federal  Government.  Re- 
ceiving no  I'eply,  he  wrote  another  com- 
munication to  the  Governor,  demanding 
a  direct  answer  to  a  question  very  per- 
Anril  tinent  to  the  loyalty  of  the  State 
22.  of  Maryland:  "I  desire  of  your 
Excellency  an  immediate  reply,"  wrote 
Butler,  "whether  I  have  the  permission 
of  the  State  authorities  of  Maryland  to 
land  the  men  under  my  command,  and 
of  passing  quietly  through  the  State  on 
my  way  to  Washington,  respecting  pri- 
vate property,  and  paying  for  what  I 
receive,  and  outraging  the  rights  of 
none — a  duty  which  I  am  bound  to  do 
in  obedience  to  the  requisitions  of  the 
United  States."  At  the  same  time  Gen- 
eral Butler  took  occasion,  to  object  to 
the  sectional  character  the  Governor 
had  attributed  to  the  State  troops,  sum- 
moned to  the  defence  of  the  Union  :  "I 
beg  leave,"  he  said,  "to  call  your  Ex- 
cellency's attention  to  what  I  hope  I 
may  be  pardoned  for  deeming  an  ill-ad- 
vised designation  of  the  men  under  my 
command.      They    are    not    Northern 


troops  ;  they  are  a  part  of  the  whole 
militia  of  the  United  States,  obeying  the 
call  of  the  President." 

Governor  Hicks  withheld  his  consent 
to  the  landing  of  the  troops,  but  con- 
tented himself  with  a  protest  against 
the  movement,  declaring,  that  "in  view 
of  the  excited  condition"  of  Maryland, 
he  considered  it  an  "  unwise  step  on  the 
part  of  the  Government." 

In  the  mean  time.  Governor  Hicks, 
though  hitherto  he  had  firmly  refused, 
summoned  the  Legislature  to  meet  at 
AnnapoHs.  This  was  a  timid  con-  April 
cession  to  the  secessionists,  who  26. 
were  belieVed  to  control  that  body. 
Butler  having,  in  spite  of  protests  and 
threatened  resistance,  landed  his  troops, 
had,  in  order  to  secure  their  transit, 
taken  possession  of  the  Annapolis  and 
Elk  Ridge  Railroad.  The  Governor 
protested  against  this  seizure  of  the 
railroad,  declaring  that  its  military  pos- 
session would  prevent  the  members  of 
the  Legislature  from  assembling  at  An- 
napolis, the  capital.  He,  however,  thus 
exposed  his  secession  proclivities,  if  not 
his  complicity  with  the  rebellious,  which 
he  had  vainly  attempted  to  conceal,  but 
which  had  caused  his  ready  compliance 
with  their  demands.  Butler,  in  his 
answer  to  the  Governor's  protest,  thrust 
this  charge  of  prevarication  home  to 
him  : 

"  Hjeadqcaetees,  Third  Bkigade,TJ.  S.  Mil.,  }^ 
An>"apolis,  Md.,  April  23,  1861.  ) 

"  To  His  Excellency  Thos.  H.  Hjcks,  Gov- 
EEXOK  OF  Martlaitd: 

"You  are  credibly  informed  that  J 
have  taken  possession  of  the  Annapolis 


BUTLER  AT  ANNAPOLIS. 


211 


and  Elk  Ridge  Railroad.  It  might  have 
escaped  your  memor}',  but  at  the  official 
meeting  between  your  Excellency  and 
the  Mayor  of  Annapolis,  and  the  au- 
thorities of  the  Government  and  mj'self, 
it  was  exj^ressly  stated  as  the  reason 
why  I  should  not  land,  and  that  my 
troops  could  not  land,  because  the  com- 
pany had  taken  ujj  the  rails,  and  they 
were  private  property.  It  is  difficult  to 
see  how  it  could  be  that  if  my  troops 
could  not  pass  over  the  raih-oad  one 
way,  the  members  of  the  Legislature 
could  pass  the  other  way.  I  have  taken 
possession  for  the  purpose  of  preventing 
the  carrying  out  of  the  threats  of  the 
mob,  as  officially  represented  to  me  by 
the  master  of  transportation  of  this  city, 
'  that  if  my  troops  passed  over  the  rail- 
road, the  railroad  should  be  destroyed.' 

"  If  the  government  of  the  State  had 
taken  possession  of  the  railroad  in  any 
emergency,  I  should  have  long  waited 
before  I  entered  upon  it.  But,  as  I  had 
the  honor  to  inform  your  Excellency  in 
regard  to  insurrection  against  the  laws 
of  Maryland,  I  am  here  armed  to  main- 
tain those  laws,  if  your  Excellency  de- 
sires, and  the  peace  of  the  United  States, 
against  all  disorderly  persons  whatever. 
I  am  endeavoring  to  save,  and  not  to 
destroy,  to  obtain  means  of  transporta- 
tion, so  I  can  vacate  the  capital  prior  to 
the  sitting  of  the  Legislature,  and  not 
be  under  the  painful  necessity  of  occu- 
pying your  beautiful  city  while  the  Leg- 
islature is  in  session.  I  have  the  honor 
to  be  your  Excellency's  obedient  serv- 
ant, Br. -Gen.  B.  F.  Butler." 

While  thus  resolute,  however,  in  the 


performance  of  his  duty  to  the  General 
Government,  Butler  was  not  less  solic- 
itous to  uphold  the  institutions  and  sup- 
port the  laws  of  Maryland.  His  fastid- 
ious regard  for  the  State  was  manifest 
on  the  occasion  of  a  threatened  rising 
of  the  negroes.  Butler  oflfered  the  aid 
of  his  troops  in  suppressing  the  rumored 
insurrection. 

"  Headquaetees  Thied  Beig.  Mass.  V.  Mil.,  ) 
Annapolis,  A^jril  23,  1861.  ) 

"  To  his  Excellency  Thomas  H.  Hicks,  Gov- 

EENOE    OF   THE   StATE    OF    MaeTLAND  : 

"I  did  myself  the  honor,  in  my  com- 
munication of  yesterday,  wherein  I  asked 
permission  to  land  the  portion  of  the 
militia  of  the  United  States  under  my 
command,  to  state  that  they  were  armed 
only  against  the  disturbers  of  the  peace 
of  the  State  of  Mainland  and  of  the 
United  States. 

"  I  have  understood  within  the  last 
hour  that  some  apprehensions  are  en- 
tertained of  an  insurrection  of  the  negro 
population  of  this  neighborhood.  I  am 
anxious  to  convince  all  classes  of  per- 
sons that  the  forces  under  my  command 
are  not  here  in  any  way  to  interfere 
with  or  countenance  any  interference 
with  the  laws  of  the  State.  I  am  there- 
fore ready  to  co-operate  with  your  Ex- 
cellency in  suppressing  most  promptly 
and  efiectivcly  any  insurrection  against 
the  laws  of  Mar3dand. 

"  I  beg,  therefore,  that  you  announce 
publicly  that  any  portion  of  the  forces 
under  my  cornmand  is  at  your  Excel- 
lency's disposal,  to  act  immediately  for 
the  preservation  and  quietness  of  the 
jjeace  of  this  community. 


212 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


"  And  I  have  the  liouor  to  be  your 
E:s;cellency's  obedient  servant, 

"Benjamin  F.  Butler, 
"  General  of  Third  Brigade." 

The  Governor  gi-atefully  acknowl- 
edged this  tender  of  service,  but,  confi- 
dent in  the  ability  of  the  citizens  them- 
selves to  suppress  any  insurrection  of 
the  slave  population  of  Maryland,  de- 
clined General  Butler's  coucUiatory  but 
officious  offer. 

The  Legislature  of  Maryland,  under 
the  pretence  that  it  was  not  safe  to  meet 
in  Annapohs,  the  capital,  while  in  the 
m^ilitary  jDOSsession  of  General  Butler 
with  Northern  troops,  convened  at  Fred- 
erick. The  Governor,  in  his  message, 
April  gfive  a  resume  of  his  action,  and 
after  bewailing  the  angry  disposi- 


27. 


tion  of  the  State,  strove,  in  a  strain 
of  amiable  rhetoric,  to  compose  it  by 
counseling  gentleness,  peace,  and  neu- 
traUty. 

"It  is  my  duty,"  he  said,  "  to  advise 
you  of  my  own  convictions  of  the  proper 
course  to  be  pursued  by  Maryland  in 
the  emergency  which  is  upon  us.  It  is 
of  no  consequence  now  to  discuss  the 
causes  which  have  induced  our  troubles. 
Let  us  look  to  our  distressing  present 
and  to  our  portentous  future.  The  fate 
of  Maryland,  and  perhaps  of  her  sister 
border  slave  States,  wiU  undoubtedly 
be  seriously  affected  by  the  action  of 
your  honorable  body.  Therefore  should 
every  good  citizen  bend  aU  his  energies 
to  the  task  before  us,  and  therefore 
should  the  animosities  and  bickerings 
of  the  past  be  forgotten,  and  all  strike 
hands   in  the   bold  cause  of  restoring 


peace  to  our  State  and  to  our  country. 
I  honestly  and  most  earnestly  entertain 
the  conviction,  that  the  only  safety  of 
Maryland  lies  in  preserving  a  neutral 
position  between  our  brethren  of  the 
Xorth  and  of  the  South.  We  have  vio- 
lated no  right  of  either  section.  We 
have  been  loyal  to  the  Union.  The  un- 
happy contest  between  the  two  sections 
has  not  been  commenced  or  encouraged 
by  us,  although  we  have  suffered  from 
it  in  the  past.  The  impending  war  has 
not  come  by  any  act  or  any  wish  of  om-s. 
We  have  done  aU  we  could  to  avert  it. 
We  have  hoped  that  Maryland  and  other 
border  slave  States,  by  their  conserva- 
tive position  and  love  for  the  Union, 
might  have  acted  as  mediators  between 
the  extremes  of  both  sections,  and  thus 
have  j)reveuted  the  terrible  evils  of  a 
prolonged  civil  war.  Entertaining  these 
views,  I  cannot  counsel  Maryland  to 
take  sides  against  the  General  Govern- 
ment until  it  shall  commit  outra2;es  on 
us  which  would  justify  us  in  resisting 
its  authoi'ity.  As  a  consequence,  I  can 
give  no  other  counsel  than  that  we  shall 
array  ourselves  for  tmion  and  peace, 
and  thus  preserve  our  soU  from  being 
polluted  with  the  blood  of  brethren. 
Thus,  if  war  must  be  between  the  Jf  oi'th 
and  South,  we  may  force  the  contending 
parties  to  transfer  the  field  of  battle  from 
oiu*  soil,  so  that  our  hves  and  property 
may  be  secure." 

There  was  a  strong  disposition  on  the 
part  of  a  majority  of  the  Legislature  of 
Maryland  to  precipitate  the  State  into 
secession.  Checked,  however,  by  the 
mcreased  manifestation  of  loyalty  to  the 


DEFEAT   OF   SEGESSIOX   IX   MARYLAND. 


213 


Uuion,  ou  the  part  of  some  of  their  fel- 
low-citizens, and  awed  by  the  rapid  ac- 
cumulation of  United  States  troops  in 
Maryland  and  in  Washington,  they  hes- 
itated. Meetings  had,  in  the  mean  time, 
gathered  in  Baltimore  and  other  parts 
of  the  State,  and  passed  resolutions  of 
loyalty  to  the  Uuion.  The  United  States 
flag  began  to  be  unfurled,  and  secession 
badges  and  colors  to  disappear.  There 
was,  however,  in  the  rapid  mustering 
of  the  Xorthern  militia,  a  more  forcible 
appeal  in  behalf  of  the  Union.  The 
concentration  at  Annapolis  of  a  large 
May  force,  and  the  movement  of  Gen- 
s' eral  Butler  to  the  Relay  House,  at 
the  junction  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
and  Baltimore  and  Washington  rail- 
ways, only  seven  miles  south  of  Balti- 
more, and  commanding  its  most  import- 
ant communications,  caused  even  the 
most  headstrong  of  the  Maryland  Legis- 
lature to  pause  before  taking  the  dan- 
gerous step  of  secession  to  which  they 
had  been  otherwise  so  inclined.  Find- 
ing the  Federal  Government  prepared 
to  vmdicate  its  authority,  and  fearful  of 
bringing  upon  their  State  its  armed 
vengeance,  the  secessionists  gave  up  all 
hope  of  the  direct  accomplishment  of 
their  purpose,*  but  strove  to  secure  its 
fultibuent  by  indirect  action.  Not  ven- 
turing to  pass  an  act  of  immediate  se- 
cession, they  made  an  effort  to  bring 
it  about  sooner  or  later  through  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  "  Board  of  Public 
Safety,"  to  be  officered  and  controlled 
by  their  own  friends.     This  board  was 

^  A  vote,  however,  was  talcen,  which  resulted  in  flfty- 
thiec  against  and  thirteen  for  secession  from  the  Union. 


intended  to  assume  the  executive  power 
of  the  State  in  place  of  the  regularly 
constituted  authorities,  whose  supposed 
fidelity  to  the  Union  was  an  obstacle  to 
the  designs  of  the  secessionists.  Thus 
they  hoped  to  accomplish  indirectly  their 
fixed  purpose  of  wresting  Maryland  from 
the  Union.  Their  intention,  however, 
being  obvious,  was  at  once  opposed  and 
defeated  by  the  timely  interposition  of 
the  conservatives  of  the  State.  At  a  con- 
vention which  met  at  Baltimore,  the  jjay 
following  resolutions  were  passed  :     *• 

"Resolved,  That  the  Convention,  in 
the  name  of  the  order-loving  people  of 
Baltimore,  do  solemnly  protest  against 
the  attempt  now  making  in  the  Legis- 
lature of  Maryland  to  inaugurate  a  mil- 
itary despotism,  by  the  enactment  of  a 
biU  to  create  a  Committee  of  Public 
Safety,  which,  under  a  profession  of 
providing  for  the  protection,  safety, 
peace,  and  defence  of  the  State,  would, 
if  enacted  into  a  law,  confer  on  an  irre- 
sponsible body  powers  which  are  uncon- 
stitutional and  tyrannical  in  principle, 
and  which,  by  withdrawing  from  the 
citizen  all  guarantees  now  enjoyed  for 
his  individual  security,  must  endanger 
the  public  peace  ;  and  in  the  event  of 
the  enactment  of  that  bill,  we  shall  es- 
teem it  our  duty  to  avail  ourselves  of 
all  constitutional  remedies  for  defeating 
its  execution  and  vindicating  pubhc 
liberty. 

''Resolved,  secondly,  That  the  mea- 
sures enacted  and  enacting  by  the  Leg- 
islature are  indicative  of  a  purpose  on 
the  part  of  the  majority  thereof,  to  pre- 
cipitate Maryland  into  a  struggle  with  the 


2U 


THE  W^\Il   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


constitutional  authorities  of  the  Union, 
and  to  efl'ect,  by  indirect  action,  a  re- 
sult which  they  acknowledge  they  are 
unable  to  accomplish  by  direct  legisla- 
tion on  the  subject,  and  that  we  depre- 
cate any  efforts  to  change  the  relations  at 
present  existing  between  the  Union  and 
this  State,  by  any  authority  whatsoever." 
The  secessionists  of  the  Legislature, 
though  thwarted  in  their  plans  of  hos- 
tility, did  not  conceal  their  animosity 
to  the  Northern  States  and  the  Federal 
Government.  When  called  upon  by  the 
Mayor  of  Baltimore  for  action  in  regard 
to  the  restoration  of  the  communications 
between  that  city  and  other  parts  of  the 
country,  which  had  been  closed  by  the 
destruction  of  railroad  bridges,  and  the 
hostile  attitude  of  the  people  of  Mary- 
land, a  committee  was  appointed  to  con- 
sider the  subject.  In  their  report,  while 
they  confessed  that  ' '  the  almost  total 
interruption  of  direct  communication 
between  Baltimore  and  the  North,  by 
destruction  of  bridges  upon  the  North- 
ern, Central,  and  Philadelphia  raih'oads, 
is  an  evil  very  aggravated  in  its  charac- 
ter, not  only  in  itself  but  in  its  manifest 
bearings  upon  the  prosperity  of  the 
"State  and  its  commercial  meti-opolis," 
they  could  not  refrain  from  a  quasi 
justification  of  the  violence  which  had 
caused  it.  The  committee  declared  that 
"in  the  face  of  a  danger  which  would 
seem  inevitable,  if  facilities  for  invasion 
were  offered  to  the  fanatical  and  excited 
multitudes  of  the  Northern  cities,  where 
animosity  to  Baltimore  and  Maryland  is 
measured  by  no  standard,  and  who  pub- 
licly threaten  our  destruction,  without 


subordination  even  to  the  Federal  au- 
thority, it  could  hardly  be  consistent 
with  the  commonest  prudence  to  re- 
open the  avenues  which  would  bring 
them  to  our  very  doors."  Adding, 
"that  the  channels  of  intercourse  with 
the  Northern  States  cannot  be  effectually 
re-established  without  a  guarantee  from 
some  quarter  of  the  safety  and  peace  of 
Maryland,"  the  committee  recommended 
that  this  should  be  sought  from  the 
Federal  Government. 

Three  commissioners  were  accordingly 
appointed  to  communicate  with  the 
President  of  the  United  States  "  in  re- 
gard to  the  present  and  any  proposed 
military  use  or  occupation  of  the  soil 
and  property  of  the  State  by  the  Gen- 
eral Government."  Having  proceeded 
to  the  capital  and  communicated  with 
Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  cabinet,  the  commis- 
sioners duly  reported  the  result.  The 
report  is  a  cautiously  worded  document, 
but  the  sympathy  of  its  authors  with 
secession  is  manifest,  in  spite  of  their 
technical  adherence  to  the  legal  obliga- 
tions of  loyalty. 

"To  THE  Honorable  General  Assemblt  op 
jMartlajnt)  : 
"  The  undersigned  commissioners  have 
the  honor  to  report  to  the  General  may 
Assembly  of  Maryland  that  they    <*• 
waited  in  person  on  the  President  of  the 
United  States  on  the  4th  inst.,  and  pre- 
sented him  with  a  copy  of  the  joint  res- 
olutions adopted  b}^  your  honorable  body 
on  the  2d  inst.     They  were  received  by 
the  President  with  respectful  coiu'tesy, 
and  made  such  representations  as  were 
necessary  to  convey  to  him  the  sense  of 


REPOUT   OF  MARYLAND   COiBUSSIOXERS. 


215 


the  General  Assembly  of  Maryland,  in 
relation  to  the  occupation  of  the  capital 
of  the  State  by  Federal  troops,  and  the 
forcible  seizure  of  property  of  the  State, 
and  of  private  citizens  on  the  Annapolis 
Railroad,  and  on  the  Washington  Branch 
of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  ; 
and  in  this  connection  his  attention  was 
called  to  the  suspension  of  intercourse 
between  Baltimore  and  "Washington,  and 
other  parts  of  the  State  with  Annapolis, 
and  the  indignity  put  upon  the  State 
while  stiU  in  the  Federal  Union,  by  such 
an  interference  with  the  private  rights 
of  its  citizens,  and  by  such  an  occupation 
\  of  its  soil  and  ways  of  communication 
j  by  the  Federal  Government.  Full  ex- 
I  planations  were  exchanged  between  the 
I  undersigned  and  the  secretaiy  of  war 
'  and  secretary  of  state,  who  were  present 
I  and  participated  in  the  discussion,  as  to 
!  the  facts  and  circumstances  rendered 
[  necessary  by  the  extraordinary  incidents 
I  accompanying  the  passage  of  the  Fed- 
eral troops  through  Maryland  en  route  to 
the  city  of  Washington,  and  especially 
in  reference  to  those  acts  of  the  author- 
ities of  the  city  of  Baltimore,  which 
arrested  the  progress  of  the  troops  by 
the  railroads  leading  from  Pennsylvania 
and  Delaware  into  Maryland,  and  of  the 
opposition  to  the  landing  of  the  troops 
subsequently  at  Annapolis  by  the  Gov- 
ernor of  the  State,  and  in  conjunction 
with  the  action  of  the  authorities  of  the 
State.  The  hostile  feeling  manifested 
by  the  people  to  the  passage  of  these 
troops  through  Maryland  was  considered 
and  treated  with  entire  frankness  by  the 
undersigned,  who,  while  acknowledging 


all  the  legal  obligations  of  the  State  to 
the  Federal  Government,  set  forth  fully 
the  strength  of  the  sympathy  felt  by  a 
large  portion  of  our  people  for  our 
Southern  brethren  in  the  present  crisis. 
Although  many  of  the  instances  and 
circumstances  referred  to  were  regarded 
in  difierent  lights  by  the  undersigned 
and  the  Federal  Government,  even  to 
the  extent  of  a  difTerence  of  opinion  as 
to  some  of  the  facts  involved,  yet  in  re- 
gard to  the  general  principle  at  issue  a 
concurrence  of  opinion  was  reached. 
The  President  concurred  with  the  under- 
signed in  the  opinion  that  so  long  as 
Maryland  has  not  taken,  and  was  not 
about  taking,  a  hostile  attitude  to  the 
Federal  Government,  that  the  executive 
military  occupation  of  her  ways  of  com- 
munication, and  the  seizure  of  the  prop- 
erty of  her  citizens,  would  be  without 
justification  ;  and  what  has  been  referred 
to  in  this  connection,  so  far  as  it  oc- 
curred, was  treated  by  the  Government 
as  an  act  of  necessity  and  self-preserva- 
tion. The  undersigned  did  not  feel 
themselves  authorized  to  enter  into  any 
engagement  with  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment to  induce  it  to  change  its  relations 
to  the  State  of  Maryland,  considering « 
it  proper  under  the  circumstances  to 
leave  the  entire  discretion  and  responsi- 
bility of  the  existing  state  of  things  to 
that  Government,  making  such  repre- 
sentations as  they  deem  proper  to  vindi- 
cate the  moral  and  legal  aspects  of  the 
question,  and  especially  insisting  on  its 
obhgation  to  reheve  the  State  promptly 
from  restraint  and  indignity,  and  to  ab- 
stain from  aU  action  in  the  transportation 


216 


TIIE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


of  troops  that  can  be  regarded  as  in- 
tended for  chastisement  or  prompted  by 
resentment.  The  undersigned  are  not 
able  to  indicate  to  what  extent  or  to 
what  degree  the  executive  discretion 
will  be  exercised  in  modifying  the  rela- 
tions which  now  exist  between  the  State 
of  Maryland  and  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and  in  the  particular  matter  of  the 
commercial  communication  between  the 
city  of  Baltimore  and  the  other  part  of 
the  country,  brought  to  the  attention  of 
the  General  Assembly  by  the  Mayor  and 
City  Council  of  Baltimore  ;  but  they 
feel  authorized  to  express  the  opinion 
that  some  modification  may  be  expected. 
The  undersigned  feel  painfully  confident 


tliat  a  war  is  to  be  waged  to  reduce  all 
the  seceding  States  to  allegiance  to  the 
Federal  Government,  and  that  the  whole 
military  power  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment will  be  exerted  to  accomplish  that 
purpose  ;  and  though  the  expression  of 
this  opinion  is  not  called  for  by  the  res- 
olution of  your  honorable  bodies,  yet, 
having  had  the  opportunity  to  ascertain 
its  entire  accuracy,  and  because  it  wiU 
explain  much  of  the  military  prepara- 
tions and  movements  of  the  troops 
thi'ough  the  State  of  Maryland,  it  is 
proper  to  bring  it  to  your  attention. 
"  Otho  Scott, 
"Robert  M.  McLane, 
"  Wm.  J.  Ross." 


CHAPTER    XIX. 


The  rapid  Response  to  the  President's  Call  for  Troops. — The  Capital  pronounced  safe. — Maryland  Awed. — ^Virginia  kept 
in  check.— Increased  Resources  of  the  Government. — Reinforcement  of  Fortress  Monroe. — Description  of  Fortress 
Monroe. — The  importance  of  its  Position. — Its  Consiruction. — Site. — Communications  with  the  Maiuland. — ^The 
Outer  Walls. — ^The  form  of  the  Fort. — The  Armament. — Late  Additions. — The  Moat. — The  Water  Battery. — The 
Gates. — The  Redoubt. — How  Commanded. — Its  Approaches. — How  Defended. — The  Defects  of  the  Fort. — ^The  Ex- 
terior.— The  Hygeia  Hotel. — Old  Point  Comfort. — Luportance  of  the  Post. — Danger  of  losing  it. — Anjuety  of  the 
North. — Reinforcements  from  Massachusetts. — Increased  Authority  and  Vigor  of  the  Federal  Government. — New 
Military  Departments. — Another  Call  from  the  President  for  Troops. — His  Proclamation. — The  swift  Answer  of  the 
North. — Virginia  and  North  Carolina  included  in  the  Elock:ule. — Increase  of  the  Fleet. — Purchase  of  Merchant 
Steamers, — General  Butler's  Fortifications  at  the  Relay  House.— Command  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  R;ulroati.— 
Reconstruction  of  Bridges  and  Opening  of  Communications. — Fort  McHenry  Reinforced. — Its  effect  upon  Baltimore. 
— Description  of  the  Fortress. — The  good  conduct  of  its  Commander. — Position  of  the  Fort. — Reaction  of  Sentiment 
in  Maryhmd. — Union  Feeling  claimed  to  he  prcdomirant. — Union  Meetings  and  Union  Orators. — Speech  of  Rererdy 
Johnson.— Presentation  of  Flag  to  the  Home  Guard  of  Frederick.— Great  Crowds  of  Unionists. — Remarkable  dis- 
pliiy  of  Union  Emblems. — Manly  Rhetoric  of  Johnson. — Sensible  Adrice  to  Marjlanders. — A  fervid  Appeal  in 
behalf  of  tlie  United  Suites  Flag.- The  Secessionists  awed  to  !^ilence. — Secret  eflforts  to  advance  Secession.— The 
City  of  B.»itimore  tranquilized. — Disbandment  of  the  City  Soldieiy. — Butler  Marches  into  the  City.^His  Reception. 
— Encampment  on  Federal  Hill. — Proclamation  of  Butler. — Seizure  of  Arms. — Arrest  of  prominent  Citizens. — Good 
effects  of  Decision. — ^The  Governor  of  Maryland  takes  Cour;\ge. — He  responds  to  the  President's  Call  for  Troops. — 
A  Proclamation  Modified  to  suit  Equivocal  Loyalty. — Comparative  Propriety  of  the  Legislature. — ^A  Spirit  of  Dis- 
affection finds  vent.— The  last  Act  of  the  Legislature.- The  Route  through  Baltimore  opened.— The  first  great 
Victory  for  the  Union. 


1861. 


Such  had  been  the  promptitude  with 
which  the  North  had  responded  to 
the  proclamation,  of  the   loth  of 


April,  of  the  President  calling  forth  the 
militia,  that  in  less  than  ten  days  after, 
more  than  twenty  thousand  troops  had 


FORTRESS  MOXROE. 


217 


marclied.  The  capital,  which  was  sup- 
posed to  have  been  in  imminent  danger 
from  Virginia  and  Maryland,  was  now 
pronounced  safe.  The  insurgents  of  the 
former  State  in  arms  against  the  Federal 
Government,  and  who  had  mustered  to 
the  number  of  several  thousands,. and  en- 
camped on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac 
opposite  to  Washington,  were  kept  in 
awe  by  the  militia  which  had  rapidl}^ 
accumulated  at  the  capital.  Maryland, 
dominated  by  a  considerable  Federal 
force  in  possession  of  the  channels  of 
communication,  also  feared  any  longer  to 
make  violent  demonstration  of  its  dis- 
aflfectioUj  and  appeared  suddenly  to  be 
converted  to  loyalty. 

The  Federal  Government  strength- 
ened thus  by  the  military  ardor  and 
promptitude  of  the  loyal  States,  was 
enabled  not  only  to  provide  for  the  im- 
mediate defence  of  the  capital,  and  to 
check  the  rebeUious  tendencies  of  Mary- 
land, but  to  reinforce  a  post  of  the 
greatest  importance  in  the  future  con- 
duct of  the  war.  This  was  Fortress 
Monroe,  the  most  extensive  work  of 
defence  in  the  United  States.  Situated 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Chesapeake,  it  com- 
mands the  only  approaches  from  the  sea 
to  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  to  the 
various  rivers,  the  Susquehannah,  the 
Potomac,  Rappahannock,  York,  James, 
and  the  numerous  small  streams  and 
creeks  which  empty  into  the  bay,  and 
thus  find  their  outlet  to  the  Atlantic 
Ocean. 

Fortress  Monroe  was  designed  by  the 
celebrated  French  engineer  General 
Barnai'd,  in  1819,  then  in  the  service  of 

28 


the  United  States.  Fort  Wool,  on  the 
Rip  Raps,  intended  to  cross  fire  with  it, 
is  3^et  incomplete.  Fortress  Monroe 
is  built  upon  a  peninsula  connected 
with  the  mainland  by  a  naiTOW  strip  of 
sand  beach,  not  more  than  forty  rods  in 
width.  In  addition  to  this  communica- 
tion, there  has  been  constructed  a  cause- 
way with  a  bridge  toward  its  end  which 
leads  from  the  fort  to  the  road  on  the 
mainland  which  passes  to  Hampton. 
This  passage  is  so  narrow  and  so  com- 
pletely commanded  by  some  of  the 
heaviest  guns  of  the  fort,  as  to  render 
any  approach  in  that  direction  ahnost 
impracticable.  The  waters  of  the  bay 
which  flow  in  between  the  peninsula 
and  the  mainland,  enclosed,  as  it  were, 
hke  a  lake,  between  the  natural  neck  of 
sand  and  the  artificial  causeway,  vary  in 
width  from  one  to  three  miles. 

The  outer  walls  of  Fortress  Monroe 
embrace  an  area  of  nearly  sixty-five 
acres,  of  which  twenty-five  regularly 
laid  out  and  shaded  by  a  fine  growth  of 
live  oak  form  the  parade  ground.  The 
work  is  bastioned,  and  is  of  an  irregular 
heptagon  form.  The  walls,  constructed 
of  gi-anite  and  embanked  with  thick 
mounds  of  sand  and  clay,  rise  lo  a  height 
of  thirty-five  feet.  On  the  ramparts 
are  mounted  heavy  guns,  some  of  which 
are  forty-two  pounders  and  others  co- 
lumbiads.  These  being  en  barbette  are 
uncovered.  There  are  about  seventy 
large  casemates,  which  are  bomb  and 
shot  proof  Some  of  these  are  appro- 
priated for  oflicers'  quarters,  and  others 
for  guard-houses  and  general  barracks. 
The  embrasures,  though  intended  orig- 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


inally  I'or  foi-ty-two  pounders,  are  suffi- 
ciently large  for  columbiads  of  the  great- 
est size. 

The  armament  of  the  fortress  as  orig- 
inally recorded  in  the  official  statement 
■was  composed  of  forty-two  forty-two 
pounders,  a  hundred  and  thirty-nine 
thirty-two  poundei'S,  ten  twenty-four 
pounders,  fourteen  eighteen  pounders, 
twenty-five  twelve  pounders,  twelve  field 
pieces,  sixteen  flank  howitzers,  twenty 
heavy  eight-inch  howitzers,  five  light 
eight-inch  howitzers,  three  thirteen-inch 
mortars,  seven  heavy  ten-inch  mortars, 
three  light  ten-inch  mortars,  five  light 
eight-inch  mortars,  five  sixteen-inch 
stone  mortars,  and  fifteen  cohorns,  mak- 
ing in  all  three  hundred  and  seventy-one 
guns. 

This  armament,  however,  has  been 
much  modified  and  considerably  aug- 
mented since.  Columbiads  of  various 
calibres  have  been  liberally  supplied, 
and  mortars  of  various  construction  and 
other  cannon  added,  so  that  its  ramparts 
now  frown  with  the  most  formidable 
enginery  of  war  yet  constructed. 

A  broad  and  deep  moat  surrounds 
the  whole  work.  This  is  faced  with 
dressed  granite,  and  when  flooded  by 
the  opening  of  the  gates,  is  frupplicd 
with  water,  varying  from  eight  to  fifteen 
feet  in  depth,  and  from  seventy-five  to  a 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  breadth,  present- 
ing a  formidable  obstacle  to  be  overcome 
in  an  attempted  assault. 

As  the  fort  was  chiefly  intended  to 
protect  the  approaches  from  sea,  the 
chief  labor  and  expense  were  concen- 
trated upon  the  work  in  that  direction. 


Here  is  what  is  termed  the  Water 
Battery,  wliich  is  constructed  of  stone, 
of  a  thickness  so  great,  and  of  a  masonry 
so  solid,  that  it  is  supposed  to  be  proof 
against  any  weight  of  metal.  It  has 
forty-two  embrasures,  originallymounted 
with  that  number  of  forty-two  pounders. 
Presenting  a  formidable  front  to  the  sea, 
this  defence  would  seem  impregnable  to 
a  naval  attack  from  without.  The  slope 
of  the  battery  is  laid  with  green  turf, 
like  the  ramparts  of  the  rest  of  the 
fortress,  and  in  times  of  peace  was  a 
favorite  promenade  for  the  fiishionable 
frequenters  of  the  peninsula  seeking  the 
fresh  breezes  of  the  ocean. 

On  the  north  side  of  the  fort  there  is 
a- postern  gate,  which  leads  to  a  redoubt 
or  outerwork,  built  to  protect  the  land 
side,  which,  as  the  work  was  never  in- 
tended except  as  a  protection  against  a 
foreign  enemy,  was  left,  as  in  all  our 
coast  defences,  comparatively  weak. 
Since,  however,  the  commencement  of 
this  civil  war,  great  efforts  have  been 
made  to  give  additional  strength  to  this 
portion  of  the  works.  Heavy  guns  and 
mortars  have  been  mounted  to  command 
tlie  artificial  causeway  and  the  strip  of 
beach  which  join  the  peninsula  with  the 
mainland.  The  surface  of  the  country 
in  the  immediate  neiaihborhood,  more- 
over,  being  generally  level,  there  is 
hardly  a  favorable  point  for  commencing 
the  operations  of  a  siege.  The  only 
rising  ground  for  many  miles  is  a  slight 
elevation  with  trees  on  either  side,  at 
the  extremity  of  tlie  neck  of  land. 
This,  however,  is  so  commanded  by  the 
guns  of  the  fort  as  to  be  untenable. 


FORT  MONROE   SECURED. 


219 


On  the  beach  outside  of  the  walls 
there  is  a  fifteen-inch  columbiad  placed 
there  for  practice,  and  for  additional  de- 
fence against  an  attack  from  the  sea. 
It,  however,  also  commands  the  neck  of 
land,  and  would  seem  to  check  the  ap- 
proach of  the  most  ventursome  in  tliat 
direction.  The  whole  cost  of  the  ex- 
tensive works  of  Fortress  Monroe  has 
been  estimated  at  nearly  three  millions. 
The  greatest  deficiency  of  the  fort  is  the 
precariousness  of  its  supply  of  water. 
An  attempt  was  made  some  fifteen  years 
ago  to  bore  an  Artesian  well,  but  the 
effort  was  abandoned,  and  the  only  de- 
pendence at  present  is  upon  large-  cis- 
terns, which  are  supplied  by  the  rains. 

Outside  of  the  fort  are  the  numerous 
foundries  and  woi'k  and  machine  shops, 
where  large  quantities  of  munitions  of 
war  can  be  rapidly  fabricated.  There 
is  a  wharf  on  the  southern  side  of  the 
peninsula,  three  hundred  yards  distant 
from  the  fort,  where  vessels  of  the 
greatest  draft  of  water  can  lie.  About 
a  quarter  of  a  mile  distant,  and  on  the 
western  side  of  the  walls,  stood  the 
"Hygeia  Hotel,"  a  famous  resort  in  past 
summers  for  the  planters  of  the  South 
in  search  of  the  sea  breeze  at  "Old 
Point  Comfort,"  as  the  peninsula  is 
called.  Within  the  fort  itself  there  is  a 
group  of  nearly  fifty  houses  of  brick  and 
wood,  formhig  quite  a  village,  and  on 
one  side  of  the  parade  ground  is  a 
seemly  Episcopal  chapel. 

To  secure  this  important  post  became 
at  once  a  matter  of  the  greatest  moment. 
Placed  as  it  was  within  the  boundaries 
of  a  State  already  in  open  rebellion,  and 


threatened  by  a  force  gathered  appar- 
ently for  the  purpose  of  attempting  to 
wrest  it  from  the  meagre  garrison  which 
held  it,  there  was  great  danger  of  its 
loss.  Massachusetts,  however,  which 
had  been  foremost  in  pouring  out  her 
resources  of  men  and  money  in  defence 
of  the  Union,  came  to  the  rescue,  and 
promptly  sent  one  of  her  regiments  of 
militia  to  aid  in  its  defence.  Embarking 
on  board  of  the  steamer  Maine,  at 
Boston,  the  Fourth  Regiment  of  Massa- 
chusetts militia  sailed  directly  to  the 
Chesapeake,  and  landed  in  safety  April 
at  Fortress  Monroe  on  the  20th  of  20. 
April. 

The  Government,  encouraged  by  tlie 
enthusiasm  of  loyalty  of  the  people,  and 
fortified  by  their  generosity  of  service, 
began  to  assert  with  more  confidence, 
and  to  vindicate  with  more  firmness,  its 
contemned  authority.  New  military  de- 
partments were  organized.  The  April 
District  of  Columbia,  Fort  "Wash-  27. 
ington  and  the  adjacent  country,  and 
the  State  of  Maryland  as  far  as  Bladens- 
burgh,  were  erected  into  the  Department 
of  Washington,  and  placed  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  J.  K.  F.  Mansfield, 
inspector-general,  with  his  headquarters 
at  the  capital.  That  part  of  Maryland 
including  the  country  for  twenty  miles 
on  each  side  of  the  railroad  from  An- 
napolis to  the  city  of  Washington,  as  far 
as  Bladensburgh,  was  formed  into  a  new 
military  department,  entitled  the  De- 
partment of  Annapolis,  and  Butler,  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general  of  Massa- 
chusetts volunteers,  assigned  to  the 
command,  with  his  headquarters  at  An- 


220 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


napolis.  To  these  was  added  a  tliird, 
tlie  Department  of  Pennsylvania,  includ- 
ing that  State,  the  State  of  Delaware, 
and  all  of  Maryland  not  within  the 
other  departments,  and  the  command 
given  to  Major-General  Patterson,  with 
his  headquarters  at  Philadelphia,  or  any 
other  point  which  he  might  be  tempo- 
rarily oceup3dng. 

This  was  soon  after  followed  by  this 

May    proclamation  of  the  President  call- 

3«      ing  for  volunteers  for  three  years, 

and  an  increase  of  the  -regular*  army  and 

navy  : 

"  Whereas  existing  exigencies  demand 
immediate  and  adequate  measures  for 
the  protection  of  the  national  Constitu- 
tion and  the  preservation  of  the  national 
Union,  by  the  suppression  of  the  insur- 
rectionary combinations  now  existing  in 
several  States  for  opposing  the  laws  of 
the  Union  and  obstructing  the  execution 
thereof,  to  which  end  a  miUtary  force  in 
addition  to  that  called  forth  by  my 
proclamation  of  the  fifteenth  day  of 
April  in  the  present  year  appears  to  be 
indispensably  necessary,  now,  therefore, 
I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  Army  and  iNavy  thereof,  and  of 
the  mihtia  of  the  several  States,  when 
called  into  actual  service,  do  hereby  call 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States 
forty-two  thousand  and  thirty-four  vol- 
unteers, to  serve  for  a  period  of  three 
years,  unless  sooner  discharged,  and  to 
be  mustered  into  service  as  infantry  and 
cavalry.  The  proportions  of  each  arm 
and  the  details  of  enrolment  and  organ- 
ization will  be  made  known  through  the 


department  of  war ;  and  I  also  direct 
that  the  regular  army  of  the  United 
States  be  increased  by  the  addition  of 
^eight  regiments  of  infantry,  one  regi- 
ment of  cavalry,  and  one  regiment  of 
artillery,  making  altogether  a  maximum 
aggregate  increase  of  22,714  officers  and 
enlisted  men,  the  details  of  which  in- 
crease will  also  be  made  known  through 
the  department  of  war  ;  and  I  further 
direct  the  enlistment,  for  not  less  than 
one  nor  more  than  three  years,  of  18,000 
seamen,  in  addition  to  the  present  foi'ce, 
for  the  naval  service  of  the  United 
States.  The  details  of  the  enhstment 
and  'Organization  wiU  be  made  known 
through  the  department  of  the  navy. 
The  caU  for  volunteers,  hereby  made, 
and  the  direction  of  the  increase  of  the 
regular  army,  and  for  the  enlistment  of 
seamen  hereby  given,  together  with  the 
plan  of  organization  adopted  for  the 
volunteers  and  for  the  regular  forces 
hereby  authorized,  will  be  submitted  to 
Congress  as  soon  as  assembled. 

"  In  the  mean  time  I  earnestly  invoke 
the  co-operation  of  all  good  citizens  in 
the  measures  hereby  adopted  for  the 
effectual  suppression  of  unlawful  vio- 
lence, for  the  impartial  enforcement  of 
constitutional  laws,  and  for  the  speediest 
possible  restoration  of  peace  and  order, 
and  with  those  of  happiqess  and  pros- 
perity throughout  our  country. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  here- 
imto  set  my  hand,  and  caused  the  seal 
of  the  United  States  to  be  afiSxed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  "Washington  this 
third  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 


BALTDIORE  AWED. 


221 


sixty-one,  and  of  the  Independence  of 
the  United  States  the  eighty-fifth. 

"  Abraham  Lincoln. 

"  By  the  President. 

"  WnxiAM  II.  Sewaed,  Secretary  of  State." 

All  the  Northern  States  began  to  re- 
spond rapidly  to  this  caU  of  the  Presi- 
dent for  additional  troops,  and  the  Gov- 
ernment was  judiciously  availing  itself 
of  its  increased  naval  and  military  re- 
sources. Virginia  and  North  Carolina 
were  included  in  the  blockade  already 
April  declared,  of  South  Carolina,  Geor- 
27«  gia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  and  Texas.  Merchant  steam- 
ers were  purchased  or  chartered  to 
strengthen  the  naval  arm,  quite  inade- 
quate to  the  duty  of  watching  so  exten- 
sive a  Hue  of  sea-coast.  The  various 
ports  on  the  Chesapeake  and  the  Poto- 
mac were  especially  guarded  by  the 
Government  cruisers,  and  the  communi- 
cations of  Virginia  with  the  sea  thus 
effectually  cut  off. 

As  before  stated,  General  Butler,  witli 
May  ^  large  force,  took  possession  of  the 
5'  Relay  House,  at  the  junction  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  only 
seven  miles  from  Baltimore.  Here  he 
planted  eight  howitzers  on  the  viaduct 
over  the  Patapsco  River  and  threw  up  en- 
trenchments. He  thus  could  overawe  the 
rebellious  tendencies  of  that  disaffected 
city,  and,  by  commanding  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad,  prevent  the  sending 
of  supplies  to  the  insurgents  of  Virginia 
in  force  at  Harper's  Ferry,  by  their 
sympathizers  in  Maryland.  At  the  same 
time  the  communications  between  Balti- 
more and  the  North  were  being  opened 


by  the  reconstruction  of  the  railroad 
bridges,  destroyed  by  the  rioters  of 
Maryland,  and  troops  from  Pennsylvania 
were  preparing  to  advance. 

Fort  McHenry,  too,  which  had  been 
fortunately  preserved  to  the  Govern- 
ment by  the  resolute  conduct  of  its  Fed- 
eral commander.  Captain  Robinson,  was 
reinforced,  and,  with  its  guns  thi'eaten- 
ing  the  destruction  of  their  city,  kept 
the  people  of  Baltimore  discreetly  quiet. 
When  the  Northern  troops  were  at- 
tacked on  their  passage  through  Balti- 
more, Fort  McHenry  had  been  threat- 
ened by  the  mob  ;  but  Captain  Robin- 
son made  it  so  manifest  that  he  was  de- 
termined to  defend  his  post  to  the  last 
extremity,  that  the  most  violently  dis- 
posed forbore  to  attack  him.  Fort 
McHenry  is  an  old-fashioned  work,  built 
many  years  ago.  Though  never  of 
great  strength,  it  succeeded  during  the 
war  of  1812  in  resisting  a  bombardment 
by  the  British  fleet.  Its  guns  were  all 
on  the  parapet,  without  any  protection 
from  casemates,  and  its  armament,  prin- 
cipally composed  of  forty-two  pounders, 
ten-inch  mortars,  and  eight-inch  how- 
itzers, though  originally  deemed  formi- 
dable enough,  would  prove  of  little  ef- 
fect against  the  improved  cannon  of 
more  modei'u  times.  Situated,  how- 
ever, on  a  point  of  land  between  the 
harbor  of  Baltimore  and  the  Patapsco 
River  which  empties  into  it,  its  posi- 
tion is  favorable  for  defending  the  ap- 
proaches, while  it  commands  at  the 
same  time  a  portion  of  the  city.  Sev- 
eral artillery  companies  were  thrown  in 
to    reinforce    the    garrison,   and   Major 


220 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


iiapolis.  To  these  was  added  a  third, 
the  Department  of  Pennsylvania,  includ- 
ing that  State,  the  State  of  Delaware, 
and  all  of  Maryland  not  within  the 
other  departments,  and  the  command 
given  to  Major-General  Patterson,  with 
his  headquarters  at  Philadelphia,  or  any 
other  point  which  he  might  be  tempo- 
rarily occupying. 

This  was  soon  after  followed  by  this 

May    proclamation  of  the  President  call- 

3'      ing  for  volunteers  for  three  years, 

and  an  increase  of  the  -regular*  army  and 

navy : 

"  Whereas  existing  exigencies  demand 
immediate  and  adequate  measures  for 
the  protection  of  the  national  Constitu- 
tion and  the  preservation  of  the  national 
Union,  by  the  suppression  of  the  insur- 
rectionary combinations  now  existing  in 
several  States  for  opposing  the  laws  of 
the  Union  and  obstructing  the  execution 
thereof,  to  which  end  a  military  force  in 
addition  to  that  called  forth  by  my 
proclamation  of  the  fifteenth  day  of 
April  in  the  present  year  appears  to  be 
indispensably  necessary,  now,  therefore, 
I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  Army  and  Navy  thereof,  and  of 
the  militia  of  the  several  States,  when 
called  into  actual  service,  do  hereby  call 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States 
forty-two  thousand  and  tliirty-four  vol- 
unteers, to  serve  for  a  period  of  three 
years,  unless  sooner  discharged,  and  to 
be  mustered  into  service  as  infantry  and 
cavalry.  The  proportions  of  each  arm 
and  the  details  of  enrolment  and  organ- 
ization will  be  made  known  through  the 


department  of  war ;  and  I  also  direct 
that  the  regular  army  of  the  United 
States  be  increased  by  the  addition  of 
_^eight  regiments  of  infantry,  one  regi- 
ment of  cavalry,  and  one  regiment  of 
artillery,  making  altogether  a  maximum 
aggregate  increase  of  22,714  officers  and 
enlisted  men,  the  details  of  which  in- 
crease will  also  be  made  known  through 
the  department  of  war ;  and  I  further 
direct  the  enhstment,  for  not  less  than 
one  nor  more  than  three  years,  of  18,000 
seamen,  in  addition  to  the  present  force, 
for  the  naval  service  of  the  United 
States.  The  details  of  the  enlistment 
and  'Organization  wiU  be  made  known 
through  the  department  of  the  navy. 
The  caU  for  volunteers,  hereby  made, 
and  the  du'ection  of  the  increase  of  the 
regular  army,  and  for  the  enlistment  of 
seamen  hereby  given,  together  with  the 
plan  of  organization  adopted  for  the 
volunteers  and  for  the  regular  forces 
hereby  authorized,  will  be  submitted  to 
Congress  as  soon  as  assembled. 

"  In  the  mean  time  I  earnestly  invoke 
the  co-operation  of  all  good  citizens  in 
the  measures  hereby  adopted  for  the 
effectual  suppression  of  unlawful  vio- 
lence, for  the  impartial  enforcement  of 
constitutional  laws,  and  for  the  speediest 
possible  restoration  of  peace  and  order, 
and  with  those  of  happiijess  and  pros- 
perity throughout  our  country. 

"  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  here- 
unto set  my  hand,  and  caused  the  seal 
of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington  this 
third  day  of  May,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and 


BALTDIORE   AWED. 


221 


sixty-one,  and  of  the  Independence  of 
the  United  States  the  eighty-fifth. 

"  ABRAHAii  Lincoln. 

"  By  the  President. 

"  WnxiAii  H.  Sewaed,  Secretary  of  State." 
All  the  Northern  States  began  to  re- 
spond rapidly  to  this  call  of  the  Presi- 
dent for  additional  troops,  and  the  Gov- 
ernment was  judiciously  avaihng  itself 
of  its  increased  naval  and  militaiy  re- 
sources. Virginia  and  North  Carolina 
were  included  in  the  blockade  already 
April  declared,  of  South  Carolina,  Geor- 
27»  gia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  and  Texas.  Merchant  steam- 
ers were  purchased  or  chartered  to 
strengthen  the  naval  arm,  quite  inade- 
quate to  the  duty  of  watching  so  exten- 
sive a  Hue  of  sea-coast.  The  various 
ports  on  the  Chesapeake  and  the  Poto- 
mac were  especially  guarded  by  the 
Government  cruisers,  and  the  communi- 
cations of  Virginia  with  the  sea  thus 
effectually  cut  off. 

As  before  stated.  General  Butler,  with 
jlay  a  large  force,  took  possession  of  the 
5«  Relay  House,  at  the  junction  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  only 
seven  miles  from  Baltimore.  Here  he 
planted  eight  howitzers  on  the  viaduct 
over  the  Patapsco  River  and  threw  up  en- 
trenchments. He  thus  could  overawe  the 
rebellious  tendencies  of  that  disaffected 
city,  and,  by  commanding  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad,  prevent  the  sending 
of  supplies  to  the  insurgents  of  Virginia 
in  force  at  Harper's  Ferry,  by  their 
sympathizers  in  Maryland.  At  the  same 
time  the  communications  between  Balti- 
more and  the  North  were  being  opened 


by  the  reconstruction  of  the  railroad 
bridges,  destroyed  by  the  rioters  of 
Maryland,  and  troops  from  Pennsylvania 
were  preparing  to  advance. 

Fort  McHenry,  too,  which  had  been 
fortunately  preserved  to  the  Govern- 
ment by  the  resolute  conduct  of  its  Fed- 
eral commander,  Captain  Robinson,  was 
reinforced,  and,  with  its  guns  threaten- 
ing the  destruction  of  their  city,  kept 
the  people  of  Baltimore  discreetly  quiet. 
When  the  Northern  troops  were  at- 
tacked on  their  passage  through  Balti- 
more, Fort  McHenry  had  been  threat- 
ened by  the  mob  ;  but  Captain  Robin- 
son made  it  so  manifest  that  he  was  de- 
termined to  defend  his  post  to  the  last 
extremity,  that  the  most  violently  dis- 
posed forbore  to  attack  him.  Fort 
McHenry  is  an  old-fashioned  work,  built 
many  years  ago.  Though  never  of 
great  strength,  it  succeeded  during  the 
war  of  1812  in  resisting  a  bombardment 
by  the  British  fleet.  Its  guns  were  all 
on  the  parapet,  without  any  protection 
from  casemates,  and  its  armament,  prin- 
cipally composed  of  forty-two  pounders, 
ten-inch  mortars,  and  eight-inch  how- 
itzers, though  originally  deemed  formi- 
dable enough,  would  prove  of  little  ef- 
fect against  the  improved  cannon  of 
more  modern  times.  Situated,  how- 
ever, on  a  point  of  land  between  the 
harbor  of  Baltimore  and  the  Patapsco 
River  which  empties  into  it,  its  posi- 
tion is  favorable  for  defending  the  ap- 
proaches, while  it  commands  at  the 
same  time  a  portion  of  the  city.  Sev- 
eral artillery  companies  were  thrown  in 
to   reinforce   the    garrison,   and   Major 


222 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Moi'ris  assumed  the  command,  while 
Robiuson  was  trausferred  to  other 
service. 

The  union  sentiment  of  Maryland  was 
now  claimed  to  be  predominant.  Large 
meetings  were  held  and  addressed  in 
strains  of  loyal  rhetoric  by  leading  poli- 
ticians of  Marj'land,  who,  although  their 
fidelity  to  the  Federal  Government  had 
never  been  questioned,  had  hitherto 
been  prevented  from  openly  manifesting 
it.  Reverdy  Johnson,  an  eminent  law- 
yer and  statesman  of  Maryland,  took 
the  occasion  of  the  presentation  of  a 
United  States  flag  b3-the  ladies  of  Fred- 
erick, to  the  Home  Guard  of  that  place, 
to  deliver  a  glowing  eulogy  upon  the 
Union.  There  was  a  large  audience 
gathered  to  listen  to  his  ardent  rhetoric. 
The  population  of  the  city  was  swelled 
by  the  influx  of  a  large  number  of 
friends  of  the  Union,  from  tlie  neigh- 
boring towns  and  villages,  some  in 
troops  on  horseback,  some  in  long  trains 
of  country  vehicles  of  evexy  kind,  and 
others  in  groups  afoot.  All  came  in 
their  holiday  costume,  and  with  bloom- 
ing manifestations  of  their  loyalty. 
"  Union  cockades  and  badges  were  dis- 
played in  profusion  upon  the  coats  of 
the  jubilant  Union  men,  numbers  of 
whom  were  decidedl}^  ambitious  in  their 
ideas  of  patriotic  personal  adornment, 
wearing  cockades  as  large  as  sunflow- 
ers. The  stars  and  stripes  fluttered  from 
about  forty  difierent  points,  and  alto- 
gether," says  an  exultant  newspaper  re- 
porter, "  Frederick  may  be  said  to  have 
donned  her  holiday  suit  for  the  occa- 
sion." 


Reverdy  Johnson's  speech  was  a 
manly  defence  of  the  Government,  and 
a  sensible  exposition  of  the  advantages 
of  the  Union  to  all  the  States,  and  espe- 
cially to  Maryland : 

"I  hope,"  he  said,  "you  will  con- 
sider the  occasion  as  justifying  a  few 
thoughts  as  to  the  duty  and  interest  of 
our  State  in  the  present  emergency.  In 
the  original  causes  which  have  pro- 
duced il,  she,  thank  God,  had  no  share. 
Among  the  foremost  and  bravest  in 
winning  our  indejDendence  ;  among  the 
truest  and  wisest  in  forming  our  Gov- 
ernment, and  among  the  first  in  adopt- 
ing it,  her  sons  have  uniformly  given  it 
a  faithful  and  zealous  sujiport.  No 
treasonable  thought,  so  far  as  we  know, 
ever  entered  the  mind  of  one  of  them  ; 
certainly  no  threat  of  treason  was  ever 
whispered  by  them.  They  ever  felt  the 
immense  advantage  of  the  Union  ;  they 
saw  evidenced  by  everything  around 
them  the  blessings  it  conferred  upon 
Maryland  and  upon  all ;  prosperity  un- 
exampled, a  national  power  increasing 
every  year  with  a  rapidity  and  to  a  de- 
gree never  before  witnessed  in  a  na- 
tion's history,  and  winning  for  us  a  name 
challenging  the  respect  and  admiration 
of  the  world.  They  saw  in  the  extent 
of  the  country,  and  the  diflerences  of 
climate  and  habits,  elements  of  strength 
rather  than  of  weakness,  and  appre- 
hended therefore  no  parricidal  eflorts  in 
any  quarter  to  destroy  the  Government. 
If  occasionally  murmurs  of  dissatisfac- 
tion were  heard  elsewhere,  they  were 
attributed  to  the  whining  disposition  of 
some  and  the  disappointed  ambition  of 


SPEECH   OF   REVERDY   JOHNSON. 


223 


others.  They  were  ridiculed,  subjected 
to  no  other  punishment,  but  left  to  stand 
as  '  monuments  of  the  safety  with  which 
error  of  opinion  may  be  tolerated  where 
reason  is  left  fi'ee  to  combat  it.'  No 
'  whisky  insurrection'  ever  occurred 
within  our  borders ;  no  ordinance  of 
nullification  was  ever  threatened  by  us  ; 
and,  if  we  continue  true  to  patriotic  duty, 
no  ordinance  of  secession,  direct  or  indi- 
rect, open  or  covert,  will  ever  be  adopt- 
ed by  those  in  authority,  or,  if  madly 
adopted,  be  tolerated  by  the  people. 

"  To  this  steadfast  attachment  to  the 
Union  we  are  not  only  bound  by  grati- 
tude to  the  noble  ancestry  by  whose 
patriotic  wisdom  it  was  bequeathed  to 
us,  and  by  the  unappreciable  blessings 
the  bequest  has  conferred  upon  us,  but 
by  the  assurance,  which  the  most  stolid 
intellect  can  hardly  fail  to  feel,  that  its 
destruction  would  not  only  and  at  once 
deprive  us  of  all  these,  but  precipitate 
us  into  irreparable  ruin.  In  this  ruin 
all  would  more  or  less  participate,  but 
our  geographical  position  would  make 
it  to  us  immediate  and  total.  A  jieace- 
able  disseverance  the  good  and  great 
men  who  have  heretofore  guided  our 
public  councils  ever  predicted  to  be  im- 
possible. The  proclamations  now  trum- 
peted through  the  land,  the  marshaling 
of  hosts  by  thousands  and  tens  of  thou- 
sands, the  whitening  of  our  waters  with 
an  immense  naval  marine,  the  blockade 
of  ports,  the  prostration  of  commerce, 
the  destruction  of  almost  all  civil  em- 
ployment, the  heated  tone  of  the  public 
press  of  all  sections,  belching  forth  the 
most   bitter  enmity— all,   all  testify  to 


the  truth  of  the  prediction.  How  this 
is  to  result.  Heaven  alone  knows. 

"  But  to  my  mind  one  thing  is  cer- 
tain :  the  Government  by  no  single  act 
of  its  own  has  given  cause  for  resist- 
ance to  its  rightful  authority.  The  pow- 
ers which  it  was  exercising  at  the  mo- 
ment when  rebellion  began  to  muster  its 
'  armies  of  pestilence,'  were  clearly  con- 
ferred upon  it  by  the  Constitution.  And 
if  the  Executive,  then  just  legally  cho- 
sen, had  meditated  any  illegal  policy, 
the  friends  of  constitutional  rights  were 
numerous  enough  in  Congress,  had  they 
remained  at  their  posts,  as  they  were 
bound  to  do  by  their  oaths  and  their 
duty  to  the  holy  cause  of  constitutional 
government,  successfully  and  peacefully 
to  have  thwarted  it. 

"The  professed  especial  friends  of 
Southern  rights,  instead  of  this,  rudely 
shot  from  their  spheres,  and,  under  the 
utterly  ridiculous  claim  of  constitutional 
right,  advised  State  secession.  Mad- 
men— if  not  worse — they  desecrated, 
too,  in  support  of  this  dogma,  the  name 
of  Calhoun.  He  may  have  committed 
political  errors — who  has  not  ?  His  doc- 
trine of  nullification  was  certainly  one, 
in  the  judgment  of  all  his  great  com- 
peers, sanctioned  by  almost  the  entire 
country,  but  he  never  maintained  the 
nonsensical  heresy  of  rightful  secession. 
On  the  contrary,  long  after  that  of  the 
short-lived  nullification,  in  February, 
1844,  writing  to  his  'political  friends 
and  supporters'  refusing  to  permit  his 
name  to  be  presented  before  the  then 
approaching  Baltimore  Convention,  he 
said  : 


224 


THE  "WATl  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


"'That  each  State  has  the  right  to 
act  as  it  pleases  iu  whatever  relates  to 
itself  exclusively,  no  one  will  deny  ;  hut 
it  is  a  perfectly  novel  doctrine  thai  any 
/State  has  such  a  right  when  she  comes  to 
act  in  concert  with  others  in  reference  to 
what  concerns  the  ivhole.  In  such  cases 
it  is  the  plainest  dictate  of  common 
sense,  that  whatever  affects  the  whole 
should  be  regulated  by  the  mutual  con- 
sent of  all,  and  not  hy  the  discretion  of 
each.'' 

"  That  great  philosophical  statesman 
understood,  as  in  another  letter  of  the 
3d  of  July,  1843,  he  invites  his  coun- 
trymen to  understand,  '  in  all  its-  great 
and  beautiful  pr^portions,  the  noble  po- 
htical  structure  reared  by  the  wisdom 
and  patriotism  of  our  ancestors,  and  to 
have  the  virtue  and  the  sense  to  pre- 
serve and  protect  it,'  and  declared  it  the 
'  duty  of  the  Federal  Government,  un- 
der the  guarantees  of  the  Constitution, 
'promptly  to  suppress  physical  force  as  an 
element  of  change,  and  to  keep  wide  open 
the  door  for  the  free  and  full  action  of 
all  the  moral  elements  in  its  power.' 

"  The  truth  is — and  I  regret  sincerely 
to  believe  it — that  fear  of  a  violation  of 
Southern  rights  was  with  the  prompters 
of  the  rebellion  but  a  pretence. 

' '  What  they  have  done  and  are  still 
doing  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  nation's  wel- 
fare, and  of  the  welfare  of  their  own  sec- 
tion, exerting  every  nerve  to  accomplish, 
was  and  is  but  to  retain  official  power, 
which  they  fancied  was  passing  from 
them.  Look  at  the  usurped  government 
at  Montgomery.  The  mention  of  names 
is  unnecessary  ;  they  are  destined  to  an 


unhappy  immortality.  Those  who  plot- 
ted the  seizure  of  forts,  arsenals,  mints, 
navy-yards,  custom-houses,  the  admitted 
property  of  the  United  States,  seducing 
soldiers  and  sailors  from  their  sworn  al- 
legiance— using  the  very  Senate  cham- 
ber, dedicated  and  sacred  to  duty,  as  a 
spot  from  which  to  issue  their  treach- 
erous telegi'ams — are  there  to  be  seen 
all  iu  power,  actual  or  pi-ospective.  The 
fact  too  clearly  tells  the  revolting  story. 
Men  long  enjoying  public  honors,  earn- 
ing thi'ough  many  years  of  service  a  na- 
tional fame — owning  their  renown  be- 
cause of  the  world-wide  fame  of  a  glori- 
ous government,  are  striving,  day  and 
night,  to  reduce  it  to  dishonor  and  de- 
struction. Thank  God,  our  consolation 
is  that  the  effort,  however  pregnant  with 
the  present  calamity,  will  fall  short  of 
its  horrid  aim.  They  may  '  as  weU 
strike  at  the  heavens  with  their  arms' 
as  lift  them  against  the  •  '  American 
Union.' 

"  That  the  end  must  fail,  who  can 
doubt  ?  The  recent  census  fui-nishes 
pregnant  proof  of  this.  It  shows  that 
the  free  States  have  a  population  of 
males,  between  eighteen  and  forty-five, 
of  3,778,000,  and  aU  the  slave  States 
only  1,655,000,  and  the  seceding  States, 
excluding  Virginia,  but  531,000  ;  and  if 
to  this  vast  difference  of  men  is  added 
that  of  wealth,  inventive  skill,  habits  of 
industry,  and  the  absence  of  any  ele- 
ment of  domestic  danger,  the  disparity 
is  infinitely  greater.  In  a  struggle  be- 
tween such  hosts — which  may  God  in 
his  mercy  avert — who  can  fail  to  see 
what  must  be  the  end  ? 


HONOR   TO   THE   FLAG. 


225 


"  But  to  our  State  these  facts  teach  a 
lesson  that  all  can  understand.  If  mad 
and  wicked  enough  to  attempt  it,  what 
could  we  do  to  resist  this  immense 
power  on  our  borders  ?  Call  on  the 
South  ?  Make  our  State  the  battle- 
field ?  How  long  could  the  entire 
South,  if  flying  to  our  succor,  remain 
with  and  aid  us  ?  They  might  assist 
in  drenching  our  land  with  blood  ;  thej^ 
might  witness  with  us  the  desolation 
that  in  such  a  contest  would  be  our 
doom.  They  would  be  compelled  to 
retire  within  their  own  limits,  and  we 
left  alone  in' our  calamity,  to  be  rendered 
the  more  acute  when  we  awoke^ — as  we 
should^to  the  insanity  and  crime  which 
occasioned  it.  Looking,  therefore,  to 
interest  alone,  adherence  to  the  Gov- 
ernment is  our  clear  policy." 

The  orator  closed  with  a  fervid  appeal 
to  the  reverence  of  his  listeners  for  the 
national  flag. 

"  Though  not  especially  impulsive,  I 
cannot,"  he  said,  "imagine  how  an 
American  eye  can  look  upon  that  stand- 
ard without  emotion.  The  twenty  stars 
added  to  the  first  constellation  tell  its 
proud  history,  its  mighty  influence,  and 
its  unequalled  career.  Are  these  now 
to  be  forgotten  and  lost?  Tell  me  not 
that  this  is  sentiment.  Sentiment,  to  be 
sure  it  is,  but  it  is  one  that  purifies,  and 
animates,  and  strengthens  the  national 
heart.  God  may  be  worshipped  (I 
make  the  comparison  with  all  proper 
reverence)  in  the  open  field,  in  the  stable 
— but  is  there  no  virtue  in  the  cathedral  ? 
Does  not  the  soul  turn  its  thoughts 
heavenwards    the    moment    its    sacred 

29 


threshold  is  crossed?  This,  too,  is  senti- 
ment, but  it  is  one  that  honors  our 
nature,  and  proves  our  loyalty  to  the 
Almighty. 

"So  it  is  with  our  national  emblem. 
The  man  who  is  dead  to  its  influence  is 
in  mind  a  fool  or  in  heart  a  traitor.  It 
is  this  emblem  I  am  the  honored  organ 
now  to  present  to  you.  I  need  not 
commend  it  to  your  constant,  vigilant 
care ;  that,  I  am  sure,  it  will  ever  be 
yom-  pride  to  give  it.  When,  if  ever 
3'our  hearts  shall  despond — when,  if  ever 
you  shall  desire  your  patriotism  to  be 
specially  animated,  throw  it  to  the  winds, 
gaze  on  its  beautiful  folds,  remember  the 
years  and  the  fields  over  which,  from  '76 
to  the  present  time,  it  has  been  trium- 
phantly borne  ;  remember  how  it  has 
consoled  the  dying  and  animated  the 
survivor  ;  remember  that  it  served  to 
kindle  even  to  a  brighter  flame  the 
patriotic  ardor  of  Washington — went 
with  him  through  all  the  struggles  of 
the  Revolution,  consoled  him  in  defeat, 
gave  to  victory  an  additional  charm,  and 
that  his  dying  moments  were  consoled 
and  cheered  by  the  hope  that  it  would 
forever  float  over  a  perpetual  union,  and 
you  at  once  feel  its  almost  holy  influence 
and  swear  to  stand  by  and  maintain  it 
till  life  itself  shall  be  no  more." 

With  this  increased  demonstration  of 
Federal  power,  and  this  bolder  mani- 
festation of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  the 
unionists  of  Maryland,  the  secessionists 
no  longer  ventured  upon  an  open  dis- 
play of  their  •  sentiments.  They,  how- 
ever, still  continued  secretly  to  aid  the 
insurgents  of  Virginia  with  supplies  of 


226 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


men  and  means,  and  to  promote  their 
cause  by  concealed  efforts  to  involve 
the  State  in  the  Southern  insm-rection. 

The  city  of  Baltimore  had  suddenly 
become  woudrously  tranquihzed,  and 
jHay    submitted  almost  -without  a  mur- 

^«  mur  to  the  disbaudment  of  its 
citizen  soldiery.  A  few  days  subse- 
quently, General  Butler,  who  marched 
jHay    into  the  city  with  a  force  of  two 

1B«  thousand  men,  of  whom  the  Sixth 
Regiment  of  Massachusetts,  before  so 
crueUy  treated,  formed  a  part,  was 
welcomed  with  apparent  enthusiasm. 
"  The  streets  were  crowded  with  ap- 
plauding people.  Union  flags  flung  to 
the  breeze,  and  in  some  instances  the 
private  dwellings  were  illuminated."* 
Butler  immediately  encamped  "upon 
Federal  Hill,  an  elevation  commanding 
the  city,  and  proceeded  at  once,  with 
characteristic  energy,  to  secure  the  mili- 
tary occupation  of  Baltimore.  On  the 
next  day  he  issued  this  proclamation  : 

"  DEPABTiTENT  OF  AxJTAPOLIS,  FeDERAX  Hir.T,,  ) 

Balttmore,  May  14,  1861.  ) 

"A  detachment  of  the  forces  of  the 
Federal  Government  under  my  com- 
mand have  occupied  ihe  city  of  Balti- 
more for  the  purpose,  among  other 
things,  of  enforcing  respect  and  obedi- 
ence to  the  laws  as  well  of  the  State,  if 
requested  thereto  b)'  the  civil  authorities, 
as  of  the  United  States,  which  are  being 
violated  within  its  limits  by  some  malig- 
nant and  traitorous  men  ;  and  in  order 
to  testify  the  acceptance,  by  the  Federal 
Government,  of  the  fact  that  the  city 
and  all  the  weU-intentioned  portion  of 

o  New  York  T.ma,  May  16. 


its  inhabitants  are  loyal  to  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution,  and  are  to  be  so 
regarded  and  treated  by  all.  To  the 
end,  therefore,  that  all  misunderstanding 
of  the  purposes  of  the  Government  may 
be  prevented,  and  to  set  at  rest  all  un- 
founded, false,  and  seditious  rumors,  to 
relieve  all  apprehensions,  if  any  are  felt 
by  the  well-disposed  portion  of  the  com- 
munity, and  to  make  it  thoroughly 
understood  by  all  traitors,  their  aiders 
or  abettors,  that  their  rebellious  acts 
must  cease,  I  hereby,  by  the  authority 
vested  in  me,  as  commander  of  the  de-" 
partment  of  Annapolis,  of  which  the 
city  of  Baltimore  forms  a  part,  do  now 
command  and  make  known  that  no 
loyal  and  well-disposed  citizen  will  be 
disturbed  in  his  lawful  occupation  or 
business,  that  private  property  will  not 
be  interfered  with  by  the  men  under  my 
command,  or  allowed  to  be  interfered 
with  by  others,  except  in  so  far  as  it 
may  be  used  to  afford  aid  and  comfort 
to  those  in  rebellion  against  the  Govern- 
ment, whether  here  or  elsewhere,  all  of 
which  property,  munitions  of  war,  and 
that  fitted  to  aid  and  support  the  re- 
bellion, will  be  seized  and  held  subject 
to  confiscation  ;  and,  therefore,  all  manu- 
facturers of  arms  and  munitions  of  war 
are  hereby  requested  to  report  to  me 
forthwith,  so  that  the  lawfulness  of  their 
occupation  may  be  known  and  under- 
stood, and  all  misconstruction  of  their 
doings  be  avoided.  No  transportation 
from  the  city  to  the  rebels  of  articles 
fitted  to  aid  and  support  troops  in  the 
field  will  be  permitted,  and  the  fact  of 
such  transportation  after  the  publication 


BUTLER  EST  BALTIMORE. 


227 


of  this  proclamation  will  be  taken  and 
received  as  proof  of  illegal  intention  on 
the  part  of  the  consignees,  and  will  ren- 
der the  goods  hable  to  seizure  and  con- 
fiscation. 

"The  Government  being  ready  to  re- 
ceive all  such  stores  and  suppUes, 
arrangements  will  be  made  to  contract 
for  them  immediately  ;  and  the  owners 
and  manufacturers  of  such  articles  of 
equipment,  and  clothing,  and  munitions 
of  war,  and  provisions  are  desired  to 
put  themselves  in  communication  with 
the  commanding  General,  in  order  that 
their  workshops  may  be  employed  for 
loyal  purposes,  and  the  artisans  of  the 
city  resume  and  carry  on  their  wonted 
profitable  occupations. 

"  The  acting  assistaut-quarter-master 
and  commissary  of  subsistence  of  the 
United  States  here  stationed,  has  been 
instructed  to  procure  and  furnish  at  fair 
prices  40,000  rations  for  the  use  of  the 
army  of  the  United  States,  and  further 
supplies  will  be  drawn  from  the  city  to 
the  full  extent  of  its  capacity  if  the 
patriotic  and  loj^al  men  choose  so  to 
furnish  supi^lies. 

' '  All  assemblages,  except  the  ordinary, 
pohce  of  armed  bodies  of  men,  other 
than  those  regularly  organized  and  com- 
missioned by  the  State  of  Maryland  and 
acting  under  the  orders  of  the  Governor 
thereof,  for  drill  and  other  purposes,  are 
forbidden  within,  the  department. 

' '  All  officers  of  the  militia  of  Mary- 
land having  command  within  the  limits 
of  the  department,  are  requested  to  re- 
port through  their  officei's  forthwith  to 
the  General  in  command,  so  that  he  may 


be  able  to  know  and  distinguish  the 
regularly  commissioned  and  loyal  troops 
of  Maryland  from  armed  bodies  who 
may  claim  to  be  such. 

"  The  ordiuai'y  operations  of  the  cor- 
porate  government  of  the  city  of  Balti- 
more and  of  the  civil  authorities  will 
not  be  interfered  with,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, will  be  aided  by  all  the  power  at 
the  command  of  the  General  upon  proper 
call  being  made  ;  and  all  such  authori- 
ties are  cordially  invited  to  co-operate 
with  the  General  in  command  to  carry 
out  the  purposes  set  forth  in  the  procla- 
mation, so  that  the  city  of  Baltimore 
may  be  shown  to  the  country  to  be, 
what  she  is  in  fact,  patriotic  and  loyal 
to  the  Union,  the  Constitution,  and  the 
laws.  No  flag,  banner,  ensign,  or  de- 
vice of  the  so-called  Confederate  States, 
or  of  any  of  them,  will  be  permitted  to 
be  raised  or  shown  in  this  department, 
and  the  exhibition  of  either  of  them  by 
evil-disposed  persons  will  be  deemed, 
and  taken  to  be,  evidence  of  a  design  to 
afford  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemies 
of  the  country.  To  make  it  the  more 
apparent  that  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  by  far  more  relies  upon 
the  loyalty,  patriotism,  and  zeal  of  the 
good  citizens  of  Baltimore  and  vicinity 
than  upon  any  exhibition  of  force  calcu- 
lated to  intimidate  them  into  that  obe- 
dience to  the  laws  which  the  Govern- 
ment doubts  not  will  be  paid  from  in- 
herent respect  and  love  of  order,  the 
commanding  General  has  brought  to  the 
city  with  him,  of  the  many  thousand 
troops  in  the  immediate  neighborhood, 
which  might  be  at  once    concentrated 


228 


THE  WAR  -WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


here,  scarcely  more  than  au  ordinary 
guard,  and,  until  it  fails  him,  he  will 
continue  to  rely  upon  that  loyalty  and 
patriotism  of  the  citizens  of  Maryland 
which  have  never  j^et  been  found  want- 
ing to  the  Government  in  time  of  need. 
The  General  in  command  desires  to  greet 
and  treat  in  this  part  of  his  department  all 
the  citizens  thereof  as  friends  and  broth- 
ers, having  a  common  purpose,  a  common 
loyalty,  and  a  common  country.  Any 
infractions  of  the  laws  by  the  troops  un- 
der his  command,  or  any  disorderly,  un- 
soldierlike  conduct,  or  any  interferences 
with  private  j^roperty,  he  desires  to  have 
unmediately  reported  to  him,  and  he 
pledges  himself  that  if  any  soldier  so  far 
forgets  himself  as  to  break  those  laws 
that  he  has  sworn  to  defend  and  en- 
force, he  shall  be  most  rigorously  pun- 
ished. 

"  The  General  beheyes  that  if  the 
suggestions  and  requests  contained  in 
this  proclamation  are  caiTied  out  by  the 
co-operation  of  all  good  and  Union-lov- 
ing citizens,  and  peace,  and  quiet,  and 
certainty  of  future  peace  and  quiet  are 
thus  restored,  business  wiU  resume  its 
accustomed  channels,  trade  take  the 
place  of  dulness  and  inactivity,  efficient 
labor  displace  idleness,  and-  Baltimore 
wiU  be,  in  fact,  what  she  is  entitled  to 
be — in  the  front  rank  of  the  commercial 
cities  of  the  nation. 

"  Given   at   Baltimore,  the  day  and 
year  herein  first  above  written. 
"  Bexj.  F.  Butler, 
"  B.-G.  Com.  Depart,  of  Annapohs." 

This  was  soon  followed  by  the  seizure 
of  a  large  quantity  of  arms,  amounting 


to  "fifteen  dray-loads,"  which  had  been 
secreted  by  the  secessionists  of  Balti- 
more, and  the  arrest  of  some  leading 
citizens  suspected  of  conniving  at  the 
overtlirow  of  the  Federal  authority. 
These  decided  measures  produced  an 
immediate  effect.  The  Governor  of  Ma- 
ryland, who  had  been  so  intimidated  by 
the  disaffected  of  his  State  that  he  had 
not  hitherto  ventured  to  pay  full  alle- 
giance to  that  government  to  which  he 
claimed  to  be  loyal,  now,  after  a  jjay 
delay  of  a  month,  responded  favor-  H* 
ably  to  the  President's  caU  for  troops. 
He  yet,  however,  was  constrained  to  deal 
tenderly  with  the  uncertain  temper  of 
his  feUow-citizens,  and  to  qualify  his 
appeal  to  arms  in  defence  of  the  Union, 
by  a  condition  to  smt  their  equivocal 
loyalty. 

"Whereas  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  his  proclamation  of  April  15, 
1861,  has  called  upon  me,  the  Governor 
of  Marj-land,  for  four  regiments  of  in- 
fantry or  riflemen,  to  serve  for  a  period 
of  three  months,  the  said  requisition 
being  made  in  the  spirit  and  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  law  ;  and 

"Whereas  to  the  said  requisition  has 
been  added  the  written  assurance  of  the 
secretary  of  war,  that  said  four  regi- 
ments shall  be  detaile'd  to  serve  within 
the  limits  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  or 
for  the  defence  of  the  capital  of  the 
United  States,  and  not  to  serve  beyond 
the  limits  aforesaid  ; 

"  Now,  therefore,  I,  Thomas  HoUiday 
Hicks,  Governor  of  Maryland,  do,  by 
this  my  proclamation,  call  upon  loyal 
citizens  of  Maryland  to  volunteer  their 


_J 


THE  FIRST  VICTORY. 


229 


services  to  the  extent  of  four  regiments, 
as  aforesaid,  to  serve  during  a  period  of 
three  months  within  the  Umits  of  Mary- 
land, or  for  the  defence  of  the  capital  of 
the  United  States,  to  be  subject  under 
the  conditions  aforesaid,  to  the  orders 
of  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
of  the  United  S'ates. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great 
seal  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  at  the  city 
of  Frederick,  this  14th  day  of  May,  1861. 
"Thos.  H.  Hicks." 

The  Legislature,  too,  was  frightened 
into  comparative  propriety,  and  brought 
May  ^^^  refractory  proceedings  to  a  close 
*!•  by  a  sudden  adjournment.  The 
spirit  of  disafifection,  however,  which 
May  prevailed,  was  made  manifest  by 
^^'  the  adoption,  a  few  days  before,  of 
these  resolutions  : 

"  Whereas  the  war  against  the  Con- 
federate States  is  unconstitutional  and 
repugnant  to  civilization,  and  will  re- 
sult in  a  bloody  and  shameful  overthrow 
of  our  institutions ;  and  while  recog- 
nizing the  obligations  of  Mai-yland  to 
the  Union,  we  sympathize  with  the  South 
in  the  struggle  for  their  rights— for  the 


sake  of  humanity,  we  are  for  peace 
and  reconciliation,  and  solemnly  protest 
against  this  war,  and  will  take  no  part 
in  it ;  therefore, 

' '  Eesolved,  That  Maryland  implores 
the  President,  in  the  name  of  God,  to 
cease  this  unholy  war,  at  least  until 
Congress  assembles  ;  that  Maryland  de- 
sires and  consents  to  the  recognition  of 
the  independence  of  the  Confederate 
States.  The  military  occupation  of  Ma- 
ryland is  vmconstitutional,  and  she  pro- 
tests against  it,  though  the  violent  in- 
terference with  the  transit  of  Federal 
troops  is  discountenanced  ;  that  the  vin- 
dication of  her  rights  be  left  to  time  and 
reason,  and  that  a  convention,  under 
existing  circumstances,  is  inexpedient." 

The  last  act  of  the  Legislature  of  Ma- 
ryland was  to  appoint  two  commission- 
ers to  visit  President  Jefferson  Davis, 
two  to  visit  President  Lincoln,  two  to 
visit  Richmond,  and  two  to  visit  Penn- 
sylvania. 

The  route  through  Baltimore  to  the 
capital  was  now  secured,  and  the  Fed- 
eral Government  could  claim  its  first 
great  victory  in  the  struggle  for  the  as- 
sertion of  its  authority. 


230 


TIIE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER     XX. 

Increased  Knergy  of  the  Government. — Augmenting  force  of  Secession. — Progress  of  North  Carolina  to  Secession. — 
Seizure  of  United  States  Mint  and  Arsenal.— Action  of  the  Governor. — Convening  of  the  Legislature. — Dennncia- 
tion  of  the  President's  Proclamation. — Ordinance  of  Secession. — Union  with  the  Confederate  States. — Action  of 
Arkansas. — Seizure  of  Federal  Property. — Act  of  Secession. — Sanguine  hopes  entertained  of  Tennessee. — Union 
Sentiment  in  Tennessee. — A  Vote  ag.ainst  a  Convention. — Disregarded  by  the  Governor. — Legislature  Convened. — 
Military  League  with  the  Southern  Confederacy. — Ratification  of  League. — Opposition  in  the  Legislature. — Question 
submitted  to  the  People. — Strange  Contrast. — Arbitrary  Action. — Pretended  Submission  to  the  Will  of  the  People. 
— Apology  of  the  Tennessee  Legislature. — The  strong  Union  Sentiment  in  Eastern  Tennessee. — Description  of  East 
Tennessee. — Character  of  the  Pupul.ation. — Opposition  to  the  Action  of  the  Legislature. — A  Convention  called  at 
Kno-xville. — Its  object. — The  unavailing  resistance  in  East  Tennessee. — Piatification  by  the  People  of  the  State  of 
the  Ordinance  of  Secession. — Great  Encour.agemeut  for  the  Union  in  Western  Virginia. — Description  of  Western 
Virginia. — Geographical  and  Social  Characteristics. — Whites  and  Blacks. — Free  Labor. — Sj-mpathy  with  the  North. 
— Enterprise  and  Thrift. — Immense  Resources. — Future  Prospects. — Disputes  with  Eastern  Virginia. — Difference  of 
Interests. — Unequal  Taxation. — Opposition  to  Secession. — Union  Meetings. — Convention  in  Western  Virginia  — 
"New  Virginia." — Action  of  the  Convention. — An  ardent  Appeal  for  the  Union. — Rallying  to  Arms.— Union  En- 
thusiasm.— Union  Militiuy  Companies. — Union  Preachei-s. — The  first  Encounter  in  Western  Virginia. — A  bloodless 
bectlnning  of  a  Bloody  War. 


1861. 


While  the  Federal  Government  was 
asserting  its  authority  with  in- 
creased energy  and  power,  and  the 
Union  sentiment  of  the  North  was  daily 
strengthening,  the  Southern  rebellion  was 
augmenting  with  even  greater  force  and 
rapidit}'.  North  Carolina  was  passing 
through  the  various  phases  of  defiance 
and  spoliation  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment which  had  marked  the  career  of 
the  other  slave  States  in  their  progress 
to  secession.  Her  Governor  had  reso- 
lutely and  contemptuously  refused  the 
caU  of  the  President  for  the  State's  quota 
of  troops  for  the  defence  of  the  Union. 
April  The  United  States  Branch  Mint 
21«  had  been  seized  and  held  by  a 
military  force  under  his  command,  and 
April  on  the  next  day  the  Federal  arsenal 
22«  at  Fayetteville,  filled  with  muni- 
tions of  war  belonging  to   the  United 


States,  was  forced  to  surrender  to  the 
State  authorities.  At  the  same  time  the 
Governor  of  North  Carolina  called  for 
thirty  thousand  volunteers,  in  addition 
to  the  regular  militia,  and  ordered  them 
to  be  ready  at  a  moment's  notice. 

These  acts,  the  purport  of  which 
was  obvious,  were  followed  by  j^prii 
the  Governor's  proclamation  con-  26. 
vening  the  Legislature.  In  this  docu- 
ment he  denounced  President  Lincoln's 
proclamation  and  Secretary  Cameron's 
requisition  for  seventj^-five  thousand 
ti-oops,  the  "  high-handed  act  of  tyran- 
nical outrage,"  the  object  of  which  was 
' '  the  violent  subversion  of  the  liberties 
of  a  free  people  constituting  a  large 
part  of  the  whole  population  of  the 
United  States  ;  it  is  not  only,"  the  Gov- 
ernor added,  "in  violation  of  all  con- 
stitutional law,  utter  disregard  of  every 


SECESSION  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA. 


231 


sentiment  of  humanity  and  Christian 
civiUzation,  and  conceived  in  a  spirit  of 
aggression  unparalleled  by  any  act  of 
recorded  history,  but  is  a  direct  step 
toward  the  subjugation  of  the  whole 
South,  and  the  conversion  of  a  free  re- 
public, inherited  from  our  fathers,  into  a 
military  despotism,  to  be  established  by 
worse  than  foreign  enemies  on  the  ruins 
of  our  once  glorious  Constitution  of 
equal  rights."  He  closed  by  an  appeal 
to  the  hdelity  of  the  j^eople  of  North 
Carolina,  to  the  "sovereign"  authority 
of  their  State.  "  I  furthermore  ex- 
hort," he  said,  "all  good  citizens 
throughout  the  State  to  be  mindful  that 
their  first  allegiance  is  due  to  the  sover- 
eignty, which  protects  their  homes  and 
dearest  interests,  as  their  first  service  is 
due  for  the  sacred  defence  of  their 
hearths,  and  of  the  soil  which  holds  the 
graves  of  our  glorious  dead.  United 
action  in  defence  of  the  sovereignty  of 
North  Carolina,  and  of  the  rights  of  the 
South,  becomes  now  the  duty  of  all." 
IHay  In  three  weeks  after,  a  convention 
20.  ' '  declared  and  ordained  that  the 
ordinance  adopted  by  the  State  of  North 
Carolina,  in  the  Convention  of  1789, 
whereby  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  ratified  and  adopted,  and 
also  all  acts  and  parts  of  acts  of  the 
General  Assembly  ratifying  and  adopting 
amendments  to  the  said  Constitution, 
are  hereby  repealed,  rescinded,  and 
abrogated." 

It  was  then  "  declared  and  ordained" 
that,  the  union  with  the  United  States 
being  dissolved,  and  North  Carolina  in 
full  possession   of  the    "rights  of  sov- 


ereignty, the  State  accepts  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  '  Confederate  States  of  Amer- 
ica,' and  will  enter  into  federal  association 
with  them,  when  admitted  in  due  form. 
North  Carolina  thus  gave  in  her  adher- 
ence to  the  new  confederacy,  and  joined 
in  the  armed  combination  to  dissolve  the 
old  Union. 

Ai'kansas  was  the  next  to  follow.  She 
began,  too,  with  spoliation.  At  April 
Napoleon,  the  Federal  depot  was  22. 
seized  by  order  of  the  Grovernor,  and 
military  supplies  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  ball  cartridges,  a  hundred 
Maynard  rifles,  two  hundred  cavalry 
saddles,  and  five  hundred  sabres,  were 
appropriated  by  the  State.  Fort  Smith, 
too,  which  had  cost  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment over  three  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  was  forced  to  surrender.  The 
State  troops  upon  taking  possession  April 
raised  the  Confederate  flag  amid  25. 
the  firing  of  cannon  and  the  exulting 
cheers  of  the  people,  who  gave  shouts 
of  applause  for  the  citizen  soldiery  of 
Arkansas,  its  Governor,  and  for  Jeffer- 
son Davis. 

These  usual  preliminaries  of  disrup- 
tion were  soon  followed  by  the  jjay 
act  of  secession  from  the  Federal  ''• 
Union,  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  Confederate  States,  and  the  ad- 
mission of  the  State  as  another  member 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

Tennessee,  the  last  to  attach  her 
fortunes  to  the  chances  of  the  new  con- 
federacy, it  was  fondly  hoped  by  the 
North  would  have  clung  to  the  old 
Union.     Though  her  Governor,  who  was 


232 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


known  to  be  in  league  with  the  Confed- 
erates, had  responded  so  defiantly  to  the 
President's  requisition  for  troops,  there 
was  yet  believed  to  be  a  loyalty  to  the 
Federal  Government  so  strong,  particu- 
larly in  the  eastei'u  part  of  the  State, 
that  it  could  counteract  the  machinations 
of  those  pohtical  leaders  of  Tennessee 
who  were  striving  to  wrest  her  from  the 
Union.  This  behef  was  encouraged  by 
the  vote  of  the  State  on  the  question  of 
holding  a  convention  for  the  considera- 
tion of  the  policy  of  seceding.  By  a 
large  majority,  the  people  of  Tennessee 
decided  against  the  convention.  The 
Governor,  though  thus  rebuked  by  this 
expression  of  popular  will,  gave  it  no 
heed,  but  persisted  in  his  determination 
to  force  the  State  out  of  the  Union. 
He  accordingly  convened  the  Legislature 
— the  majority  of  which  accorded  with 
him  in*  sentiment — for  the  purpose  of 
accomphshing  indirectly  what  seemed 
impracticable  through  the  direct  action 
of  the  sufifrage  of  the  people.  The 
Legislature  having  met,  both  Houses 
May  passed  at  once,  in  secret  session, 

!•  a  joint  resolution  authorizing  the 
Governor  to  enter  into  a  military  league 
with  the  Confederate  States.  Three 
commissioners  were  accordingly  ap- 
pointed ;  and  having  held  a  conJFerence 
with  an  agent  of  the  new  government, 
jtlay  expressly  delegated   for   the    pur- 

''•  pose,  the  following  was  agreed  to  : 
"  The  State  of  Tennessee,  looking  to 
a  speedy  admission  into  the  confederacy 
established  by  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  in  accordance  with  the  Consti- 
tution for  the  Provisional  Government 


of  said  States,  enters  into  the  following 
temporary  convention,  agreement,  and 
military  league  with  the  Confederate 
States,  for  the  purpose  of  meeting 
pressing  exigencies  affecting  the  com- 
mon rights,  interests,  and  safety  of  said 
States  and  said  Confederacy  : 

"First.  Until  said  State  shall  become 
a  member  of  said  Confederacy,  accord- 
ing to  the  Constitutions  of  both  powers, 
the  whole  mihtary  force  and  military 
operations,  offensive  and  defensive,  of 
said  State  in  the  impending  conflict  with 
the  United  States  shall  be  under  the 
chief  control  and  direction  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Confederate  States  upon  the 
same  basis,  principles,  and  footing  as  if 
said  State  were  now  and  during  the  in- 
terval a  member  of  said  Confederacy  ; 
said  force,  together  with  that  of  the 
Confederate  States,  to  be  employed  for 
the  common  defence. 

"  Second.  The  State  of  Tennessee  will, 
upon  becoming  a  member  of  said  Con- 
federacy, under  the  permanent  Constitu- 
tion of  said  Confederate  States,  if  the 
same  shall  occm*,  turn  over  to  the  said 
Confederate  States  all  the  pubhc  prop- 
erty, naval  stores,  and  munitions  of  war 
of  which  she  may  then  be  in  possession, 
acquired  from  the  United  States,  on  the 
same  terms  and  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  other  States  of  said  Confederacy 
have  done  in  like  cases. 

"  Third.  Whatever  expenditure  of 
money,  if  any,  the  said  State  of  Tennes- 
see shall  make  before  she  becomes  a 
member  of  said  Confederacy,  shall  be 
met  and  provided  for  by  the  Confederate. 
States. 


TENNESSEE   FORCED   FROM   THE  UNION. 


233 


"This  couveution  entered  into  and 
agreed  on,  in  the  city  of  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  on  the  seventh  day  of  May, 
A.D.  1861,  by  Henry  W.  Hilliard,  the 
duly  authorized  commissioner  to  act  in 
the  matter  for  the  Confederate  States, 
and  Gustavus  A.  Henry,  Archibald  0. 
W.  Totten,  and  Washington  Barrow, 
commissioners,  duly  authorized  to  act  in 
like  manner  for  the  State  of  Tennessee. 
The  whole  subject  to  the  approval  and 
ratification  of  the  proper  authorities  of 
both  governments,  respectively. 

"In  testimony  whereof,  the  parties 
aforesaid  have  hereunto  set  their  hands 
and  seals,  the  day  and  year  aforesaid, 
in  duplicate  originals. 

"Henry  W.  Hilliaed, 

"  Commissioner  for  the  Confederate 
States  of  America. 

' '  Gustavus  A.  Henry, 
"A.  0.  W.  Totten, 
"  Washington  Barrow, 

' '  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  Ten- 
nessee." 

The  Legislature  hastened  to  ratify 
this  league,  and  thus  secure  the  future 
secession  of  the  State,  by  an  act  which, 
placing  the  military  resources  under 
the  control  of  the  Confederate  States, 
would  enable  them  to  repress  by  coer- 
cion any  appearance  of  dissatisfaction 
in  Tennessee.  There  was,  however, 
a  manifestation  of  opposition,  even  in 
the  Legislature,  to  this  disregard  of  the 
voice  of  the  people.  The  resolution 
ratifying  the  league  was  opposed  in  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  six  to  fourteen,  four 
not   having  voted  at  aU  ;^  and   in    the 

30 


House  by  a  vote  of  fifteen  to  forty-two, 
eighteen  having  withheld  their  votes. 

After  having  thus  deprived  the  people 
of  all  independence  of  action,  the  Legis- 
lature, with  an  aifected  regard  for  the 
popular  will,  formally  submitted  to  the 
vote  of  the  State  a  question  which  they 
had  abeady  decided  by  an  act  of  their 
own,  in  defiance  of  the  declared  senti- 
ment of  a  majority  of  their  fellow-cit- 
izens. The  following  is  a  curious  con- 
trast to  the  league  akeady  formed  with 
the  Confederate  States.  The  semblance 
of  deference  to  popular  wiU  and  the 
reality  of  arbitraiy  power,  not  seldom 
combined,  was  never  more  strikingly 
manifest  than  in  these  two  doc-  jjay 
uments  emanating  front  the  same  6* 
source  : 

"  Sec.  1.  Be  it  enacted  ly  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  /State  of  Tennessee,  That 
immediately  after  the  passage*  of  this 
act,  the  Governor  of  this  State  shall,  by 
proclamation,  direct  the  sheriffs  of  the 
several  counties  in  this  State  to  open  and 
hold  an  election  at  the  various  voting  pre- 
cincts in  their  respective  counties  on  the 
8th  day  of  June,  1861  ;  that  the  said  sher- 
iffs, or,  in  the  absence  of  the  sheriffs,  the 
coroner  of  the  county,  shall  immediately 
advertise  the  election  contemplated  by 
this  act ;  that  said  sheriffs  appoint  a 
deputy  to  hold  said  election  for  each 
voting  precinct,  and  that  said  deputy 
appoint  three  judges  and  two  clerks  for 
each  precinct ;  and  if  no  officer  shall, 
from  any  cause,  attend  any  voting  pre- 
cinct to  open  and  hold  said  election, 
then  any  justice  of  the  peace,  or,  in  the 
absence  of  a  justice  of  the  peace,  any  re- 


234 


THE  WAR    WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


s-pectiih]c  f?-eehoIder  may  appoint  au  offi- 
cer, judges,  and  clerks  to  opou  and  hold 
said  election.  Said  officers,  judges,  and 
clerks  shall  be  sworn  as  now  required 
by  law,  and  who,  after  being  so  sworn, 
shall  open  and  hold  an  election,  open 
and  close  at  the  time  of  day  and  in  the 
manner  now  required  by  law  in  elec- 
tions for  members  to  the  General  As- 
sembly. 

"  Sec.  2.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  at 
said  election  the  following  declaration 
shall  be  submitted  to  a  vote  of  the  qual- 
ified voters  of  the  State  of  Tennessee, 
for  their  ratification  or  rejection  : 

"  Declaration  of  Indepexuexce  and 
Ordinance  dissolving  the  Federal  Re- 
lation between  the  State  of  Tennessee 
and  the  United  States  of  America. 

"First.  We,  the  people  of  the  State 
of  Tennessee,  waiving  an  expression  of 
opinion  <is  to  the  abstract  doctrine  of 
secession,  but  asserting  the  right  as  a 
free  and  independent  people  to  alter, 
reform,  or  abolish  our  form  of  govern- 
ment in  such  manner  as  we  think  proper, 
do  ordain  and  declare  that  all  the  laws 
.and  ordinances  by  which  the  State  of 
Tennessee  became  a  member  of  the  Fed- 
eral Union  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica are  hereby  abrogated  and  annulled, 
and  that  all  obligations  on  our  part 
be  withdrawn  therefrom  ;  and  we  do 
hereby  resume  all  the  I'ights,  functions, 
and  powers  which  by  any  of  said  laws 
and  ordinances  were  conveyed  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and 
absolve  ourselves  from  all  the  obliga- 
tions, restraints,  and  duties  incurred 
thereto  ;  and  do  hereby  henceforth  be- 


come a  free,  sovereign,  and  independent 
State. 

"  Second.  "We  furthermore  declare  and 
ordain,  that  Article  10,  Sections  1  and  2 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee, which  requires  members  of  the 
General  Assembly,  and  all  officers,  ci^-il 
and  mihtary,  to  take  an  oath  to  support 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  abrogated 
and  annulled  ;  and  all  parts  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  State  of  Tennessee  mak- 
ing citizenship  of  the  United  States  a 
qualification  for  office,  and  recognizing 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as 
the  supreme  law  of  this  State,  are  in 
like  manner  abrogated  and  annulled. 

"  Third.  We  furthermore  ordain  and 
declare,  that  all  rights  acquired  and 
vested  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  or  under  any  act  of  Con- 
gi-ess  passed  in  pursuance  thereof,  or 
under  any  laws  of  this  State,  and  not 
incompatible  with  this  ordinance,  shall 
remain  in  force,  and  have  the  same 
eflfect  as  if  this  ordinance  had  not  been 
passed. 

"  Sec.  3.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That 
said  election  shall  be  by  ballot,  that 
those  voting  for  the  Declaration  and  Or- 
dmance  shall  have  wi'itten  or  printed 
on  their  ballots  '  Separation,'  and  those 
voting  against  it  shall  have  written  or 
printed  on  their  ballots  '  No  Separa- 
tion.' That  the  clerks  holdinsr  said 
election  shall  keep  regular  scrolls  of  the 
voters,  as  now  required  by  law  in  the 
election  of  members  to  the  General  As- 
sembly ;  that  the  clerks  and  judges  shall 
certify  the  sjme,  with  the  number  of 


SECESSION"   OF   TENKESSEE. 


235 


votes  for  'Separation,'  and  the  number 
of  votes  for  '  N"o  Separation.'  The  offi- 
cer holding  the  election  shall  return  the 
same  to  the  sheriff  of  the  county,  at  the 
county  seat,  on  the  Jlonda}'  next  after 
the  election.  The  sheriff  shall  imme- 
diately make  out,  certif}-,  and  send  to 
the  Governor  the  number  of  votes  poUed, 
and  the  number  of  votes  for  '  Separa- 
tion,' and  the  number  for  ''No  Separa- 
tion,' and  file  one  of  the  original  scrolls 
with  the  clerk  of  the  county  court ;  that 
upon  comparing  the  vote  by  the  Grov- 
eruor  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of 
state,  which  shall  be  at  least  by  the  24th 
day  of  June,  1861,  and  may  be  sooner 
if  the  returns  are  all  received  by  the 
Governor,  if  a  majority  of  the  votes 
poUed  shall  be  for  '  Separation,'  the 
Governor  shall,  by  his  proclamation, 
make  it  known,  and  declare  all  con- 
nection by  the  State  of  Tennessee  with 
the  Federal  Union  dissolved,  and  that 
Tennessee  is  a  free,  independent  gov- 
ernment, free  from  all  obligations  to,  or 
connection  with,  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment ;  and  that  the  Governor  shall  cause 
'  the  vote  by  counties'  to  be  published, 
the  number  for  '  Separation,'  and  the 
number  for  'No  Separation,'  whether  a 
majority  vote  for  '  Separation'  or  '  No 
Separation.' 

"  Sec.  4.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  in 
the  election  to  be  held  under  the  pro- 
visions of  this  act,  upon  the  Declaration 
submitted  to  the  people,  aU  volunteers 
and  other  persons  connected  with  the 
service  of  this  State,  qualified  to  vote 
for  members  of  the  Legislature  in  the 
counties  where  they  reside,  shall  be  en- 


titled to  vote  in  any  county  in  the  State 
where  they  may  be  in  active  service,  or 
under  orders,  or  on  parole,  at  the  time 
of  said  election ;  and  all  other  voters 
shall  vote  in  the  county  where  they  re- 
side, as  now  required  by  law  in  voting 
for  members  of  the  General  Assembly. 

"  Sec.  5.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  at 
the  same  time,  and  under  the  rules  and 
regulations  prescribed  for  the  election 
hei-einbefore  ordered,  the  following  or- 
dinance shall  be  submitted  to  the  popu- 
lar vote.     To  wit : 

"  An  Ordinance  for  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America. 

"We,  the  people  of  Tennessee,  sol- 
emnly impressed  by  the  perils  that  sur- 
round us,  do  hereby  adopt  and  ratify 
the  Constitution  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Confederate  States  of 
America,  ordained  and  established  at 
Montgomery,  Alabama,  on  the  8th  day 
of  February,  1861,  to  be  in  force  during 
the  existence  thereof,  or  until  such  time 
as  we  may  supersede  it  by  the  adoption 
of  a  permanent  constitution. 

"Sec.  6.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That 
those  in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  said 
Provisional  Constitution,  and  thereby 
seciu-ing  to  Tennessee  equal  representa- 
tion in  the  deliberations  and  councils  of 
the  Confederate  States,  shall  have  writ- 
ten or  printed  on  their  ballots  the  word 
'  Representation  ;'  opposed,  the  words 
'  No  Representation.' 

"  Sec.  7.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That  in 
the  event  the  people  shall  adopt  the 
Constitution  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 


23(5 


THE  WiVK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


meut  of  the  Confederate  States  at  the 
election  herein  ordered,  it  shall  be  the 
duty  of  the  Governor  forthwith  to  issue 
writs  of  election  for  delegates  to  repre- 
sent the  State  of  Tennessee  in  the  said 
Provisional  Government.  That  the  State 
shall  be  represented  by  as  many  dele- 
gates as  it  was  entitled  to  members  of 
Congress  to  the  recent  Congress  of  tbe 
United  States  of  America,  who  shall  be 
elected  from  the  several  congressional 
districts  as  now  established  by  law,  in 
the  mode  and  manner  now  prescribed 
for  the  election  of  members  of  Congress 
of  the  United  States. 

"  Sec.  8.  Be  it  further  enacted,  That 
this  act  shall  take  effect  from  and  after 
its  passage.      W.  C.  Whitthorne, 

'  Sjaeaker  of  House  of  Rep. 
"  B.  L.  Stovall, 
"  Speaker  of  the  Senate." 

The  Tennessee  Legislature,  conscious 
that  their  arbitrary  action  in  this  mat- 
ter was  inconsistent  with  their  professed 
deference  to  the  popular  will,  issued  a 
labored  apology  of  their  conduct.  In 
regard  to  the  secrecy  of  their  session, 
they  confessed  that  it  was  the  first  time 
in  the  history  of  the  State  that  the 
"rule"  had  been  adopted,  but  justified 
and  strove  to  dignify  it  by  some  honored 
historic  parallels.  The  people  of  Ten- 
nessee were  reminded  that  the  conven- 
tion which  framed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  which  framed  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  held  their  .sessions  in 
secret,  and  that  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  not  infrequently  sits  with  closed 
doors.     To  those  who  had  "taken  occa- 


sion to  condemn"  them,  they  answered 
with  the  sneer  that  they  "may  be  purer 
than  those  who  framed  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  but  we  very  much 
doubt  whether  they  wiU  have  greater 
hold  upon  public  confidence." 

In  justification  of  their  course,  they 
declared  that  "the  country  was  excited, 
and  the  public  demands  imperious ;" 
that  they. desired  to  legislate  uninflu- 
enced and  unretarded  by  the  crowds 
that  would  have  otherwise  attended 
theii"  deliberations,  and  that  the  western 
part  of  Tennessee  was  in  an  exposed 
condition,  with  no  mihtary  defence 
whatever  ;  that  the  towns  and  counties 
bordering  on  the  Mississippi  were  liable 
to  be  assailed  by  the  armed  forces  col- 
lected at  Cairo,  and  they  desired  that  no 
act  on  their  part  should  form  the  pre- 
text for  such  an  invasion,  so  long  as  it 
could  be  avoided.  "  Our  fellow- citizens 
of  West  Tennessee  and  of  Arkansas  are 
laboring  night  and  day,"  they  said,  "  to 
erect  batteries  on  the  river  to  prevent 
the  descent  of  the  enemy.  A  duty  that 
we  owed  to  them  and  tq  the  cause  of 
humanity  demanded  that  we  should  not 
make  our  action  known  tiU  the  latest 
possible  moment.  If  some  desired  light 
while  we  were  at  work,  we  equally  de- 
sired to  save  the  blood  and  property  of 
Tennesseeans." 

This  no  doubt  was  a  satisfactory  ex- 
cuse to  the  secessionists  of  Tennessee, 
but  hardly  a  sufficient  motive  in  the 
opinion  of  the  loyal  for  depriving  them 
of  their  constitutional  rights,  to  uphold 
wliich  that  "enemy"  so  denounced  by 
the  Legislature  was  in  arms. 


UNIONISTS   OF   EAST  TENNESSEE. 


237 


Throughout  Tennessee  there  was  un- 
doubtedly a  strong  attachment  to  the 
Union,  but  particularly  in  the  eastern 
part  of  the  State,  a  region  bordering  on 
the  Alleghany  range,  where  the  people, 
possessed  of  but  few  slaves,  had  few 
interests  in  common  with  the  lordly 
planters  of  the  rest  of  the  State.  In- 
habiting a  country  the  land  of  which 
can  only  be  cultivated  profitably  by  the 
personal  labor  of  the  proprietors,  the 
people  of  East  Tennessee  have  learned 
to  depend  upon  their  own  resources. 
They  have  thus  become  industrious  and 
self-reliant,  and  acquired  a  respect  for 
labor  which,  as  it  assimilates  them  to 
the  people  of  the  North,  tends  to  with- 
draw their  sympathies  from  the  South- 
ern slaveholders,  who,  with  negroes  to 
do  their  work,  exult  in  the  aristocracy 
of  idleness. 

The  action  of  the  Tennessee  Legisla- 
ture  was  particularly  odious  to  the  inde- 
pendent yeomen  of  Bast  Tennessee,  and 
they  immediately  called  a  convention  to 
be  held  in  Knoxville,  "disapproving," 
as  they  declared,  "  of  the  hasty  and  in- 
considerate action  of  our  Greneral  As- 
sembly, and  sincerely  desirous  to  do,  in 
the  midst  of  the  troubles  which  surround 
us,  what  will  be  best  for  our  country 
and  for  all  classes  of  our  citizens."  The 
resistance,  however,  of  this  portion  of 
the  State  proved  at  that  time  of  little 
avail  to  the  cause  of  the  Union,  and  did 
not  prevent  the  people  of  Tennessee, 
under  the  terrorism,  doubtless,  of  the  mil- 
itary power,  from  sanctioning,  by  a  large 
majority  of  votes,  the  arbitrary  action 
of  the  Legislature. 


Though  the  Federal  Government  was 
disappointed  in  its  anticipations  of  sup- 
port in  Tennessee,  it  found  great  en- 
couragement in  Virginia,  where  the 
people  of  the  northwestern  district,  in 
spite  of  the  secession  of  the  State,  had 
taken  abold  stand  for  the  Union.  This 
portion  of  Virginia,  bounded  on  the 
east  by  the  Alleghany  range  of  mount- 
ains, on  the  north  and  west  by  the  free 
States  of  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  and 
on  the  south  by  the  Kanawha  valley, 
watered  by  the  river  of  that  name  which 
empties  into  the  Ohio,  has  much  of  the 
geographical  and  social  characteristics 
of  the  North.  It  is  thus  described, 
"  The  negro  element  is  very  small, 
there  being  but  fifteen  thousand  slaves 
to  three  hundred  and  fifty-five  thousand 
four  hundred  and  ninety-two  whites  ; 
while  in  the  middle  district,  between  the 
Blue  Ridge  and  the  Alleghanies,  the 
proportion  of  slaves  is  forty-eight  thou- 
sand and  forty  to  two  hundred  and  forty- 
three  thousand  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
five  whites  ;  and  in  Eastern  Virginia, 
lying  between  the  Blue  Ridge  and  the 
Atlantic,  the  number  of  slaves  reaches 
the  large  proportion  of  four  hundred 
and  thirty-eight  thousand  four  hundred 
and  sixteen  to  four  hundred  and  forty- 
eight  thousand  nine  hundred  and  thirty- 
two  whites. 

"  The  proportion  of  the  negro  to  the 
white  population,  moreover,  has  been 
rapidly  decreasing  in  Western  Virginia. 
The  number  of  slaves,  it  is  true,  through- 
out the  whole  State,  has  lessened  during 
the  last  ten  yeai-s,  but  it  is  only  in  the 
middle  and  western  districts,  and  espe- 


238 


THE  WAR  WITH  Tlffi  SOUTH. 


cially  in  the  latter,  where  the  whites 
have  much  augmented  in  number.  Of 
the  whole  increase  of  the  white  popula- 
tion of  the  State,  from  1850  to  1860, 
estimated  at  one  hundred  and  fifty-two 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
nine,  no  less  than  seventy-nine  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  twelve — more  than 
one-half  of  the  total  increase — was  in 
Western  Virginia. 

' '  A  comparative  freedom  from  slavery 
has  produced  not  only  a  socigil  diversity, 
but  a  difference  of  interest,  which  had 
long  tended  greatly  to  weaken  the  alliance 
of  the  western  district  with  the  rest  of 
the  State.  There  are,  besides,  natural 
influences  which,  at  the  same  time,  have 
continued  to  strengthen  the  sj^mpathy 
of  Western  Virginia  with  the  North. 
The  abundant  resources  of  coal  and  iron 
have  attracted  the  enterj^rise  of  North- 
ern capitalists  and  caused  an  immigration 
of  working-men  to  a  country  where  the 
slaves  are  so  few  as  neither  to  degrade 
nor  to  compete  with  free  labor.  The 
close  proximity,  moreover,  of  the  States 
of  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  between 
which  Western  Virginia  is  wedged,  has 
naturally  brought  it  into  such  an  intimate 
social  and  trading  relationship  with  them, 
that  it  has  become  emulous  of  the  spirit 
of  enterprise  which,  under  the  impulse 
of  freedom,  animates  its  neighbors.  Its 
chief  city.  Wheeling,  is  already  so  alive 
with  the  zealous  activity  of  commerce 
and  manufactures,  that  it  rivals  in  pros- 
perity some  of  the  most  flourishing 
communities  of  the  North.  The  whole 
region  has  immense  resources  for  the 
support  of  a  large  and  thriving  popula- 


tion. With  a  wholesome  climate,  cooled 
by  the  bracing  atmosphere  of  the 
mountains  ;  with  a  soil  of  valley  and  hill- 
side enriched  by  the  flow  of  numerous 
rivers,  and  sources  of  wealth  in  its 
forests,  its  water  power,  its  minerals,  its 
navigable  streams,  and  its  railroad  com- 
munications. Western  Virginia  presents 
a  seductive  invitation  to  enterprise  and 
a  certain  promise  of  liberal  reward. 
While  the  affinities  of  this  district  are 
thus  naturally  with  its  energetic  neigh- 
bors of  the  free  North,  local  political 
diSerences,  apart  from  an  original  an- 
tagonism, have  for  a  long  time  existed 
to  interrupt  its  relations  with  the  pre- 
dominant slave  power  of  the  State." 

' '  Presuming  upon  its  political  strength, 
Eastern  Vii-ginia  had  executed  vast  pro- 
jects of  improvement,  especially  for  its 
own  benefit,  and  imposed  an  unequal 
weight  of  the  prodigal  expenditure  in- 
curred, upon  the  western  district.  A 
tax  was  laid,  but  all  slaves  under  twelve 
years  of  age  were  exempted.  As  East- 
ern Virginia  was  chiefly  engaged  in  rais- 
ing negroes  for  the  Southwestern  slave- 
markets,  this  exemption  of  a  large 
portion  of  what  was  one  of  their  most 
valuable  products,  was  considered  an 
ilnjust  exception  in  favor  of  its  own 
interests.  Western  Virginia  complained 
grievously,  and  finally  strove  in  conse- 
quence to  separate  from  the  eastern  pai't 
of  the  State.  Efforts  to  this  effect  had 
been  made,  and  seemed  at  one  time  to 
have  nearly  succeeded. 

An  opposition  to  the  action  of  the 
political  leaders  of  Eastern  Virginia  in 
their   movement    toward   wresting   the 


ACTION   OF   WESTERN   VTRGENIA. 


239 


State  from  the  Union,  naturally  came 
fi'om  the  inhabitants  of  the  west.  At 
the  convention  which  met  on  the  17th 
of  AprU  at  Richmond,  the  delegates 
from  Western  Virginia  protested  almost 
unanimously  against  the  act  of  secession 
which  was  passed.  Such  was  the  pop- 
ular indignation  to  which  they  exposed, 
themselves  by  their  firm  resistance  to 
the  prevalent  disunion  sentiment  of  that 
locality,  that  they  barely  escaped  with 
their  hves  from  the  excited  mob  of  the 
rebellious  city. 

Not  satisfied  with  protests.  Western 
Virginia  determined  to  resist  by  action 
the  violent  disruption  of  its  relations 
with  the  Union.  Large  meetings  were 
held,  and  it  was  recommended  at  a 
April  gathering  in  Harrison  County, 
22.  that  the  people  of  all  the  coun- 
ties of  Noi'thwestern  Virginia  should 
appoint  delegates,  not  less  than  five 
in  number,  of  ' '  their  wisest,  best,  and 
discreetest  men,"  to  meet  in  conven- 
tion at  Wheeling,  on  the  13th  of  May, 
to  "  consult  and  determine  upon  such 
action  as  the  people  of  Northwestern 
Virginia  should  take  in  the  present 
fearful  emergency." 

This  recommendation  met  with  gen- 
eral approval,  and  accordingly  delegates, 
representing  thirty  of  the  fifty  western 
jjlay  counties,  assembled  at  Wheeling. 
13.  The  long-desired  object  of  many 
Western  Virginians  became  the  prom- 
inent subject  of  discussion,  on  the  propo- 
sition of  Mr.  Garble  for  the  separation 
of  the  western  district  of  Virginia  from 
the  rest,  and  its  organization  into  a  State 
to  be  called  "New  Virginia." 


This,  however,  was  not  adopted,  on 
the  ground  that  it  acknowledged  the 
princijile  of  secession,  and  thus  seemed 
to  justify  the  act  of  the  secessionists  of 
Virginia,  against  whom  and  their  doc- 
trines the  loyal  men  of  the  West  had 
arrayed  themselves.  Mr.  Carhle's  res- 
olution of  separation  being,  however, 
changed  into  one  of  inquiry  as  to  its 
policy,  became  more  acceptable,  and  in 
this  form  was  adopted. 

The  convention,  waiving  for  the  pres- 
ent the  question  of  separation,  contented 
itself  with  passing  resolutions  denounc- 
ing the  action  of  the  secessionists  of  the 
State,  expressing  its  own  loyal  attach- 
ment to  the  Union,  recommending  the 
citizens  to  vote  against  the  act  of  seces- 
sion to  be  submitted  to  their  suffrage, 
and  in  case  it  should  be  passed,  to  ap- 
point delegates  to  a  general  convention 
to  meet  for  the  purpose  of  devising  such 
measures  and  taking  such  action  as  the 
welfare  and  safety  of  the  people  they 
represent  might  demand.  Closing  with 
this  ai;dent  appeal  to  the  loyalty  of  the 
people  of  Northwestern  Virginia,  the 
convention  adjourned  : 

"  In  obedience  to  the  fourteenth*  res- 
olution of  the  convention  which  met  in 
this  city  on  the  13th  instant,  we  earn- 
estly conjure  you  to  enter  actively  and 
immediately  upon  the  great  work  of 
preparing  your  neighbors  and  friends, 

^  "Resolved,  That  each  county  represented  in  this  con- 
vention, and  any  others  that  may  be  disposed  to  co-ope- 
rate with  us,  he  requested  to  appoint  a  committee  of  five, 
whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  see  that  all  things  that  may  be 
necessary  to  be  done  be  attended  to,  to  carry  out  the  ob- 
jects of  this  convention,  and  to  correspond  with  the  cen- 
tral committee. ' ' 


240 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


as  well  as  yourselves,  for  the  firm,  stern, 
and  decided  stand  necessary  to  be  taken 
and  adhered  to  at  all  liazards,  and  main- 
tained at  any  and  everj'  cost,  if  we  would 
j)reserve  to  ourselves  and  transmit  to 
our  posterity  that  unity  of  government 
which  constitutes  us  one  people,  which 
we  justly  regard  as  the  palladium  of  our 
liberties  and  the  main  pillar  in  the  edi- 
fice of  our  independence.  In  this  way, 
and  in  this  way  alone,  we  can  save  our- 
selves from  the  innumerable  evils  conse- 
quent upon  secession  and  aU  the  horrors 
of  civil  war. 

"  Why  should  the  people  of  North- 
western Virginia  allow  themselves  to  be 
dragged  into  the  rebellion  inaugurated 
by  ambitious  and  heartless  men,  who 
have  banded  themselves  together  to  de- 
stroy  a  government  formed  for  you  by 
your  patriot  fathers,  and  which  has  se- 
cured to  you  all  the  liberties  consistent 
with  the  nature  of  man,  and  has,  for 
near  three-fourths  of  a  "century,  shel- 
tered 3^ou  in  sunshine  and  in  storm, 
made  you  the  admiration  of  the,  civil- 
ized world,  and  conferred  upon  you  a 
title  more  honored,  respected,  and  re- 
v^ered  than  that  of  king  or  potentate — 
the  title  of  American  citizen.  WiU  you 
passively  surrender  it  and  submit  to 
be  used  by  the  conspirators  engaged 
in  this  effort  to  enslave  you,  as  their  in- 
struments by  which  your  enslavement 
is  to  be  effected  ? 

"  Freemen  who  would  remain  free 
must  prove  themselves  worthy  to  be 
free,  and  must  themselves  first  strike 
the  blow. 

"  What  is  secession  ?     A  deed  not  to 


be  accomplished  in  the  broad  glare  of  a' 
noonday  sun,  but  a  deed  of  darkness, 
which  had  to  be  performed  in  secret 
conclave  by  the  reckless  spirits  who  ac- 
complished it,  in  contempt  of  the  people, 
their  masters  under  our  form  of  govern- 
ment, but  whom  the  leaders  in  this 
work  of  destruction  have  determined  to 
enslave. 

"  What  is  secession  ?  Bankruptcy, 
ruin,  ciAal  war,  ending  in  military  des- 
potism. Prior  to  the  adoption  of  the 
ordinance  of  secession  in  Virginia,  and 
to  the  passage  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
bill  caUing  a  convention,  all  was  peace, 
and  the  great  business  interests  of  our 
State  were  uninterrupted.  From  the 
hour  that  it  was  proclaimed  the  ordi- 
nance of  secession  had  been  passed, 
business  of  eveiy  description  has  been 
paralyzed  ;  State,  corporation,  and  indi- 
vidual credit  is  prostrate,  and  bank- 
ruptcy and  ruin  stare  us  in  the  face,  and 
war,  civil  war,  with  all  its  attendant 
horrors,  is  upon  us.  Secession,  all  now 
see,  is  war.  It  is  preceded  by  war,  ac- 
companied and  sustained  by  war,  ush- 
ered into  being  by  war. 

"  Who  are  to  stand  the  brunt  of  this 
contest  ?  Will  it  be  those  who  have 
clamored  loudest  for  secession,  and  who 
have  done  the  most  to  bring  on  the 
present  crisis  ?  These  are  the  first  to 
flee  from  the  very  approach  of  danger. 
They  hurr}^,  in  every  train  and  by  every 
coach,  from  the  anticipated  scenes  of 
disturbance.  Will  the  disunion  major- 
ity of  the  Richmond  Convention  come 
into  the  ranks  and  slioulder  the  musket 
in  the  strife  which  they  have  inaugu- 


NEW    NATIONAL    WORK    ON    THE    LATE    REBELLION. 


JS^oio  Publishing,  in  Parts  at  oO  cents,  and  Divisions  at  $1. 

THE  GREAT  CIVIL  WAR: 


A    HISTORY   OF 


WES  h&TS  Bism 

Bein^  a  complete  Narrative  oi  the  Events  connected  with  the  Origin,  Progress,  and  Conclusion  of  the  War,  with  Biographical 
Sketches  of  Leading  Statesmen  and  Distingnished  Military  and  Naval  Commanders,  etc..  etc. 

By    ROBERT    TOMES,    M.D. 

Conthnted /'rom  the  l>et/i>iui»f/  of  the  year  1864  to  the  end  of  the  liar. 

By    BEXJ.    G.    smith,    Esq. 

Illustrated  by  numerous  highly  flnishcd  Steel  rnirraviugs.  ( olored  3Iaps,  Plans,  etc.,  from  Drawings  by  F.  0.  f .  Darley 

and  other  eminent  Artists. 

>s^W33^ 


The  four  years"  war,  now  happily  ended — .so  remarkable  for  its  sudden  outbreak,  its  unexpected 
duration,  and  its  entire  termination — not  only  absorbe<l  universal  attention  at  home,  but  had,  during  its 
Continuance,  a  paramount  interest  for  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  was  the  subject  of  constant  comment 
and  prophecy  on  the  part  of  both  the  friends  and  enemies  of  national  self-government.  It  not  only 
displayed  the  astonishing  resources  of  the  country,  and  exhibited,  even  wliile  the  struggle  continued.  \\\ 
the  vast  armies  raised  and  the  pei'sistent  spirit  of  the. people,  a  capacity  for  war  that  entitles  the  United 
States  to  the  first  rank  among  military  nations,  but  also  demonstrated  the  enduring  character  of  the 
srovernment  and  institutions,  which  have  proved  themselves  able  to  withstand  even  the  fearful  shocks  of 
a  gigantic  civil  war. 

A  history  of  this^reat  war  will  be  a  necessity  to  every  loyal  American.  To  be  without  a  know- 
ledge of  the  causes  and  events  of  the  great  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  would  be  as 
inexcusable  as  to  b*e  ignorant  of  the  events  which  led  to  its  formation. 

The  present  work  will  be  a  complete  history  of  the  war  and  of  its  immediate  causes,  from  the 
election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  commencement  of  actual  hostilities  by  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  to  (h>^ 
evacuation  of  Richmond  and  the  surrender  of  the  armies  of  Lee,  Johnstcni,  and  Kirby  Smith.  It  will 
contain  detailed  accounts  of  the  great  battles,  sieges,  marches,  and  naval  operations,  a  record  of  polit- 
ical events,  remarks  on  foreign  relations,  statistical  facts  with  regard  to  the  resources  of  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  descriptions  of  fortresses  and  battle-fields,  and  a  large  number  of  bio- 
graphical sketches  of  distinguished  commanders  and  statesmen,  to  which  will  be  appended  a  copious  and 
elaborate  Index. 

Not  the  least  attractive  feature  of  the  work  will  be  the  large  number  of  beautiful  and  costJy  steel 
engravings,  comprising  portraits  of  statesmen  and  military  and  naval  commanders,  Xorthern  and  South' 
crn,  who  have  become  famous  in  the  course  of  the  war. 

Among  the  illustrations  are  also  splendid  bird"s-eyc  views  of  Fortress  Monroe  and  vicinity,  Charles- 
ton, Richmond,  and  New  Orleans  ;  representations  of  battle-scenes,  views  of  forts  and  battle-fields, 
sea  views,  and  a  number  of  carefully  prepared  colored  maps  and  plans,  highly  useful  in  making  clear 

the  movements  and  positions  of  armies. 

-♦♦♦ 

CONDITIONS      OF      PUBLICATION. 

Tlie  work  will  be  printed  in  a  clear,  bold  type,  on  superfine,  calendered  until  completed,  the  whole  not  to  .exceed  fort}- -five  Parts,  at  Fifty  Cents 

paper,  and  issued  in  Parts  at  Fifty  Cents,  and  Divisions  at  SI  each.  each. 

The  illustrations  will  comprise  fifty-four  portraits  and  thirty-six  battle-  No  subscribers  name  received  for  less  than  the  whole  w^ork  ;  and  each 

scenes,  plans,  maps,  bird's-eye  views,  etc.  Part  or  Division  will  be  payable  on  delivery,  the  airrier  not  being  allowe<l 

A  Part  will  be  published  every  two  weeks  and  a  Division  every  month  .  to  give  credit  or  receive  payment  in  iulvance. 


VIRTUE   &   VORSTONt   12   DEV   STREET,    K   544   BROADWAY,    NEW   VORK» 

And  Sold  by  their  Agents  in  at!  the  ppincipsf  Citigs  of  the  United  States  end  Canadas. 


New  Nation. lI   a  oik  on     -.     Late  i.      -  iiiuu. 

Pari       Q  JUutiniUdby  F.  O.  C.  JJAIiLEY  mtdotlter  h:mint^iUAr(ui*. 


Price  aiK 


VIRTUE    &    YORSTON. 


To  be  Completed  in  Forty-five  Parts,  at  Fifty  Cents  each. 


t\ 


;^^^ 


Tram,  a  Photogwq^li  Ijy  Bradr 


/Oi 


C/^  (i^t  ^?i^// 


"Viitu,e  8-  Ym-ston  Publishers  N.Y 


.u*  ttf  CrntfiVitiJbtaeShy  '\fhtnm XsSrrjtctt  If  «fc.<V<r*,f  <««.*■*■/'*•**/•**  Aii***^ A*  CTttfcrfA^^ri't'-ftirtki*^  A»»****»jK»2r»-< 


ADDRESS   OF   LOYAL   VIRGIXL\NS. 


241 


rated  ?  They  will  keep  at  a  respectful 
distance  from  danger.  They  will  fill 
the  lucrative  offices  and  secure  the  rich 
appointments  which  appertain  to  tlie 
new  order  of  things.  They  will  luxuri- 
ate on  two  or  three  or  four  hundred  dol- 
lars per  month,  with  horses,  and  serv- 
ants, and  rations  to  match,  while  the 
Union-loving  people  will  be  called  upon, 
for  the  honor  of  Virginia  and  two  shil- 
lings per  day,  to  do  the  fighting  and  un- 
dergo the  hardships  of  war.  '  We  are 
all  Virginians,'  say  they  ;  '  the  State 
must  be  sustained,  and,  right  or  wrong, 
we  must  all  fight  for  Virginia,'  etc. 

"What  is  it  to  fight  for  Virginia? 
What  is  it  to  sustain  the  State  ?  Is  it  to 
ui-ge  her  upon  a  course  which  leads  to 
visible  and  gaping  destruction  ?  Is  tiiis 
the  way  and  the  only  way  in  which  we 
can  testify  our  devotion  to  the  common- 
wealth ?  If  the  feelings  which  actuated 
our  Revolutionary  fathers  be  not  all 
dead  in  us,  we  shall  exhibit  our  love  for 
Vii'gmia  by  repudiating  this  tyrannical 
rule  which  the  Richmond  Convention 
has  endeavored  to  impose,  and  not  suffer 
ourselves  to  be  sold  like  sheep  from  the 
shambles.  The  people  yet  hold  their 
destinies  in  their  own  hands ;  it  is  for 
them  to  accept  or  reject  a  tyranny 
worse  many  times  than  that  from  whicli 
the  war  of  '7G  delivered  us — not  the 
tyranny  of  one  man,  but  of  many. 

"  But,  people  of  Northwestern  Vir- 
ginia, why  should  we  thus  permit  our- 
selves to  be  tyrannized  over  and  made 
slaves  of  by  the  haugM}-  arrogance  and 
wicked  machinations  of  would-be  Eastern 
despots  ?     Are  we  submissionists,  cx'aven 

31 


cowards,  who  will  yield  to  daring  ambi- 
tion the  rich  legacy  of  fi'eedom  which  wo 
have  inherited  from  our  fathers,  or  arc 
we  men  who  know  our  rights,  and  know- 
ing, dare  maintain  them  ?  If  we  are, 
we  will  resist  the  usurpers,  and  drive 
from  our  midst  the  rebellion  sought  to 
be  forced  upon  us.  We  will,  in  the 
strength  of  our  cause,  resolutely  and 
determinedly  stand  by  our  rights  and 
our  liberties,  secured  to  us  by  the  strug- 
gles of  our  Revolutionary  fathers  and 
the  authors  of  the  Constitution  under 
which  we  have  grown  and  prospered 
beyond  all  precedent  in  the  world's 
history ;  we  will  maintain,  protect,  and 
defend  that  Constitution  and  the  Union 
with  all  our  strength  and  with  all  our 
powers,  ever  remembering  that  '  Resist- 
ance to  tyrants  is  obedience  to  God.' 

"  We  utterly  repudiate  the  war  sought 
to  be  forced  upon  us  without  and  against 
the  consent  and  earnest  protestations 
of  the  people  who  have  not  produced 
it,  but  who  have,  we  regret  to  say,  thus 
far  offered  no  resistance,  but  have  sub- 
mitted to  the  filling  up  of  armies  and 
the  quartering  of  troops  in  their  midst ; 
taking  for  the  purpose  our  young  men 
who  had,  in  a  time  of  profound  j^eace, 
and  with  no  exjiectation  of  ever  being 
called  upon  to  aid  in  a  rebellion,  attached 
themselves  to  the  volunteer  corps  of  our 
State.  The  people,  stunned  by  the 
magnitude  of  the  crime,  have  for  a  time 
offered  no  resistance  ;  but  as  returning 
reason  enables  them  to  perceive  dis- 
tinctly the  objects  and  purposes  of  the 
vile  perpetrators  of  this  deed,  their 
hearts  swell  within  them,  and  already 


242 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


the  cry  has  gone  up  from  our  mouutaius 
and  our  valleys,  '  Resistance  to  tyrants 
is  obedience  to  God/   . 

"Let  us  urge  you,  then,  that  our  re- 
sistance may  be  elTectual,  to  act  in  the 
spirit  of  the  resolutions  here  appended, 
adopted  by  the  Convention  whose  com- 
mittee we  are.  Let  all  our  ends  be  di- 
rected to  the  creation  of  an  organized 
resistance  to  the  despotism  of  the  tyrants 
who  have  been  in  session  in  Richmond, 
and  who  are  about  to  reassemble,  that 
we  may  maintain  our  position  in  the 
Union  under  the  flag  of  our  common 
country,  which  has  for  so  many  years 
waved  gracefully  and  protectingiy  over 
us,  and  which,  when  we  behold  upon  its 
ample  folds  the  stripes  and  tlie  stars  of 
freedom,  causes  our  bosoms  to  glow  with 
patriotic  heat,  and  our  hearts  to  swell 
with  honest  love  of  country.  That  tliis 
flag,  the  symbol  of  our  might,  challenges 
our  admiration,  and  justly  claims  our 
every  effort  against  those  who  have 
dared  to  desecrate  and  dishonor  it,  we 
all  admit.  Let  us,  then,  see  that  we 
take  the  proper  measures  to  make 
effectual  those  efforts. 

"This  Convention  to  assemble  on  the 
11th  proximo  is  looked  to  to  organize 
our  action.  Its  importance,  its  necessity 
win  at  once  strike  your  minds  ;  take 
immediate  steps,  therefore,  to  secure  for 
your  representatives  in  the  Convention 
your  most  determined,  resolute,  temper- 
ate, and  wisest  men.  We  have  already 
detained  you  too  long ;  the  time  for 
action,  prompt,  firm,  and  decided,  has 
come.  In  the  hope  that  our  action  will 
be   that  of  a  united   people,    we    take 


leave  of  you,  confidently  calculating 
that  you  will  give  your  body,  soul, 
strength,  mind,  and  all  the  energies  of 
your  nature  to  the  work  of  saving  your 
country  from  becoming  the  theatre  of  a 
bloody  war,  brought  upon  you  without 
your  consent  and  against  your  wiU. 
Let  us  show  Mr.  Ex-Secretary  Cobb, 
now  President  of  the  Montgomery  Con- 
gress, that  we  are  not  willing  to  recog- 
nize the  transfer  of  us  made  by  the 
Richmond  Convention,  nor  do  we  intend 
to  allow  our  borders,  as  he  says  they 
will  be,  to  be  made  the  theatre  of  this 
war. 

"Fellow-citizens,  we  ask  you  to  read 
and  ponder  well  the  passage  from  Mr. 
Cobb's  speech  we  recite  : 

"  '  The  people  of  the  Gulf  States  need 
have  no  apprehensions ;  they  might  go 
on  with  their  planting  and  their  other 
business  as  usual ;  the  war  would  not 
come  to  their  section  ;  its  theatre  would 
be  along  the  borders  of  the  Ohio  River 
and  in  Virginia.' 

"  The  Convention  between  Virginia 
and  the  Confederate  States,  by  which 
the  control  of  all  military  operations  is 
placed  in  the  hands  of  President  Davis, 
insures  this  result. 

"Fellow-citizens,  'these  are  times 
when  we  must  not  stop  to  count  sacrifi- 
ces and  costs,  where  honor,  and  charac- 
ter, and  self-preservation  are  put  in 
issue.'  The  patriot  and  sage,  Daniel 
Webster,  in  a  speech  dehvered  at  Wash- 
ington in  1851,  at  the  laj^ing  of  the 
corner-stone  of  the  addition  to  the  Cap- 
itol, spoke  as  foUows  : 

"  'Ye  nien  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  many 


FIRST   CONFLICT   IX   WESTERN   ^TRGINIA. 


243 


thousands  of  whom  are  nearer  to  this 
capital  than  the  seat  of  Government  of 
your  own  State,  what  do  you  think  of 
breaking  up  this  great  association  into 
fragments  of  States  and  of  jjeople  ?  I 
ls;now  that  some  of  you,  and  I  believe 
that  you  all  would  be  almost  as  much 
shocked  at  the  announcement  of  such  a 
catastrophe,  as  if  you  were  informed 
that  the  Blue  Ridge  itself  would  soon 
totter  from  its  base  ;  and  ye,  men  of 
Western  Virginia,  who  occupy  the  slope 
fi-om  the  AUeghanies  to  Ohio  and  Ken- 
tucky, what  benefit  do  you  propose  to 
j'ourselves  by  disunion  ?  If  you  secede, 
what  do  you  "  secede"  from,  and  what  do 
you  "secede"  to?  Do  you  look  for  the 
current  of  the  Ohio  to  change  and  to 
bring  you  and  your  commerce  to  the 
tide-waters  of  Eastern  rivers?  What 
man  in  his  senses  can  suppose  that  one 
would  remain  part  and  parcel  of  Vir- 
ginia in  a  month  after  Virginia  had 
ceased  to  be  a  part  and  parcel  of  the 
United  States  ?' 

"  Fellow-citizens  of  Northwestern  Vir- 
ginia, the  issue  is  willi  you.     Your  des- 
tin}''  is  in  your  own  hands.     If  you  are 
worthy    descendants    of    worthy    sires, 
you  will  rally  to  the   defence   of  your 
liberties,    and   the    Constitution,   which 
has  protected  and  blessed  you,  wiU  still 
extend  over  you  its  protecting  oegis.     If 
you  hesitate  or  falter,  all  is  lost,  and  you 
and  your  children  to  the  latest  posterity 
are  destined  to  perpetual  slavery. 
"John  S.  Carlile,  Jas.  S.  Wheat,  A. 
WiLSOx,  C.  I).  Hubbard,  F.  H.  Pier- 
font,    S.    H.    Woodward,  'C.    Tarr, 
G.  R.  Latham.  James  W.  Paxton." 


In  sympathy  with  this  spirited  action 
of  their  pohtical  leaders,  the  people  of 
Western  Virginia  showed  a  sentiment 
of  patriotism,  and  an  alacrity  not  sur- 
passed even  at  the  North,  to  ralty  to 
arms  in  defence  of  the  Union.  A  gen-  • 
eral  fast  was  kept  at  Wheeling,  and  jjay 
the  clergymen  who  preached  on  1^« 
the  occasion  vied  with  each  other  in  fer- 
vor of  patriotic  appeal.  The  churches 
were  decorated  with  the  stars  and  stripes. 
One  loyal  pulpit  orator  declared  that  he 
would  have  no  fellowship  with  traitors, 
and  if  there  was  a  secessionist  in  his 
congregation,  he  wished  him  to  leave. 
Another  prayed  that  the  rebels  "might 
be  subdued  or  wiped  from  the  face  of 
the  earth."* 

Union  military  companies  were 
formed  throughout  the  loyal  district, 
prepared  to  resist  the  advance  of  the 
troops  in  arms  to  uphold  the  Southern 
Confederacy,  with  which  the  Govei'nor 
of  Virginia  and  his  fellow-conspirators 
had  leagued  the  State.  The  first  en- 
counter took  place  at  the  town  of  jjay 
Clarksburg,  in  Harrison  County.  20. 
Two  companies  of  "Confederate  mil- 
itary" having  marched  into  the  place, 
the  court-house  bell  was  rung,  and  im- 
mediately forth  came  two  other  com- 
panies of  "  Union  military."  The  latter 
immediately  summoned  the  former  to 
surrender  their  arms,  which  after  a  brief 
parley  was  complied  with.  This  was  the 
bloodless  beginning  of  that  series  of 
tragic  conflicts  in  which  the  struggle  in 
Western  Vu'ginia  has  abounded. 


o  Kew  York  Herald,  May  10. 


244 


THE  WAR.  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER     XXI. 


Missonri. — Secession  Governor  and  Political  Leaders. — ^The  Loyalty  of  the  State  undoubted  at  the  North. — Majority  of 
Inhabitants  opposed  to  Slaveiy. — Proportion  of  Slaves  to  Free  Population. — Small  number  of  Slave  Owners. — Free 

Labor. — ^The  Foreign  Population. — Germans. — Their  Character  imd  Enteqwise. — Their  Sentiments  on  Slaverj' 

The  Action  of  the  Secessionists. — Insulting  Answer  of  the  Governor  to  the  President's  Requisition. — Governor's 
Message. — Denunciation  of  the  Federal  Authority. — Sympatliy  with  the  Confederate  States. — Secret  Session  of  the 
Legislature.— The  Governor's  Call  for  Militia. — Pretest  and  Purpose. — Aleitness  of  the  Union  Men  of  St.  Louis. — 
Mustering  of  Union  Volunteers. — lUpid  Response  to  the  President's  Requisition. — Home  Guards. — Guarding  the 
Arsenal. — Graphic  Aecmmt  of  the  Rescue  of  .\rms. — Captain  Lyon. — His  Spirited  Conduct. — Mustering  of  his  Forces. 
— March  against  the  Governor's  Secession  Camp  at  Fort  Jackson. — Tlie  Camp  surrounded. — Disposition  of  Forces. 
— A  Summons  to  Surrender. —Surrender  of  the  Secessionists. — Dissatisfiiction  of  the  Secessionists. — An  Excited 
Crowd. — Attack  upon  the  Troops. — The  Soldiers  respond. — Fatal  Results. — Olficial  Justification. — Great  Agitation 
in  St.  Louis. — Attack  of  the  City  Mob  upon  the  German  Home  Guard. — Another  Fatal  Collision. — ^De.ith  of  the 
Innocent. — Major-General  Harney. — His  return  to  St.  Lotus. — Biography  of  Harney — His  Headstrong  Character. — 
Difficulties  at  Vancouver. — Readied. — Appointed  to  the  Command  of  the  Western  Department. — Visit  to  Washing- 
ton.— Capture  on  the  way.— Release. — Return  to  St.  Louis. — A  Declaration  of  Loyalty. — Good  Advice  to  Missouri. 
— Conciliatory  Proclamation. — The  "  MiUfciry  Bill." — Its  Results. — Second  Proclamation  of  Harney. — A  Denuncia- 
tion of  the  "Milit.ary  Bill." — Energetic  Movements. — Secessionists  dispersed  at  Liberty. — ^The  afifair  at  Potosi. — A 
Lady  delivered  of  a  Secession  Flag. — League  of  Harney  with  the  Leader  of  Secession Troops. — The  first  Effect. — 
Harney  Cajoled. — Impolitic  Conduct.— Withdrawal  of  Harney. — Appointment  of  Lyon  to  a  Brigadier-Generalship. 
-Succeeds  to  the  Command  of  Union  Troops  in  Missouri. — Energy. 


1861. 


MissouEi,  though  its  Governor  and 
many  of  its  most  influential  jDolit- 
ical  leaders  were  known  to  be  in 
league  with  the  conspu-ators  of  the 
South,  contained  so  great  a  majority  of 
inhabitants  who,  in  interests  and  senti- 
ment, were  opposed  to  slavery,  that 
none  at  the  North  doubted,  whatever 
might  be  the  attempts  on  its  loyalty, 
of  its  adherence  to  the  Union.  Of  its 
whole  population  of  about  one  milhoii 
three  hundred  thousand,  the  slaves  con- 
stitute not  more  than  a  tenth  part.  Of 
the  whites,  there  are  nearly  one  hun- 
dred thousand  of  foreign  birth.  The 
slaveholders  amount  to  little  more  than 
twenty  thousand,  and  of  these  there  are 
hardly  a  score  who  possess  more  than 
fifty  negroes,  while  the  larger  propor- 


tion can  number  but  one,  two,  or  three 
on  their  slave-rolls. 

With  this  small  proportion  of  slaves 
and  slave- owners,  and  large  nmnber  of 
;  inhabitants  dependent  alone  upon  free 
labor,  the  prevailing  pohtieal  sentiment 
of  the  State  has  been  in  sympathy  with 
that  of  the  Jforth.  The  larger  propor- 
tion of  the  white  population  of  foreign 
birth  are  Germans,  who,  with  their 
patient  industry  and  rigid  economy, 
have  become  among  the  most  thriving 
portion  of  the  people.  Good  agricul- 
turists, and  ambitious  of  becoming 
landed  proprietors,  many  have  settled 
upon  the  fertile  prairie  districts  of  the 
State,  and  with  the  aversion  to  the  aid 
of  slave  "labor  natural  to  those  long 
accustomed    to    honest    toil,    cultivate 


SECESSIOJfISM   IN   mSSOTJPJ. 


245 


their  farms  themselves.  Among  them, 
too,  are  hxrge  numbers  of  plodding 
tradesmen,  skilled  artificers,  and  miners, 
who  having  availed  themselves  of  the 
great  natural  resources  of  the  State  are 
among  the  most  energetic  and  prosperous 
of  those  engaged  in  commerce,  mining, 
and  manufactures.  This  large  and  in- 
fluential German  population  is,  almost 
without  an  exception,  opposed  to  slavery, 
and  devotedly  attached  to  that  Union 
under  whose  liberal  sway  tliey  have  had 
free  scope  for  the  exercise  of  their  in- 
dustry, and  hitherto  secured  the  enjoy- 
ment of  its  fruits. 

Notwithstanding  the  predominating 
sentiment  of  loyalty,  the  political  lead- 
ers of  Missouri  were  determined  to 
make  an  efibrt  to  wrest  the  State  from 
the  Union,  or  to  create  by  internal  dis- 
order a  division  in  favor  of  the  seced- 
ers,  by  which  they  hoped  to  embarrass 
the  Federal  authority  in  its  efforts  to 
suppress  the  Southern  rebelHon.  The 
Governor,  C.  F.  Jackson,  had  sent  an 
insulting  refusal  to  the  demand  of  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  for  troops  :  "  .Your  requisi- 
tion," he  said,  "in  my  judgment,  is 
illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  revolution- 
ary in  its  objects — inhuman  and  diaboli- 
cal, and  cannot  be  complied  with,  Not 
one  man  will  the  State  of  Missouri 
furnish  to  carry  on  such  an  unholy 
crusade." 

Again,  in  his  message  to  the  Legisla- 


May 


ture  of  Missouri  convened  to  con- 


3»  sider  the  policy  of  the  State  in 
relation  to  the  civil  quarrel,  the  Gover- 
nor denounced  the  conduct  of  =  the  Fed- 
eral   Government    as    unconstitutional. 


and  tending  toward  "consolidated  des- 
potism," while  in  these  words  he  mani- 
fested his  own  sympathy  with  the 
rebellious  States,  and  indicated  his  dis- 
position to  commit  Missouri  to  their 
destiny : 

"  Our  interests  and  sympathies  are 
identified  with  those  of  the  slaveholding 
States,  and  necessarily  unite  our  desti- 
nies with  theirs.  The  similarity  of  our 
social  and  political  institutions,  our 
industrial  interests,  our  sympathies, 
habits,  and  tastes,  our  common  origin, 
territorial  contiguity,  all  concur  in  point- 
ing out  our  duty  in  regard  to  the  sep- 
aration now  taking  place  between  the 
States  of  the  old  Federal  Union.  Mis- 
souri has  at  this  time  no  war  to  prosecute. 
It  is  not  her  policy  to  make  an  aggres- 
sion, but  in  the  present  state  of  the 
country  she  would  be  faithless  to  her 
honor,  recreant  to  her  duty,  were  she 
to  hesitate  a  moment  in  making  the 
most  ample  preparation  for  the  protec- 
tion of  her  people  against  the  aggres- 
sions of  all  assailants.  I  therefore  rec- 
ommend an  appropriation  of  a  sufficient 
sum  of  money  to  place  the  State  at  the 
earliest  practicable  moment  in  a  com- 
plete state  of  defence." 

The  Legislature,  the  majority  of  which 
was  ready  to  act  in  compliance  with  the 
seditious  inchnations  of  the  Governor, 
held  its  session  in  secret.  Sustained  by 
its  acts,  the  Governor's  next  step  was  to 
call  out  the  mihtia  of  the  State  and  or- 
der them  to  be  encamped,  under  the 
pretext  to  perfect  their  organization  and 
drill,  but  in  reality,  as  it  was  believed, 
to  have  an  armed  force  under  his  con- 


2i6 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


trol  ready  to  further  the  objects  of  seces- 
sion, by  keeping  in  awe  the  loyal  cit- 
izens of  Missouri,  and  seizing  the  Fed- 
eral property.  The  arsenal  at  St.  Louis, 
with  its  abundant  supplies  of  arms  be- 
longing to  the  United  States,  was  only 
saved  from  the  grasp  of  the  disloyal 
Governor  and  his  mob  of  secession  fol- 
lowers by  the  prompt  action  of  the 
Governor  of  the  neighboring  State  of 
Illinois.  The  successful  exploit  by  which 
this  valuable  property  was  secured,  is 
well  told  in  the  following  narrative  : 

"  Captain  James  H.  Stokes,  of  Chi- 
cago, late  of  the  regular  army,  volun- 
teered to  undertake  the  perilous  mission, 
and  Governor  Yates  placed  in  his  hands 
the  requisition  of  the  secretary  of  war  for 
10,000  muskets.  Captain  Stokeswentto 
St.  Louis,  and  made  his  way  as  rapidly  as 
possible  to  the  arsenal.  He  found  it  sur- 
rounded by  an  immense  mob,  and  the 
postern  gates  all  closed.  His  utmost  ef- 
forts to  penetrate  the  crowd  were  for  a 
long  time  unavailing.  The  requisition 
was  shown.  Captain  Lyon  doubted  the 
possibility  of  executing  it.  He  said  the 
arsenal  was  surrounded  by  a  thousand 
spies,  and  every  movement  was  watched 
and  reported  to  the  headquarters  of  the 
secessionists,  who  could  throw  an  over- 
powering force  upon  them  at  any  mo- 
ment. Captain  Stokes  represented  that 
every  hour's  delay  was  rendering  the  cap- 
ture of  the  arsenal  more  certain,  and  the 
arms  must  be  moved  to  Illinois  now  or 
never.  Major  Callender  agreed  with 
him,  and  told  him  to  take  them  at  his 
own  time  and  in  his  own  way.  This 
was  Wednesday  night,  24tli  April. 


"  Captain  Stokes  had  a  spy  in  the 
camp,  whom  he  met  at  intervals  in  a 
certain  place  in  the  city.  On  Thursday 
he  received  information  that  Governor 
Jackson  had  ordered  two  thousand 
armed  men  down  from  Jefferson  City, 
whose  movements  could  only  contem- 
plate a  seizure  of  the  arsenal,  by  occu- 
pying the  heights  around  it,  and  plant- 
ing batteries  thereon.  The  job  would 
have  been  an  easy  one.  They  had  al- 
ready planted  one  batter}^  on  the  St. 
Louis  levee,  and  another  at  Powder 
Point,  a  short  distance  below  the  ar- 
senal. Captain  Stokes  immediately  tel- 
egraphed to  Alton  to  have  the  steamer 
City  of  Alton  drop  down  to  the  arsenal, 
landing  about  midnight.  He  then  re- 
turned to  the  arsenal  and  commenced 
moving  the  boxes  of  guns,  weighing  some 
three  hundred  pounds  each,  down  to  the 
lower  floor. 

' '  About  seven  hundred  men  were  em- 
ployed in  the  work.  He  then  took  five 
hundred  Kentucky  flint-lock  muskets, 
which  had  been  sent  there  to  be  altered, 
and  sent  them  to  be  placed  on  a  steamer 
as  a  blind  to  cover  his  real  movements. 
The  secessionists  nabbed  them  at  once, 
and  raised  a  perfect  bedlam  over  the 
capture.  A  large  portion  of  the  outside 
crowd  left  the  arsenal  when  this  move- 
ment was  executed,  and  Captain  Lyon 
took  the  remainder,  who  were  lying 
around  as  spies,  and  locked  them  up  in 
the  guard-house.  About  eleven  o'clock 
the  steamer  City  of  Alton  came  along- 
side, planks  were  shoved  out  from  the 
windows  to  the  main  deck,  and  the 
boxes   slid   down.      When    the    10,000 


LOYALTY  IN   ST.   LOUIS. 


247 


were  safely  on  board,  Captain  Stokes 
went  to  Captain  Lyon  and  Major  Cal- 
lender  aud  urged  tliem,  by  the  most 
pressing  appeals,  to  let  him  empty  the 
arsenal.  They  told  him  to  go  ahead 
and  take  whatever  he  wanted.  Accord- 
ingly, he  took  10,000  more  muskets, 
500  new  rifle  carbines,  500  revolvers, 
110,000  musket  cartridges,  to  say  noth- 
ing of  the  cannon  and  a  large  quantity 
of  miscellaneous  accoutrements,  leaving 
only  7,000  muskets  in  the  arsenal  to  arm 
the  St.  Louis  volunteers. 

"  When  the  whole  were  on  board, 
about  two  o'clock  on  Friday  morning 
the  order  was  given  by  the  captain  of 
the  steamer  to  cast  off.  Judge  of  the 
consternation  of  all  hands  when  it  was 
found  that  she  would  not  move.  The 
arms  had  been  piled  in  great  quantities 
around  the  engines  to  protect  them 
against  the  battery  on  the  levee,  and 
the  great  weight  had  fastened  the  bows 
of  the  boat  firmly  on  a  rock,  which  was 
tearing  a  hole  through  the  bottom  at 
every  turn  of  the  wheels.  A  man  of 
less  nerve  than  Captain  Stokes  would 
have  gone  crazy  on  the  spot.  He  called 
the  arsenal  men  on  board,  and  com- 
menced moving  the  boxes  to  the  stern. 

"  Fortunately,  when  about  two  hun- 
dred boxes  had  been  shifted,  the  boat 
fell  away  from  the  shore,  and  floated  in 
deep  water.  '  Which  way  V  said  Cap- 
tain Mitchell,  of  the  steamer.  '  Straight 
to  Alton,  in  the  regular  channel.'  refilled 
Captain  Stokes.  '  What  if  we  are  at- 
tacked ?'  said  Captain  Mitchell.  '  Then 
we  will  fight,'  said  Captain  Stokes. 
'  What    if  we    are    overpowered  ?'  said 


Captain  Mitchell.  '  Run  her  to  the 
deepest  part  of  the  river,  and  sink  her,' 
replied  Captain  Stokes.  '  I'll  do  it,'  was 
the  heroic  answer  of  Captain  Mitchell ; 
and  away  they  went  past  the  secession 
battery,  past  the  entii-e  St.  Louis  levee, 
and  on  to  Alton,  in  the  regular  channel, 
where  they  arrived  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning. 

"  When  the  boat  touched  the  landing. 
Captain  Stokes,  fearing  pursuit  by  some 
two  or  three  of  the  secession  military 
companies  by  which  the  city  of  St.  Louis 
is  disgraced,  ran  to  the  market-house 
and  rang  the  fire-beU.  The  citizens 
came  flocking  pell-mell  to  the  river  in 
all  sorts  of  habihments.  Captain  Stokes 
informed  them  of  the  situation  of  things, 
and  pointed  out  the  freight-cars.  In- 
stantly men,  women,  and  children 
boarded  the  steamer,  seized  the  freight, 
and  clambered  up  the  levees  to  the 
cars.  Rich  and  poor  tugged  together 
with  might  and  main  for  two  hours, 
when  the  cargo  was  all  deposited  in  the 
cars,  and  the  train  moved  ofl",  amid  their 
enthusiastic  cheers,  for  Springfield." 

The  loyal  men  of  St.  Louis,  the  ma- 
jority of  whose  citizens  were  of  unques- 
tioned fidelity  to  the  Union,  were  also 
on  the  alert.  Four  regiments  of  volun- 
teei's  were  immediately  mustered,  ready 
to  do  service  for  the  United  States,  so 
that  the  energetic  Colonel  Frank  P. 
Blair,  to  whose  efforts  this  success  was 
greatly  due,  had  the  satisfaction  of  writ- 
ing to  Washington  that  Missouri,  ir. 
spite  of  the  Governor's  insulting  re- 
fusal, had  responded  faithfully,  within  a 
week,  to  the  President's  call  for  troops. 


24:8 


THE  WAK  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


At  the  same  time,  several  thousands  of 
the  citizens  of  St.  Louis  had  enrolled 
themselves  as  a  home  guard,  and  were 
stationed  at  the  arsenal  to  guard  its  im- 
portant stores,  and  be  in  readiness  for 
other  loyal  service.  The  Government 
at  Washington  had,  with  more  than  usual 
foresight  and  promptitude,  sent  orders 
to  Captain  Lyon,  in  command  of  the 
small  Federal  force  of  regulars  at  St. 
Louis,  to  em'ol,  if  necessaiy,  ten  thou- 
sand men  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment. This  spirited  young  officer  at 
once  zealously  apj^lied  himself  to  the 
work,  and  immediately,  with  the  aid  of 
Blair's  regiments,  was  able  to  muster  a 
force  of  nearly  six  thousand. 

Lyon's  first  movement  was  to  check 
the  military  operations  of  the  Governor, 
who  had  encamped  some  eight  hundred 
militia  at  Camp  Jackson,*  on  the  ,out- 
skirts  of  the  city  of  St.  Louis.  Lyon 
May  accordingly  marched  with  his  whole 
^^'  force  through  the  streets  of  the  cit}-, 
wliich  was  greatly  agitated  by  the  then 
unusual  event,  to  the  undulating  coun- 
try beyond.  On  reaching  the  camp, 
he  drew  up  the  First  and  Third  regi- 
ments, under  the  respective  commands 

"  "  The  main  avenue  of  Camp  Jackson,  recently  under 
command  of  General  Fiost.  h:ul  tlie  name  of  Davis,  and  a 
principal  street  of  the  same  camp  that  of  Beauregard  ;  and 
a  body  of  men  had  also  been  received  into  that  camp  by 
its  commander  which  had  been  notoriously  organized  in 
the  interests  of  the  secessionists,  the  men  openly  wearing 
the  dress  and  badge  distinguisliiug  the  ai-my  of  the  so- 
called  Southern  Confe<ler,icy.  It  is  also  a  notorious  fact 
that  a  quantity  of  arms  had  been  received  into  the  c;imp 
which  were  uulawfully  taken  from  the  United  States  ar- 
senal at  Eaton  Kouge.  and  surreptitiously  passed  up  the 
river  in  boxes  marked  'marble.'  " — Gauml  Hamei/' i  Proda- 
matvm,  Maij  \ith. 


of  Colonel  Sigel  and  Colonel  F.  P. 
Blair,  and  his  small  detachment  of 
United  States  regulars,  on  the  northern 
side,  where  he  also  posted  four  pieces 
of  artillery.  The  Second  Regiment,  un- 
der Colonel  Borenstein,  was  so  placed 
as  to  command  the  western,  and  Colonel 
Shuttner,  with  his  force  of  volunteers, 
took  position  on  the  south.  Guards 
were  posted  at  the  entrance  to  the 
camp  to  prevent  any  one  either  going 
out  or  in,  and  several  pieces  of  flying 
artillery  were  placed  upon  the  sur- 
rounding heights  commanding  the  en- 
campment. Having  tlins  effectually  sur- 
rounded in  less  than  a  half  hour  the 
Governor's  force,  which  had  no  alterna- 
tive but  submission,  Lyon  summoned 
the  general  in  command  to  surrender. 

"  Heabqtjaeters  U.  S.  Troops,  | 
St.  Louis,  3Iuy  10.  f 

"  To  Gexeeal  D.  M.  Fkost  : 

"  Sir  :  Your  command  is  regarded  as 
evidently  hostile  toward  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States.  It  is,  for 
the  most  part,  made  up  of  those  seces- 
sionists who  have  openl}-  avowed  their 
hostility  to  the  General  Government,  ^ 
and  have  been  plotting  for  the  seizure 
of  its  property  and  the  overthrow  of  its 
authority.  You  are  openly  in  communi- 
cation with  the  so-called  Southern  Con- 
federacy, which  is  now  at  war  with  tlie 
United  States  ;  and  you  are  receiving 
at  3'^our  camp,  from  the  said  Confeder- 
acy, under  its  flag,  large  supplies  of 
material  of  war,  most  of  which  is  known 
to  be  the  property  of  the  United  States. 
These  extraordinary  preparations  plainly 
indicate  none  other  thin  the  well-known 


SURRENDER   OF   CAJsLP  JACKSON. 


24:9 


purpose  of  the  Govei-nor  of  this  State, 
imder  whose  orders  you  are  acting,  and 
whose  purpose,  recently  communicated 
to  the  Legislature,  has  just  been  respond- 
ed to  by  that  body  in  the  most  unpar- 
alleled legislation,  having  in  direct  view 
hostilities  toward  the  General  Govern- 
ment, and  co-operation  with  its  enemies. 
"  In  view  of  these  considerations,  and 
3'our  failure  to  disperse  in  obedience  to 
the  proclamation  of  the  President,  and 
of  the  eminent  necessity  of  State  polic}" 
and  welfare,  and  obligations  imposed 
upon  me  by  instructions  from  Washing- 
ton, it  is  my  duty  to  demand,  and  I  do 
hereby  demand  of  you,  an  immediate 
surrender  of  your  command,  with  no 
other  conditions  than  that  all  persons 
surrendering  under  this  demand  shall 
be  humanely  and  kindly  treated.  Be- 
lieving myself  prepared  to  enforce  this 
demand,  one  half  hour's  time  before 
doing  so  will  be  allowed  for  your  com- 
pliance therewith. 

"  N.  Lyon, 
"  Captain  Second  Infantry." 

The  general  in  command  of  the  so- 
called  State  troops,  believed,  however, 
to  be  in  arms  to  sustain  the  cause  of 
secession,  finding  that  resistance  would 
be  of  no  avail,  promptly  surrendered 
himself  and  his  whole  force,  while  em- 
phatically declaring  that  his  men  had 
been  enrolled  under  the  authority  of 
the  Stale  with  no  hostile  object. 

The  troops,  when  they  discovered 
that  they  had  been  so  unceremoniously 
disposed  of,  gave  vent  to  their  dissatis- 
faction, as  they  were  marched  out  and 
placed    under   guard,    in   the    "wildest 

32 


yells,  curses,  and  groans,"  in  which  they 
were  joined  b}^  a  portion  of  the  large 
mob  which  had  in  the  mean  time  gath- 
ered and  followed  the  troops  from  the 
city.  When  Captain  Lyon  proceeded 
to  take  possession  of  the  surrendered 
camp,  the  crowd  became  still  more 
excited,  and  beginning  with  casting  in- 
sults and  imprecations  upon  the  United 
States  soldiers,  finally  threw  at  them 
stones 'and  any  other  missile  at  hand. 
The  troops,  however,  did  not  lose  their 
self-control,  and  went  calmly  on.  Fi- 
nally, one  of  the  mob  fired  a  revolver 
and  shot  a  soldier  dead.  As  he  fell,  his 
comrades  turned  round  and  presented 
their  muskets,  when  some  of  the  crowd 
again  fired.  On  the  second  discharge, 
one  of  the  captains  ordered  his  company 
to  fire,  which  dispersed  the  throng,  kill- 
ing a  large  number,  of  whom  several 
were-  women  and  children  drawn  to  the 
spot  by  a  fatal  curiosity. 

The  following  statement,  given  on  the 
authority  of  Captain  Lyon,  explicitly 
justifies  the  conduct  of  the  United  States 
soldiers : 

"  The  first  firing  was  some  half  dozen 
shots  near  the  head  of  the  column,  com- 
posed of  the  First  Regiment,  which  was 
guarding  the  prisoners.  It  occurred  in 
this  wise  :  The  artillery  were  stationed 
on  the  bluff  northeast  of  Camp  Jackson, 
with  their  pieces  bearing  on  the  camp. 
The  men  of  this  command  were  most 
insultingly  treated  by  the  mob  ;  with 
the  foulest  epithets,  were  pushed,  struck, 
and  pelted  with  stones  and  dirt.  All 
this  was  patiently  borne,  until  one  of 
the  mob  discharged  a  revolver  at  the 


250 


THE   WAR  WITH  THE  SOUl'H. 


!    I 


men.  At  this  they  fired,  but  not  more 
than  sis  shots,  which  were  sufficient  to 
disperse  that  portion  of  the  mob.  How 
many  were  killed  by  tlxis  fire  is  not 
known.  None  of  the  First  Regiment 
(Colonel  Blair's)  fired,  although  continu- 
ally and  shamefully  abused  both  by  the 
prisoners  and  the  mob. 

' '  The  second  and  most  destructive 
firing  was  from  the  rear  of  the  column 
guarding  the  prisoners.  The  mob  at  the 
point  intervening  between  Camp  Jack- 
son and  the  rear  of  the  column,  and,  in 
fact,  on  all  sides,  were  very  abusive,  and 
one  of  them,  on  being  expostulated 
with,  became  very  belligerent,  drew  his 
revolver,  and  fired  at  Lieutenant  Saxton, 
of  the  regular  army,  three  times,  during 
which  a  crowd  around  him  cheered- him 
on,  manj-  of  them  drawing  their  revol- 
vers and  firing  on  the  United  States 
troops.  The  man  who  commenced  the 
firing,  preparator}'^  to  a  fourth  shot,  laid 
his  pistol  across  his  arm,  and  was  taking 
deliberate  aim  at  Lieutenant  Saxton, 
when  he  was  thrust  through  with  a 
bayonet,  and  fired  upon  at  the  same 
time,  being  killed  instantly.  Here  the 
column  of  troops  having  received  the 
order  to  march.  Lieutenant  Saxton's 
command  passed  on,  and  a  company  in 
the  rear  became  the  objects  of  a  furious 
attack,  when,  several  of  theu"  number 
having  been  shot,  the  company  came  to 
a  halt,  and  fired  with  fatal  effect.  The 
mob,  in  retreating  from  both  sides  of  the 
Une,  returned  the  fire,  and  the  troops 
replied  again.  The  command  was  then 
given  by  Captain  Lyon  to  cease  firing, 
and  the  order  was  promptly  obeyed,  as 


rapidly  as  it  could  be  passed  along  the 
line. 

"The  sad  results  are  much  to  be 
lamented.  The  killing  of  innocent  men, 
women,  and  children  is  deplorable. 
There  was  no  intention  to  fire  upon 
peaceable  citizens.  The  regular  troops 
were  over  in  the  camp,  beyond  the  mob, 
and  in  range  of  the  fii-iug.  The  troops 
manifested  every  forbearance,  and  at 
last  discharged  their  guns,  simply  obey- 
ing the  impulse,  natural  to  us  all,  of 
self-defence.  If  innocent  men,  women, 
and  childi-en,  whose  curiosity  placed 
them  in  a  dangerous  position,  suffered 
with  the  guilty,  it  is  no  fault  of  the 
ti'oops." 

The"  fatal  coUision  of  the  mob  of  St. 
Louis  with  the  United  States  volunteers 
was  the  cause  of  great  excitement,  and 
increased  the  exasperation,  of  that  por- 
tion of  the  populace  favorable  to  the 
secessionists,  against  the  Federal  troops 
and  officers.  The  Germans,  prominent 
in  the  ranks  of  loyalty,  were  more  espe- 
cially the  objects  of  the  indignation  of  the 
infuriated  disuuionists,  who  sought  the 
earhest  opportunity  of  venting  their  rage 
and  revenging  upon  them  the  fall  of  their 
confederates.  On  the  veiy  next  jj-jy 
day  after  the  capture  of  Fort  Jack-  **• 
son,  an  occasion  occurred  which  resulted 
in  another  tragedy.  A  body  of  Ger- 
man Home  Guards  having  been  enrolled 
at  the  arsenal  and  supplied  with  arms, 
l^rocceded  to  march  through  the  citj-. 
Great  crowds  had  collected,  which  re- 
ceived the  troops  with  hootings  and 
hisses,  and  a  man  out  of  the  throng 
fired  a  revolver,  shooting  dead  one  of 


GENERAL  HARNEY. 


251 


the  soldiers.  This  discharge  being  im- 
mediately followed  by  two  others  from 
the  neighboring  houses,  the  troops  sud- 
denly turned  round,  presented  their 
muskets,  and  fired  a  volley  down  the 
street.  A  promiscuous  slaughter  fol- 
lowed, in  which  innocent  women  and 
children  again  suffered  the  fate  of  the 
guilty.  These  two  fatal  collisions  had 
resulted  in  the  death  and  wounding  of 
some  fifty  in  all,  and  served  to  embitter 
still  more  the  unhappy  feeling  alread}^ 
existing  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
same  city. 

Tlie  return,  however,  of  Major-Gen- 
eral Harney,  the  commander  of  the  de- 
jDartment  of  the  West,  to  St.  Louis, 
where  he  had  established  his  headquar- 
ters, served  for  a  time  to  compose  the 
angry  dissensions  in  Missouri,  and  to 
give  hopes  of  saving  that  State  from  the 
evils  of  a  civil  conflict. 

William  Selby  Harney  was  born  in 
Tennessee  in  the  year  1800,  and  entered 
the  army  as  a  second  lieutenant  of  the 
First  Infantry  at  the  age  of  eighteen. 
He  had  acquired,  during  his  long  service, 
the  reputation  of  an  energetic,  though 
arbitrary  officer.  His  characteristic  im- 
pulsiveness and  headstrong  disregard  of 
consequences  led  him  to  assume  pos- 
session of  the  island  of  San  Juan,  in 
Vancouver's  Bay,  during  the  disj^ute 
with  Great  Britain  in  regard  to  the 
boundary  line  between  the  northwestern 
possessions  of  that  power  and  Oregon. 
This  unauthorized  act  excited  greatly 
the  anger  of  England,  which  was  only 
appeased  by  the  recall  of  Harney  and 
the    conciliatory  action  of  the  vetei'an 


Scott,  who  was  sent  to  supersede  him 
in  command. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  late  civil 
war,  Harnej'  was  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Western  Department,  but 
was  tem^Dorarily  absent  from  St.  Louis 
during  the  distui'bances  in  that  city, 
having  been  summoned  to  Washington. 
On  his  way  he  was  taken  prisoner  by 
the  Confederates  at  Harper's  Ferry,  but 
being  soon  released,  he  hastened,  after  a 
brief  visit  to  the  capital,  to  resume  his 
duties  in  the  West.  Though  the  ties  of 
birth  and  property  attached  him  strongly 
to  the  slave  States,  he  promptly  declared 
his  firm  loyalty  to  the  Union  : 

"  The  Government,  whose  honors 
have  been  bestowed  upon  me,  I  shall 
serve,"  he  wrote,  in  a  published  letter, 
"  for  the  remainder  of  my  days.  The 
flag  whose  glories  I  have  witnessed  shall 
never  be  forsaken  by  me  while  I  can 
strike  a  blow  for  its  defense.  While  I 
have  breath  I  shall  be  ready  to  serve 
the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
and  be  its  faithful,  loyal  soldier." 

To  these  expressions  of  loyalty  the 
General  added  some  pertinent  advice  to 
Missouri  : 

"  Secession  would,  in  m.j  opinion,"  he 
emphatically  declared,  "  be  her  ruin. 
The  only  special  interest  of  Missouri,  in 
common  with  the  Confederate  States,  is 
slavery.  Her  interest  in  that  institu- 
tion is  now  protected  by  the  Federal 
Constitution.  But  if  Missouri  secedes, 
that  protection  is  gone.  Surrounded  on 
three  sides  by  free  States,  which  might 
soon  become  hostile,  it  would  not  be 
long  until  a  slave  could  not  be   found 


252 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


within  her  borders.  What  interest  could 
Missoiu'i,  then,  have  with  the  cotton 
States,  or  a  confederacy  founded  on 
shivery  and  its  extension  ?  Tlie  pro- 
tection of  her  slave  property,  if  nothing 
else,  admonishes  her  to  never  give  up 
the  Union.  Other  interests  of  vast  mag- 
nitude can  only  be  preserved  by  a  stead- 
fast adherence  and  suppoi't  of  the  United 
States  Government.  All  hope  of  a  Pa- 
cific Railroad,  so  deeply  interesting  to 
St.  Louis  and  the  whole  State,  must 
vanish  with  the  Federal  Government. 
-Great  manufacturing  and  commercial 
interests  with  which  the  cotton  States 
can  have  no  sympathy,  miust  perish  in 
case  of  secession,  and  from  her  present 
proud  condition  of  a  powerful,  thriving 
State,  rapidly  developing  every  ele- 
n^ent  of  wealth  and  social  jorosperity, 
Missouri  would  dwindle  to  a  mere  ap- 
pendage and  convenience  for  the  mili- 
tary aristocracy  established  in  the  cot- 
ton States." 

Immediately  on  his  return  to  his  post 
at  St.  Louis,  General  Harney  strove 
with  unquestioned  sincerity,  but  uncer- 
May  tain  vigor,  to  allay  the  civil  strife 
'-•  in  Missouri.  In  his  first  proclama- 
tion he  assumed  a  highly  conciliatory 
tone  : 

"  I  most  anxiously  desire,"  he  pro- 
claimed, "to  discharge  the  delicate  and 
onerous  duties  devolved  upon  me  so  as 
to  preserve  the  public  peace.  I  shall 
carefully  abstain  from  the  exercise  of 
any  unnecessary  powers,  and  from  all 
interference  with  the  proper  functions 
of  the  public  officers  of  the  State  and 
city.     I  therefore  call  upon  the  public 


authorities  and  the  people  to  aid  me  in 
preserving  the  public  peace. 

"The  military  force  stationed  in  this 
department  by  the  authority  of  the 
Government,  and  now  under  my  com- 
mand, will  only  be  used  in  the  last  re- 
sort to  preserve  peace.  '  I  trust  I  may 
be  spared  the  necessity  of  resorting  to 
martial  law,  but  the  public  peace  must 
be  preserved,  and  the  lives  and  property 
of  the  people  protected.  L^pon  a  care- 
ful review  of  my  instructions,  I  find  I 
have  no  authority  to  change  the  loca- 
tion of  the  Home  Guards. 

"  To  avoid  all  cases  ot  irritation  and 
excitement,  if  called  upon  to  aid  the 
local  authorities  in  preserving  the  public 
peace,  I  shall,  in  preference,  make  use 
of  the  regular  army." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Legislature, 
still  in  session  at  Jefierson  City,  passed  a 
"  military  bill,"  the  object  of  which  was 
apparently  to  resist  the  Federal  author- 
ity. The  Governor  was  autliorized  to 
call  out  the  militia,  and  a  large  sum 
was  appropriated  to  arm  and  equip 
them.  At  the  same  time  extraordinary 
powei's  were  given  to  the  Governor,  by 
wliich  he  might  control  the  State  troops 
to  his  own  purposes^  which  no  one  could 
doubt  were  in  accordance  with  the  in- 
terests of  secession.  No  sooner  had  the 
"  military  bill"  passed,  than  the  Gover- 
nor began  to  avail  himself  of  the  priv- 
ileges it  conferred,  by  mustering  a  mil- 
itary force,  and  ordering  the  telegraph 
and  railroad  bridges  which  communi- 
cated with  St.  Louis  to  be  destroyed,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  loyal  troops  of  that 
city  from  marching  to  the  rescue  of  the 


HARXEY  ATTEilPTS  COI^CILIATION. 


253 


State  from  the  grasp  of  its  secession 
conspirators. 

General  Harney  now  issued  a  second 
May  pi'oclamatiou,  to  the  gentle  plead- 
"'•  ings  of  which  in  behalf  of  loyalty 
he  added  a  not  very  undecided  declara- 
tion of  the  rebellious  character  of  the 
"  military  biU." 

"It  is  with  regret,"  he  said,  "that  I 
feel  it  my  duty  to  call  your  attention  to 
the  recent  act  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  ^lissouri,  known  as  the  '  military  bill,' 
which  is  the  result,  no  doubt,  of  the 
temporary  excitement  that  now  pervades 
the  public  mind.  This  bill  cannot  be 
regarded  in  any  other  light  than  an  in- 
direct secession  ordinance,  ignoring  even 
the  forms  resorted  to  by  other  States. 
Manifestly  its  most  material  provisions 
are  in  conflict  with  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  United  States.  To  diis  ex- 
tent it  is  a  nuUity,  and  cannot  and  ought 
not  to  be  upheld  or  regarded  by  the 
good  citizens  of  Missouri.  There  are 
obligations  and  duties  resting  upon  the 
people  of  Missouri  under  the  Constitu- 
tion and  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
are  paramount,  and  which  I  trust  you 
will  carefully  consider  and  weigh  weU 
before  you  wiU  allow  yourselves  to  be 
carried  out  of  the  Union,  under  the 
form  of  yielding  obedience  to  this  '  mili- 
tary bill,'  which  is  clearly  in  violation  of 
your  duties  as  citizens  of  the  United 
States." 

To  this  proclamation  succeeded  an 
energetic  movement  toward  repressing 
the  secession  demonstrations  in  various 
parts  of  the  State  of  Missouri.  Two 
hundred  armed  secessionists  were   dis- 


persed from  the  arsenal  at  Liberty,  and 
soon  after  the  Federal  arms  met  with 
other  success.  Some  Union  men  having 
been  driven  from  Potosi,  in  Washington 
County,  Captain  Lyon  sent  a  small 
force,  consisting  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
volunteers  under  the  command  of  jjay 
Captain  Coles,  to  their  relief  Ar-  l^* 
riving  at  Potosi  before  daylight.  Cap- 
tain Coles  posted  a  chain  of  sentinels 
around  the  town,  and  stationed  guards 
at  the  houses  of  the  prominent  seces- 
sionists. As  the  day  broke,  some  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  found  themselves 
thus  imprisoned  without  hope  of  escape. 
Most  of  them  were  released  on  giving 
their  parole  and  taking  the  oath  not  to 
take  up  arms  against  the  United  States, 
while  the  prominent  leaders  were  held 
captive.  Various  munitions  of  war  and 
other  supplies  intended  for  the  secession- 
ists were  at  the  same  time  seized.  On 
their  way  back  from  Potosi,  the  Union 
troops  put  to  flight  at  De  Soto  a  com- 
pany of  secession  cavalry,  captured  a 
score  or  more  of  their  horses,  and  their 
flag,  secreted  within  the  hoops  of  a  lady 
of  the  place.  The  service  of  the  surgeon 
of  the  United  States  volunteers  was  very 
appropriately  put  into  requisition  on 
the  occasion.  On  entering,  "  the  doctor 
thought  he  observed  the  lady  of  the 
house  sitting  in  rather  an  uneasy  posi- 
tion, and  he  very  politely  asked  her  to 
rise.  At  first  the  lady  hesitated,  but 
finding  the  doctor's  persuasive  suavity 
more  than  she  could  withstand,  she  slow- 
ly rose,  when  the  bright  folds  of  the  rebel 
ensign  appeared  around  the  lady's  feet. 
The  doctor,  bowing  a  graceful  '  beg  par- 


554 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


don,  madam,'  stooj^ed,  and  quietly  catch- 
ing hold  of  the  gaudy  color,  found  iu  his 
possession  a  secession  flag  thirty*  feet 
long  and  nine  feet  wide." 

Having  apparently  checked  the  rising 
spirit  of  rebellion  by  judicious  military 
movements,  General  Harney  sought,  by 
a  quasi  league  with  the  leader  of  the 
so-called  State  troops,  to  establish  a  per- 
manent truce  with  the  seditiously  dis- 
posed citizens  of  Missouri.  He  accord- 
ingly held  a  personal  interview  with 
Sterling  Price,  appointed  by  the  Gov- 
ernor a  major-general  of  the  Missouri 
militia,  and  who,  like  him,  was  doubtless 
in  league  with  the  Southern  leaders  of 
rebellion.  General  Harney,  persuaded 
by  the  artful  plausibilities  of  the  shrewd 
May  Price,  was  cajoled  into  an  agree- 
21-  ment,  by  which  he  pledged  the 
Fedei'al  authority  to  withhold  its  power, 
and  to  leave  the  seditious  Governor  and 
his  confederates  to  pm'sue  their  own 
designs,  under  the  pretext  of  preserv- 
ing order  in  the  State.  In  a  joint  decla- 
ration, signed  by  General  Harney  and 
the  major-general  of  the  so-styled  State 
Guard,  it  was  announced  that  "  General 
Price,  having  by  commission  full  author- 
ity over  the  militia  of  the  State  of 
Missoui'i,  undertakes,  with  the  sanction 
of  the  Governor  of  the  State   already 

*  St.  Louis  Democrat,  May  17. 


declared,  to  direct  the  whole  power  of 
the  State  officers  to  maintain  order  within 
the  State  among  the  people  thereof ;  and 
General  Harney  jjublicly  declares  that 
this  object  being  thus  assured,  he  can 
have  no  occasion,  as  he  has  no  wish,  to 
make  military  movements  which  might 
otherwise  create  excitements  and  jeal- 
ousies which  he  most  earnestly  desires 
to  avoid." 

Although  the  immediate  effect  of  this 
compact  was  to  tranquiUze  the  public 
sentiment  of  Missouri,  it  soon  became 
evident  that  the  Governor  and  his  con- 
federates had  been  using  General  Harney 
to  further  their  own  seditious  purposes. 
They  continued  to  muster  their  military 
forces,  and  were  evidently  bent  upon 
hostility  to  the  Union  men  of  the  State. 
The  Government  at  Washino;ton  becom- 
ing  conscious  of  the  impolitic  action  of 
General  Harney,  withdrew  him  from  the 
Western  Department.  Lyon,  who  jjay 
had  been  lately  promoted  to  the  *'• 
Tank  of  brigadier-general  of  volunteers, 
succeeded  to  the  command  of  the  Fed- 
eral forces  in  Missouri.  This  energetic 
officer  at  once  proceeded  to  assert  the 
authority  of  the  Union  by  the  most 
decisive  action.  We  shall  soon  have 
occasion  to  say  more  of  him  and  his 
spirited  achievements. 


LOYALTY   OF   THE   WEST. 


255 


CHAPTER     XXII. 

Spirit  of  Loyalty  of  the  Free  States  of  the  West. — Attachment  to  the  Union. — Interests  in  the  Struggle. — The  danger  of 
-  being  cut  off  from  the  Mississippi. — The  Position  of  Illinois. — Her  interest  in  the  preservation  of  Communication. — 
Spirited  Action. — Military  Possession  of  Cairo. — Situation  of  Cairo. — The  Key  to  the  Nortliwcst. — The  motive  for 
founding  the  City. — Marshy  Site. — Artificial  Dykes.— Great  Size  and  enormous  Expense. — Illinois  Central  Railroad. 
— Population  of  Cairo. — Its  Docks. — A  Reservoir  of  Water. — Artificial  Remedies. — Future  Prospects. — Neighhoi'- 
hood  of  Cairo  described.— Cairo  as  a  Military  Post.— Bird's  Point.— Its  Position. — Description  of  the  place. — Its 
Importance. — Danger  of  its  Seizure. — Secured  to  the  United  States  by  General  Lyon. — Communications  with  Cairo. 
— Columbus. — Paducah. —Military  Possession  of  Cairo  a  blow  to  the  Enemy. — Their  Opinion. — Increased  Military 
Energy  of  the  United  States. — Move  across  the  Potomac. — ^The  vote  on  Secession  in  Virginia. — Scruples  of  Govern- 
ment.— The  crossing  of  the  Potomac. — Ai-lington  Heights  occupied. — Entrenchments. ^Opposition  anticipated  at 
Alexandria. — ^The  animosity  of  the  City. — Secession  Flags. — Expedition  against  Alexandria. — The  plan. — Move- 
ment of  the  Michigan  Regiment. — Embarkation  of  the  New  Tork  Fire  Zouaves. — The  Steamer  Pawnee. — Indiscreet 
haste  of  the  Zouaves. — Landing  at  Ale.'candi'ia. — Death  of  Colonel  Ellsworth. — The  Michigan  Regiment  disap- 
pointed.—Escape  of  Virginia  Troops.— Capture  of  thirty  seven  Horsemen. — Occupation  of  Alexandria. — Sacrifice 
of  a  promising  life. — Biography  of  EHsworth. — Early  Career. — Military  Tastes. — His  Company  of  Chicago  Zouaves. 
— How  shown  and  admired. — Application  for  a  clerkship  in  the  War  Department. — Disappointment. — Made  a  Lieu- 
tenant in  the  Army. — Resignation. — Recruits  the  Fire  Zouaves  at  New  York,  and  becomes  their  Colonel. — Grief  at 
his  death. — A  touching  Letter. 


1861. 


The  free  States  of  the  West,  actuated 
by  a  sentiment  of  loyalty  which  inspir- 
ited them  to  vindicate  the  honor 
and  preserve  the  integrity  of  a 
Union  to  which  they  were  fondly  at- 
tached, exhibited  the  greatest  alertness 
in  coming  to  the  rescue  of  the  Federal 
Government.  Finding,  moreover,  their 
interests  deeply  involved  in  a  struggle, 
which,  with  the  secession  of  Louisiana, 
Mississippi,  Arkansas,  Tennessee,  and 
the  unsettled  condition  of  Missouri  and 
Kentucky,  threatened,  by  obstructing 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River, 
to  cut  off  that  great  channel  of  com- 
munication between  the  Northern  lakes 
and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  they  felt,  with 
all  the  impressiveness  of  a  motive  of  self- 
preservation,  the  necessity  of  resisting 
the  rebellion. 


Illinois,  from  her  geographical  posi- 
tion, had  been  the  chief  State  to  profit 
from  that  bountiful  provision  of  nature 
which  united  Lake  Michigaii  and  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  brought  the  north- 
ern city  of  Chicago  into  close  relation- 
ship with  tropical  New  Orleans.  This 
State,  accordingly,  alive  to  the  import- 
ance of  securing  a  communication  which 
had  proved  so  great  a  source  of  inspira- 
tion to  her  enterprise  and  of  the  wealth 
that  had  crowned  its  efforts,  eagerly 
strove  to  further  the  endeavors  of  the 
Federal  Government  to  prevent  the  dis- 
ruption of  the  Union.  Her  troops  re- 
sponded readily  to  the  call  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, and  were  soon  enabled  to  hold 
in  force  the  most  important  strategic 
point  of  the  West.  This  was  the  city 
of  Cairo,  within  her  own  bordei's. 


256 


THE  VTAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Cairo  is  situated  at  the  extreme  south 
of  Illiuois,  iu  Alexandria  Couuty,  on 
the  delta  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio 
with  the  Mississijjpi.  On  the  east  the 
former  separates  it  from  Kentucky,  and 
on  the  west  the  latter  separates  it  from 
Missouri.  Cairo  thus,  by  its  position, 
commands  the  navigation  of  both  rivers 
and  the  shores  of  the  two  neighboring 
States  at  this  point.  It  is,  as  it  were,  the 
key  to  that  extensive  and  important  ter- 
ritory familiarly  known  as  the  Great 
Northwest,  watered  by  the  upper  Mis- 
sissippi, the  Ohio,  the  Missouri,  and 
their  tributary  streams.  The  city  was 
founded  with  the  expectation,  from  the 
natural  advantages  of  geographical  po- 
sition, of  its  becoming  a  great  trading 
emporium.  Immense  sums  were  ex- 
pended in  rendering  it  habitable.  Nat- 
urally a  swamp,  the  land  was  covered 
with  water  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
year.  Large  dykes  or  levees  were  raised 
for  two  miles  and  a  half  along  the  bor- 
ders of  the  Mississippi  and  Ohio,  and 
joined  by  a  transverse  embankment, 
so  as  to  close  in  the  site  and  shut 
out  the  constant  overflow  of  tbose 
rivers.  Several  attempts  had  been 
made  in  vain  to  protect  the  toAvn  from 
inundation,  until  finally  the  present 
works  were  constructed  at  an  enormous 
expense.  These  now  consist  of  vast 
dykes,  from  ten  to  thirty  feet  in  height, 
with  a  breadth,  at  the  top,  from  twenty 
to  fifty  feet,  and  at  the  bottom,  from 
eighty  to  a  hundred  feet.  Much  of  the 
structure  was  built  at  the  expense  of 
the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  Company, 
to  which  a  great  portion  of  the  land 


belonged,  and  here  its  extreme  southern 
depot  and  works  have  been  estabhshed. 
The  inhabitants,  largely  increased  dur- 
ing the  war,  have  settled  chiefly  in  the 
quarter  bordered  by  the  Ohio,  where 
they  have  filled  in  the  marshy  site  of 
the"  town  almost  to  the  height  of  the 
embankment,  which  protects  it  from  the 
danger  of  inundation.  The  loading  and 
unloading  of  freight  is  performed  bv 
means  of  large  floating  docks  or  wharf- 
floats,  so  contrived  and  moored  tliat 
they  can  be  adapted  to  the  rise  and  full 
of  the  river,  and  thus  always  present  an 
even  communication  with  the  embanked 
shore.  256 

After  a  heav}^  fall  of  rain,  the  en- 
closure within  the  levees  or  dykes,  which 
forms  a  large  artificial  basin,  collects  the 
water.  This,  however,  has  been  par- 
tially remedied  by  digging  a  deep  canal 
through  the  centre  of  the  town  to  re- 
ceive the  rain-faU.  With  this  are  con- 
nected drains  which  open  thi-ougli  the 
dykes  into  the  rivers.  TThen  then-  wa- 
ters, however,  are  high,  the  heavy  rains 
cannot  be  thus  disposed  of,  and  recoui'se 
is  had  to  a  steam-pump.  The  only 
effectual  mode  which  has  as  yet  been 
proposed  of  rendering  this  admirably 
situated  city  entirely  free  from  the  dan- 
ger of  inundation,  is  to  fiU  up  the  whole 
basin  with  earth  brought  from  the  hills 
in  the  interior.  In  185S  the  river  rose 
above  a  new  embankment  commenced 
the  year  previous,  and  destroyed  ahnost 
the  entire  town. 

The  neighborhood  of  Cairo  is  thus 
described  by  a  local  observer : 

"The  nearest  high  land  in   any  di- 


DESCRIPTION^   OF   CAIRO. 


257 


rectioii  from  Cairo  is  about  nine  miles 
distant,  on  the  Central  Railway,  and  all 
between  are  cypress  swamps,  with  here 
and  there  a  marshy  opening,  called  a 
farm,  and  covered  with  a  mass  of  heavy 
timber,  vines  and  creepers,  through 
which  the  sun  cannot  penetrate.  The 
high  land,  commencing  at  the  edge  of 
this  swamp,  rises  several  hundred  feet, 
often  presenting  mountainous  aspects  ; 
the  timber  is  maple,  beech,  hickory,  and 
oak.  Springs  are  frequent,  and  where 
farms  are  opened  they  well  reward  the 
laborer ;  but  more  than  three-fourths 
of  all  this  high  land  is  an  unbroken 
wilderness. 

"On  the  Illinois  side  of  the  Ohio, 
above  Mound  City  (six  miles  from  Cairo), 
the  shore  is  high  and  free  from  inunda- 
tion, while  on  the  Kentucky  side  the 
Innd  is  low  and  swampy,  the  distance  to 
the  hills  being  from  six  to  twelve  miles. 
The  Illinois  bank  of  the  Mississippi  is 
low,  yet  occasionally  there  are  hills,  as 
at  Thebes,  but  above  this  point  it  is 
subject  to  overflow  for  150  miles.  The 
Mississippi  shore  of  Missouri  is  swampy 
in  every  direction,  and  the  nearest  high 
land  is  as  much  as  fifty  miles  distant, 
near  Cape  Girardeau,  which  is  the  only 
place  where  southern  Missom'i  can  reach 
the  river  with  teams.  From  Cape  Gi- 
rardeau to  the  Gulf  (5f  Mexico  extends 
a  succession  of  cypress  swamps,  cane- 
brakes,  and  bayous — the  scene  of  deso- 
lation being  varied  only  at  long  intervals 
by  farms,  always  protected  by  a  levee. 
On  the  east  side  of  the  river  there  are 
occasionall}^  high  lands  and  bluifs,  on 
which  the  towns  are  situated.     Opposite 

33 


Cairo,  in  Missouri,  is  the  little  village  of 
Bird's  Point,  from  which  a  railroad  ex- 
tends twenty  or  thirty  miles  toward 
Little  Rock,  in  Arkansas.  In  such  a 
wilderness  of  swamps  and  waters,  Cairo 
is  really  a  place  of  refuge  and  a  hai'bor 
of  safetjr." 

The  importance  of  Cairo  as  a  basis  of 
military  operations  was  recognized  early 
in  the  struggle,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
month  of  May  a  force  of  over  six  thou- 
sand Illinois  volunteers  encamped  there 
under  the  command  of  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Prentiss.  They  immediately  com- 
menced the  construction  of  four  en- 
trenched camps,  and  mounted  heavy 
guns  upon  the  dykes. 

The  site  of  Cairo  is  commanded  only 
in  one  direction.  This  is  from  the  Mis- 
souri side  of  the  Mississippi  River,  at 
Bird's  Point,  where  the  land  rises  two 
or  three  feet  above  the  top  of  the  Cairo 
dykes. 

"  Bird's  Point  consists  of  scarcely 
half  a  dozen  unpretending  houses  and  a 
wharf-boat,  which  is  the  principal  feature 
of  the  town,  inasmuch  as  it  supports  on 
its  floating  bottom  the  chief  store, 
grocery,  and  commission-house  of  the 
town.  *  *  *  Standing  upon  even 
as  low  a  situation  as  the  deck  of  the 
wharf-boat,  the  housetops  and  spires 
within  the  Cairo  levee  are  plainly  visible, 
and  within  easy  range  of  a  battery  at 
Bird's  Point ;  and  although  the  latter 
place  is  situated  on  low  bottom  land  and 
subject  to  frequent  overflows,  yet  the 
still  lower  situation  of  Cairo  is  so  pal- 
pable, that,,  to  a  spectator  at  Bird's 
Point,  it  seems  as  if  the  great  rivers 


258 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


which  here  mis  their  waters  had  been 
displaced  from  their  beds  to  make  room 
for  the  houses  which  are  hugged  within 
the  huge  embraces  of  the  levee.  The 
river  here  is  very  wide,  and  but  for  the 
murky  turbulence  of  its  water,  and  the 
steady  onward  motion  of  the  current, 
would  give  one  an  idea  of  an  arm  of 
the  sea." 

There  was  great  danger  lest  the  seces- 
sionists of  Missouri  and  Tennessee  should 
seize  this  important  position.  Brigadier- 
General  Lyon,  however,  was  on  the 
alert,  and  anticipated  the  movements  of 
the  enemy  by  promptl}^  dispatching  a 
regiment  of  Missouri  volunteers,  under 
Colonel  Siiuttner,  to  Bird's  Point.  Here 
they  immediately  fortified  a  camp,  and 
thus  bid  defiance  to  attack. 

The  communications  of  Cairo  through 
the  Illinois  Central  Raikoad  with  the 
North,  give  it  every  advantage  of  rapid 
reinforcement.  In  twenty-four  hours 
troops  can  reach  the  pLnce  not  only  from 
Illinois,  Missouri,  and  Kentucky,  but 
from  Indiana,  Wisconsin,  and  Michigan. 

About  a  score  of  miles  below  Cairo, 
on  the  Kentucky  bank  of  the  Missis- 
sippi River,  is  situated  the  town  of  Co- 
lumbus/the  Xorthern  terminus  of  vari- 
ous Southern  railways.  This  place  had 
become  of  great  interest,  in  connection 
with  the  rebellion,  as  an  important 
strategic  post,  having  been  seized  and 
held  by  the  enem3^  Paducah,  again, 
forty  miles  to  the  east  of  Cairo,  on  the 
Kentucky  side  of  the  Ohio,  at  its  con- 
fluence with  the  Tennessee,  is  another 
point  of  great  importance,  commanding 
as  it  does  the  mouth  of  the  latter  river, 


and  connected  as  it  is  with  the  Southern 
series  of  railways.  This  important  place 
fortunately  was  held  in  the  possession 
of  the  United  States  troops. 

The  prompt  military  occupation  of 
Cairo,  and  the  preparations  made  for  its 
defence,  were  heavy  blows  to  the  seces- 
sionists. They  strove,  however,  to  find 
consolation  in  the  presumption  that 
' '  this  audacious  movement  has  had  good 
effect  in  developing  the  purpose  of  our 
enemies  to  prosecute  the  war  in  earnestj 
and  in  its  inspiring  influence  upon  the 
Tennessee  and  Kentucky  mind.  It  con- 
veys a  threat  which  the  people  of  those 
States  will  join  their  brethren  of  the 
Confederate  States  in  resenting  with 
promptitude." 

They,  nevertheless,  were  forced  to 
acknowledge  the  importance  of  the  pos- 
session of  Cairo  to  the  Federal  troops. 

"Geography,"  they  admitted,  "has 
made  Cairo  a  strategical  position  of 
the  utmost  consequence.  It  is  the  key 
to  the  upper,  as  New  Orleans  and  the 
Lake  and  the  Balize  are  the  key  to  the 
lower  Mississippi.  It  can  blockade  St. 
Louis  on  the  one  hand,  and  Louisville  on 
the  other  ;  while,  if  in  possession  of  a 
considerable  force,  possessing  heavy 
ordnance,  and  commanding  the  railroad 
leading  south  of  that  point,  it  would 
menace  the  city  fff  Memphis,  and  open 
the  wa}^  for  an  invading  arni}'^  to  make 
that  an  advanced  post  of  occupation.  It 
is  not  pleasant  to  contemplate  such  a  pos- 
sibility. But  it  is  good  pohcy  to  face  it 
fairly,  if  we  would  defeat  it  effectually." 

The  United  States  Government,  with 
its    rapidly    accumulating    forces,    was 


FIRST  M0VE5IENT  INTO   ^TRGESTIA. 


269 


beginning  to  present  in  every  direction 
a  more  vigorous  opposition  to  the 
enemy.  Washington  being  considered 
temporarily  out  of  danger,  and  the  dis- 
affected of  Maryhand  no  longer  feared, 
General  Scott  ventured  to  make  a  move 
across  the  Potomac.  Virginia,  though 
previously  in  arms  "and  leagued  with  the 
Confederate  States  in  open  resistance  to 
the  Federal  authorities,  had  yet,  with  an 
affected  regard  for  law,  submitted  the 
ordinance  of  secession  to  tlie  vote  of  her 
May  people.  In  the  middle  and  east- 
23«  ern  districts  of  the  State  the  vote 
was  ahnost  unanimous  in  favor  of  seces- 
sion, while  in  the  western  it  was  nearly 
unanimous  in  opposition.  The  United 
States  Government  is  supposed  to  have 
thus  far  withheld  the  assertion  by  arms 
of  its  authorit}'^  in  Virginia,  that  the 
people  might  enjoy  in  freedom  the  ex- 
ercise of  their  suffrage.  It  was  accord- 
May  ii"^g^y  iiot  until  the  day  after  the 
24"  vote  on  secession  had  been  taken 
that  Scott  threw  across  the  Potomac, 
into  the  insurgent  State,  a  portion  of  the 
troops  encamped  in  and  about  the  cap- 
ital, which  constituted  already,  such  had 
been  the  military  promptitude  of  the 
North,  a  force  of  nearly  fifty  thousand 
militia  and  volunteers. 

The  number  of  men  detached  for 
this  purpose  was  nearly  thirteen  thou- 
sand, formed  into  two  columns,  one  of 
which  was  sent  to  occupy  Arlington 
Heights  and  the  rest  of  the  Virginia 
shore  opposite  to  Washington,  and  the 
other  Alexandria,  on  the  Potomac  River, 
about  sis  miles  south  of  the  capital. 
The  former,  being  the  larger  portion  of 


the  troops,  crossed  by  the  Long  bridge 
at  Washington  and  the  iron  bridge  at 
Georgetown,  and  took  possession  of  the 
high  banks  of  the  Virginia  side  of  the 
river.  Driving  the  scattered  outpost 
guards  of  the  enemy  before  them,  they 
were  permitted  to  occupy  the  ground 
with  little  opposition,  and  at  once  began 
to  throw  up  fortifications. 

At  Alexandria,  which  had  just  voted 
almost  unanimously  for  secession,  and 
where  an  intense  feeling  of  animosity  to 
the  Federal  troops  was  known  to  pre- 
vail, greater  opposition  was  anticipated. 
The  town  had  been  long  flaunting  its 
secession  flags  in  the  sight  of  the  capital, 
the  troops  of  the  enemy  were  parading 
its  streets,  and  its  citizens  were  in  arms 
apparently  prepared  for  resistance.  It 
was  accordingly  determined  to  surround 
the  place,  not  only  to  secure  its  posses- 
sion, but  the  capture  of  the  armed  force 
within.  For  this  purpose  the  Third 
Regiment  of  Michigan  militia,  in  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Wilcox,  accompanied 
by  a  detachment  of  United  States  cav- 
alry, and  supported  by  two  pieces  of 
Sherman's  flying  artillery,  crossed  the 
Long  bridge  into  Virginia,  with  the  view 
of  marching  to  Alexandria  by  land  and 
advancing  upon  the  city  in  the  rear.  The 
Fire  Zouave  Regiment  of  New  York, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Ellsworth,  was 
dispatched  hj  water  to  take  Alexandria 
in  front.  The  steamer  Pawnee  had  been 
pi'eviously  moored  in  the  Potomac  off 
the  town,  so  as  to  command  it  with  her 
guns. 

The  Zouaves,  however,  reached  their 
destination  in  advance  of  the  Michigan 


260 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


troops,  and  impelled  by  an  imprudent 
impetuosity  hastened  to  land.  The  town 
was  at  once  alarmed,  and  the  enemy's 
troops  succeeded  in  effecting  their  escape 
before  the  Michigan  regiment,  coming 
up  in  the  rear,  could  cut  them  off.  The 
landing  of  the  Zouaves,  and  the  subse- 
quent tragedy  in  which  their  young 
Colonel  lost  his  hfe,  have  been  thus  mi- 
nutely detailed  by  one*  who  was  at  his 
death : 

"  It  was  not  until  our  boats*  were 
about  to  draw  up  to  the  wharf,"  he  says, 
"that  our  approach  was  noticed  in  any 
way  ;  but  at  the  latest  minute  a  few 
sentinels,  whom  we  had  long  before  dis- 
cerned, fired  their  muskets  in  the  air  as 
a  warning,  and,  running  rapidly  into  the 
town,  disappeared.  Two  or  three  of  the 
Zouaves,  fancying  that  the  shots  were 
directed  toward  them  (which  they  cer- 
tainty were  not),  discharged  their  rifles 
after  the  retreating  forms,  but  no  injury 
to  anybody  followed.  The  town  was 
thus  put  on  its  guard,  but  yet  so  early 
was  the  hour,  and  so  apparently  un- 
looked  for  our  arrival,  that  when  we 
landed,  about  half-past  five  o'clock  a.  m., 
the  streets  were  as  deserted  as  if  it  had 
been  midnight. 

"Before  our  troops  disembarked,  a 
boat,  filled  with  armed  marines,  and 
carrying  a  flag  of  truce,  put  off  from 
the  Pawnee,  and  landed  ahead  of  us. 
From  the  officer  in  charge  we  learned 
that  the  Pawnee  had  already  proposed 
terms  of  submission  to  the  town,  and 
that  the  rebels  had  consented  to  vacate 
within  a  specified   time.     This  seemed 

o  New  York  Tributu,  May  26. 


to  settle  the  question  of  a  contest  in  the 
negative  ;  but  in  the  confusion  of  mus- 
tering and  forming  the  men,  the  intelli- 
gence was  not  well  understood,  and  re- 
ceived but  little  attention.  Indeed,  I 
am  quite  sure  that  the  Pawnee's  officer 
did  not  seek  Colonel  EUsworth,  to  com- 
municate with  him,  and  that  the  Colonel 
only  obtained  a  meagre  share  of  infor- 
mation by  seeking  it  directly  from  the 
bearer  of  the  flag  of  truce  himself  No 
doubt  this  omission  arose  from  the  con- 
fused condition  in  which  affairs  then 
stood.  But  it  would  have  caused  no 
difference  in  the  Colonel's  military  plans. 
Xo  attack  was  meditated,  except  in  case 
of  a  forcible  resistance  to  his  progress. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  idea  of  the  place 
being  under  a  truce  seemed  to  banish 
every  suspicion  of  a  resistance  either 
from  multitudes  or  individuals.  It  was 
just  possibly  tliis  consideration  that  led 
Colonel  EUsworth  to  forego  the  requisite 
personal  precautions,  which,  if  taken, 
would  have  prevented  his  unhappy 
death.  But  I  am  sure  none  of  us  at 
that  time  estimated  the  probability  of 
the  danger  which  afterward  menaced  us. 
Perhaps  the  thought  of  actual  bloodshed 
and  death  in  war  was  too  foreign  to  our 
experiences  to  be  rightly  weighed.  But ' 
it  certainly  did  not  enter  our  minds  then, 
as  poor  Ellsworth's  fate  has  since  taught 
us  it  should  have  done,  that  a  town  half 
waked,  half  terrified,  and  under  truce, 
could  harbor  any  peril  for  us.  So  the 
Colonel  gave  some  rapid  directions  for 
the  interruption  of  the  railway  course, 
by  displacing  a  few  rails  near  the  depot, 
and  then  turned  toward  the  centre  of 


DEATH   OF  ELLSWORTH. 


261 


the  town,  to  destroy  the  means  of  com- 
munication southward  by  the  telegraph  ; 
a  measure  which  he  appeared  to  regard 
as  very  seriously  important.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Mr.  H.  J.  Winser,  mil- 
itary secretary  to  the  regiment,  tlie 
chaplain,  the  Kev.  E.  W.  Dodge,  and 
myself.  At  first  he  summoned  no  guard 
to  follow  him,  but  he  afterward  turned 
and  called  forward  a  single  squad,  with 
a  sergeant  from  the  first  company.  We 
passed  quickly  through  the  streets, 
meeting  a  few  bewildered  travellers 
issuing  from  the  principal  hotel,  which 
seemed  to  be  slowly  coming  to  its  daily 
senses,  and  were  about  to  turn  toward 
the  telegraph  office,  when  the  Colonel, 
first  of  all,  caught  sight  of  the  secession 
flag,  which  has  so  long  swung  insolently 
in  full  view  of  the  President's  House. 
He  immediately  sent  back  the  sergeant, 
with  an  order  for  the  advance  of  the 
entire  first  company,  and,  leaving  the 
matter  of  the  telegraph  office  for  a  while, 
pushed  on  to.  the  hotel,  which  proved  to 
be  the  Marshall  House,  a  second-class 
inn.  On  entering  the  open  door  the 
Colonel  met  a  man  in  his  shirt  and 
trowsers,  of  whom  he  demanded  what 
sort  of  flag  it  was  that  hung  above  the 
roof  The  stranger,  who  seemed  greatly 
alarmed,  declared  he  knew  nothing  of  it, 
and  that  he  was  only  a  boarder  there. 
Without  questioning  him  further  the 
Colonel  sprang  up  stairs,  and  we  all 
followed  to  the  topmost  story,  whence, 
by  means  of  a  ladder,  lie  clambered  to 
the  roof,  cut  down  the  flag  witli  Winser's 
knife,  and  brought  it  from  its  staff. 
There  were  two  men  in  bed  in  the  garret 


whom  we  had  not  observed  at  all  when 
we  entered,  their  position  being  some- 
what concealed,  but  who  now  rose  in 
great  apparent  amazement,  although  I 
observed  that  they  were  more  than  half 
dressed.  We  at  once  turned  to  descend, 
private  Brownell  leading  the  way,  and 
Colonel  Ellsworth  immediately  following 
him  with  the  flag.  As  Brownell  reached 
the  first  landing-place,  or  entry,  after  a 
descent  of  some  dozen  steps,  a  man 
jumped  from  a  dark  passage,  and  hardly 
noticing  the  private,  levelled  a  double- 
barrelled  gun  square  at  the  Colonel's 
breast.  Brownell  made  a  quick  pass  to 
turn  the  weapon  aside,  but  the  fellow's 
hand  was  firm,  and  he  discharged  one 
barrel  straight  to  its  aim,  the  slugs  or 
buckshot  with  which  it  was  loaded  en- 
tering the  Colonel's  heart,  and  killing 
him  at  the  instant.  I  think  my  arm  was 
resting  on  pOor  Ellsworth's  shoulder  at 
the  moment.  At  any  rate,  he  seemed 
to  fall  almost  from  my  own  grasp.  He 
was  on  the  second  or  third  step  from  the 
lauding,  and  he  dropped  forward  with 
that  heavy,  horrible,  headlong  weight 
which  always  comes  of  sudden  death 
inflicted  in  this  manner.  His  assailant 
had  turned  like  a  flash  to  give  the  con- 
tents of  the  other  barrel  to  Brownell, 
but  either  he  could  not  command  his  aim, 
or  the  Zouave  was  too  quick  with  him, 
for  the  slugs  went  over  his  head,  and 
passed  through  the  panels  and  wainscot 
of  a  door  which  sheltered  some  sleeping 
lodgers.  Simultaneously  with  this  sec- 
ond shot,  and  sounding  like  the  echo  of 
the  first,  Brownell's  rifle  was  heard,  and 
the  assassin   staggered   backward.     He 


262 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


was  hit  exactly  in  the  middle  of  the 
face,  and  the  wound,  as  I  afterward  saw 
it,  was  the  most  frightful  I  ever  wit- 
nessed. Of  course  Brownell  did  not 
know  how  fatal  his  shot  had  been,  and 
so  before  the  man  dropped,  he  thrust 
his  sabre  bayonet  through  and  through 
the  body,  the  force  of  the  blow  sending 
the  dead  man  violently  down  the  upper 
section  of  the  second  flight  of  stairs,  at 
the  foot  of  which  he  lay  with  his  face  to 
the  floor.  Winser  ran  from  above  cry- 
ing, '  Who  is  hit?'  but  as  he  glanced 
downward  by  our  feet,  he  needed  no 
answer. 

"Bewildered  for  an  instant  by  the 
suddenness  of  this  attack,  and  not 
knowing  what  more  might  be  in  store, 
we  forbore  to  proceed,  and  gathered 
together  defensively.  There  were  but 
seven  of  us  altogether,  and  one  was 
without  a  weapon  of  any  Kind.  Brow- 
nell instantly  reloaded,  and  while  doing 
so  perceived  the  door  through  which  the 
assailant's  shot  had  passed,  beginning 
to  open.  He  bi'ought  his  riiie  to  the 
shoulder,  and  menaced  the  occupants, 
two  ti-avellers,  with  immediate  death  if 
thej'^  stirred.  The  three  other  privates 
guarded  the  passages,  of  which  there 
were  quite  a  number  converging  to  the 
point  where  we  stood,  while  the  chaplain 
and  Winser  looked  to  the  staircase  by 
which  we  had  descended,  and  the  adjoin- 
ing chambers.  I  ran  down  stairs  to  see 
if  an.ything  was  threatened  from  the 
story  below,  but  it  soon  appeared  there 
was  no  danger  from  that  quarter.  How- 
ever, we  were  not  at  all  disposed  to 
move   from   our   position.      From    the 


opening  doors,  and  through  the  pas- 
sages, we  discerned  a  sufficient  number 
of  forms  to  assure  us  that  we  were 
dreadfully  in  the  minority.  I  think  now 
that  there  was  no  danger,  and  that  the 
single  assailant  acted  without  concert 
with  anybody  ;  but  it  is  impossible  to 
know  accurately,  and  it  was  certainly  a 
doubtful  question  then.  The  first  thing 
to  be  done  was  to  look  to  our  dead  friend 
and  leader.  He  had  fallen  on  his  face, 
and  the  streams  of  blood  that  flowed 
from  his  wound  had  literally  flooded  the 
way.  The  chaplain  turned  him  gently 
over,  and  I  stooped  and  called  his  name 
aloud,  at  which  I  thought  then  he  mur- 
mured inarticulately.  I  presume  I  was 
mistaken,  and  I  am  not  sure  that  he 
spoke  a  word  after  being  struck,  although 
in  my  dispatch  I  repeated  a  single  ex- 
clamation which  I  had  believed  he  ut- 
tered. It  might  have  been  Brownell,  or 
the  chaplain,  who  was  close  behind  me. 
Winser  and  I  lifted  the  body  with  all 
the  care  we  could  apply,  and  laid  it  upon 
a  bed  in  a  room- near  by.  The  rebel 
flag,  stained  with  his  blood,  and  purified 
by  this  contact  from  the  baseness  of  its 
former  meaning,  we  laid  about  his  feet. 
It  was  at  first  difficult  to  discover  the 
precise  locality  of  his  wound,  for  all 
parts  of  his  coat  were  equallj^  saturated 
with  blood.  By  cautiously  loosening  his 
belt  and  unbuttoning  his  coat  we  found 
where  the  shot  had  penetrated.  None 
of  us  had  an}^  medical  knowledge,  but 
we  saw  that  all  hope  must  be  resigned. 
Nevertheless,  it  seemed  proper  to  sum- 
mon the  surgeon  as  speedily  as  possible. 
This   could    not   easily   be    done ;    for, 


DEATH  OF  ELLSWORTH  AVENGED. 


263 


secluded  as  we  were  in  that  part  of  the" 
town,  and  uncertain  whether  an  ambush 
might  not  be  awaiting  us  also,  no  man 
could  volunteer  to  venture  forth  alone  ; 
and  to  go  together,  and  leave  the  Col- 
onel's body  behind,  was  out  of  the 
question.  We  wondered  at  the  long 
delay  of  the  first  company,  for  the  ad- 
vance of  which  the  Colonel  had  sent 
back  before  approaching  the  hotel ;  but 
we  subsequently  leai'ned  that  they  had 
mistaken  a  street,  and  gone  a  little  out 
of  their  way.  Before  they  arrived  we 
had  removed  some  of  the  xmsightly 
stains  from  the  Colonel's  features,  and 
composed  his  limbs.  His  expression  in 
death  was  beautifully  natural.  The 
Colonel  was  a  singularly  handsome  man, 
and,  excepting  the  pallor,  there  was 
nothing  different  in  his  countenance  now 
from  what  all  his  friends  had  so  lately 
been  accustomed  to  gladly  recognize. 
The  detachment  was  heard  approaching 
at  last,  a  reinforcement  was  easily  called 
up,  and  the  surgeon  was  sent  for.  His 
arrival,  not  long  after,  of  course  sealed 
our  own  unhappj'-  belief  A  sufficient 
guard  was  presently  disti'ibuted  over  the 
house,  but  meanwhile  I  had  remembered 
the  Colonel's  earnestness-  about  the  tele- 
graph seizure,  and  obtained  permission 
to  guide  a  squad  of  Zouaves  to  the. 
office,  which  was  found  to  be  entirely 
open,  with  all  the  doors  ajar  yet  appar- 
ently deserted.  It  looked  like  another 
chance  of  a  surprise.  The  men  re- 
mained in  charge.  I  presume  it  was 
not  wholly  in  order  for  me,  a  civilian, 
to  start  upon  this  mission,  but  I  was  the 
only  person  who  knew  the  whereabouts 


of  the  office,  and  the  Colonel  had  been 
very  positive  about  the  matter.  When 
I  returned  to  the  hotel,  there  was  a 
terrible  scene  enacting.  A.  woman  had 
run  from  a  lower  room  to  the  stairway 
where  the  body  of  the  defender  of  the 
secession  flag  lay,  and  recognizing  it, 
cried  aloud  with  an  agony  so  heart-rend- 
ing that  no  person  could  witness  it  with- 
out emotion.  She  flung  her  arms  in  the 
air,  struck  her  brow  madly,  and  seemed 
in  every  way  utterly  abandoned  to  des- 
olation and  frenzy.  She  offered  no  re- 
proaches— appeared,  indeed,  almost  re- 
gardless of  our  presence,  and  yielded 
only  to  her  own  frantic  despair.  It  was 
her  husband  that  had  been  shot.  He 
was  the  proprietor  of  the  hotel.  His 
name  was  James  T.  Jackson.  Winser 
was  confident  it  was  the  same  man  who 
met  us  at  the  door  when  we  entered, 
and  told  us  he  was  a  boarder.  His  wife, 
as  I  said,  was  wild  almost  to  insanity. 
Yet  she  listened  when  spoken  to,  and 
although  no  consolation  could  be  offered 
her  by  us  for  what  she  had  lost,  she 
seemed  sensible  to  the  assurance  that  the 
safety  of  her  children,  for  whom  she 
expressed  fears,  could  not  possibly  be 
endangered. 

"It  is  not  from 'any  wish  to  fasten 
obloquy  upon  the  slayer  of  Colonel  Ells- 
worth, but  simply  because  It  struck  me 
as  a  frightful  fact,  that  I  say  the  fixce  of 
the  dead  man  wore  the  most  revolting 
expression  of  rage  and  hatred  that  I 
ever  saw.  Perhaps  the  nature  of  his 
wound  added  to  this  effect,  and  the 
wound  was  something  so  appalling  that 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  describe  it  as  it 


264 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


impressed  me.  It  is  probable  that  such 
a  result  from  a  bullet  wound  could  not 
ensue  once  in  a  thousand  times.  Either 
of  Browaell's  onslaughts  would  have 
been  instantaneously  fatal.  The  sabre 
wound  was  not  less  effective  than  that 
of  the  ball.  The  gun  which  Jackson 
had  fired  lay  beneath  him,  clasped  in  his 
arms,  and  as  we  did  not  at  first  all  know 
that  both  barrels  had  been  discharged, 
it  was  thought  necessary  to  remove  it, 
lest  it  should  be  suddenly  seized  and 
made  use  of  from  below.  In  doing  this, 
his  countenance  was  revealed. 

"  As  the  morning  advanced,  the  towns- 
people began  to  gather  in  the  vicinity, 
and  a  guard  was  fixed,  preventing  in- 
gress and  egress.  This  was  done  to  keep 
all  parties  from  knowing  what  had  oc- 
curred, for  the  Zouaves  were  so  devoted 
to  their  Colonel  that  it  was  feared  if 
they  all  were  made  acquainted  with  the 
real  fact,  they  would  sack  the  house. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  was  not  thought 
wise  to  let  the  Alexandrians  know  thus 
early  the  fate  of  their  townsman.  The 
Zouaves  were  the  only  regiment  that  had 
arrived,  and  their  head  and  soul  was 
gone.  Besides,  the  duties  which  the 
Colonel  had  hurriedly  assigned  befoi'c 
leaving  them  had  scattered  some  com- 
panies in  various  quarters  of  the  town. 
Several  persong  sought  admission  to  the 
Marshall  House,  among  them  a  sister  of 
the  dead  man,  who  had  heard  the  rumor, 
but  who  was  not  allowed  to  know  the 
true  state  of  the  case.  It  was  painful 
to  hear  her  remark,  as  she  went  away, 
that  '  of  course  they  wouldn't  shoot  a 
man  dead  in  his  own  house  about  a  bit 


'of  old  bunting.'  Many  of  the  lodgers 
were  anxious  to  go  forth,  but  they  were 
detained  until  after  I  had  left.  All  sorts 
of  arguments  and  persuasions  were  em- 
ployed, but  the  Zouave  guards  were  in- 
exorable." 

The  Michigan  regiment,  though  pre- 
vented by  the  impetuous  movement  of 
the  Zouaves  from  fully  effecting  its 
object,  succeeded,  however,  in  capturing 
some  thirty-seven  of  the  enemy's  cavalry. 
The  rest  had  made  off  by  the  railroad 
extending'into  the  interior  of  Virginia. 
The  occupation  of  Alexaiidria  was  in- 
deed secured,  but  at  the  sacrifice  of  a  life 
suddenly  arrested  in  its  youthful  promise 
of  patriotic  service.  The  friends  of  the 
Union  mourned  the  fate  of  young  Ells- 
worth, and  honored  his  memory  as  that 
of  a  hero. 

Elmer  E.  Ellsworth  was  born  at 
Malta,  Saratoga  County,  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  on  the  23d  of  April,  1837. 
His  parents  not  being  rich  were  unable 
to  give  him  more  than  the  advantages 
of  an  ordinary  common  school  educa- 
tion. He,  however,  seemed  to  have 
some  early  inclinations  for  a  military 
career,  and  an  effort  was  made  to  obtain 
for  him  an  admission  into  the  academy 
at  West  Point.  Not  succeeding  in  this 
purpose,  the  lad  was  placed  as  a  clerk  in 
a  trading  establishment  at  Troy,  and 
thence  removed  to  the  city  of  New 
York,  where  he  remained  engaged  in 
similar  occupations  for  several  years. 
He  subsequently  emigrated  to  the  West, 
and  obtained  the  position  of  a  clerk  with 
an  attorney  in  Chicago.  He  now  com- 
menced the  study  of  the  law,  but  devoted 


LIFE   OF   ELLSWORTH. 


265 


his  leisure  time  to  the  study  of  miUtary 
science. 

About  this  time  he  was  chosen  cap- 
tain of  a  volunteer  company,  whom  he 
induced  to  adopt  the  uniform  and  drill 
of  the  French  Zouaves,  whose  efficiency 
had  been  recently  displayed  in  the  Cri- 
mea.    His  soldiers  soon  became  the  pride 
of  Chicago  and  the  wonder  of  other  cities, 
where,  during  a  round  of  visits,  they  ex- 
hibited their  striking  costume  and  pecu- 
liar manners.     On  his  return  to  the  West 
he  was  chosen  quartermaster  of  the  north- 
'ei'n  division  of  Illinois,  and  paymaster- 
general  of  the  State  militia.     He,  how- 
ever, still  persevered  in  his  legal  studies, 
and  was  soon  after  admitted  to  the  bar. 
On  the  election  of  his  friend,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, to  the  Presidency,  Ellsworth  made 
apphcation  for  the  chief  clerkship  in  the 
war  department,  but  the  secretary  of 
war  was  prevented  from  bestowing  it 
upon  him  in  consequence  of  his  pledge 
to  a  previous  applicant.     He,  however, 
received,   through  the  influence  of  the 
President,    the    commission    of    second 
lieutenant  in  the  army.     In  the  mean 
time,  war  with  the  South  becoming  im- 
minent,  young  Ellsworth  resigned  his 
lieutenancy,  and,  offering  his  services  to 
recruit  a  regiment,  repaired  at  once  to 
New  York  for  the  purpose. 

The  proverbial  courage  and  energy  of 
the  city  firemen  led  him  to  seek  among 
them  for  the  men  suitable  for  the  forma- 
tion of  a  corps  of  Zouaves,  of  whom 
dash,  daring,  and  activity  are  expected. 
He  soon  succeeded  in  enrolling  a  thou- 
sand firemen,  and  sailed,  with  the  ap- 
plause   and    good   wishes    of    all   New 

34 


York,  for  Washington,  at  the  head  of 
his  regiment,  on  the  29th  of  April.  His 
tragic  death  has  been  already  recorded. 
There  was  an  element  of  tender  affec- 
tion in  the  character  of  the  youthful 
hero  which  endeared  him  to  his  family 
and  friends,  and  served  to  increase  the 
public  regard  for  his  memory.  On  the 
night  previous  to  his  departure  on  the 
fatal  expedition  to  Alexandria,  he  wrote 
to  his  betrothed,  and  this  reverential 
and  pathetic  letter  to  his  parents,  of 
whom  he  was  the  only  surviving  child  : 

"  Headquarters  1  sx  Zouaves,  Camp  Lij^coln,  [ 
WAsraNGTON,  D.  C,  May  23,  1861.  \ 

"  My  dear  Father  and  Mother  :  The 
regiment  is  ordered  to  move  across  the 
river  to-night.  We  have  no  means  of 
knowing  what  reception  we  are  to  meet 
with.  I  am  inclined  to  the  opinion  that 
our  entrance  to  the  city  of  Alexandria 
will  be  hotly  contested,  as  I  am  just  in- 
formed a  large  force  has  arrived  there 
to-day.  Should  this  happen,  my  dear 
parents,  it  may  be  my  lot  to  be  injured 
in  some  manner.  Whatever  may  hap- 
pen, cherish  the  consolation  that  I  was 
engaged  in  the  performance  of  a  sacred 
duty  ;  and  to-night,  thinking  over  the 
probabilities  of  to-morrow,  and  the  oc- 
currences of  the  past,  I  am  perfectly 
content  to  accept  whatever  my  fortune 
may  be,  confident  that  He  who  noteth  ■ 
even  the  fall  of  a  sparrow,  will  have 
some  purpose  even  in  the  fate  of  one 
like  me.  , 

"  My  darling  and  ever-loved  parents, 
good-bye.  God  bless,  protect,  and  care 
for  you.  Elmer." 


266 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER     XXIII. 

How  the  Virginians  failed  to  take  Fortress  Monroe. — Efforts  to  counteract  its  Loss. — The  importance  of  Fortress 
Monroe  to  the  Union. — The  danger  to  Norfolk. — Fortification  of  Virginia  Kivers  and  Coasts. — Abundant  Cannon 
from  the  Navy  Yard. — Sewall's  Point. — Its  Position. — Kiiising  of  Fortifications  by  the  Secessionists. — Attempt  to 
prevent  the  Work  by  the  Federal  Cruisers. — Attack  of  the  Star  on  Sewall's  Point. — Official  Report  of  Captain  Eagle. 
— A  lively  Account  by  the  Enemy. — Effect  of  the  Attack. — The  Reinforcement  of  Fortress  Monroe. — Number  of 
Ti'oops.— Major-Geueral  Butler  ordered  to  the  Command  of  the  Department  of  Virginia. — Arrival  at  Fortress  Mou- 
roe. — His  enthusiastic  Reception. — Inmiediate  Action. — A  Foothold  upon  the  Land  of  Virginia  secured. — Increased 
Reinforcements  at  Fortress  Monroe. — Expedition  to  Newport  News. — Situation  of  the  place. — No  resistance. — Mili- 
tary possession. — Intrenchments. — Continued  labor  of  the  Enemy  in  fortifying  their  Coast. — The  Works  at  Acquia 
Creek. — Position  of  Acquia  Creek  and  its  strategic  importance. — Nature  of  the  Batteries. — Attack  by  Captain 
VViud. — Silencing  Batteries. — Hauling  off  the  Freeborn. — Renewal  of  Attack. — Official  Statement. — Unsuccessful 
attempt  of  the  Harriet  Lane  upon  an  Enemy's  Battery. — Spectators  at  Fortress  Monroe.-rButler  eager  for  Action. 
— The  ExpetUtion  against  Little  and  Big  Bethel  planned. — The  Federal  Troops. — Number  and  Comm.anders. — 
Brigadier-General  Pierce. — Previous  Military  Experience. — The  details  of  the  plan  of  the  Expedition. — A  confused 
Statement  esplamed. — ^The  Reserves. — How  they  were  to  Co-operate. — Big  Bethel. — Its  Position. — Ignorance  of 
Federal  Officers. — March  of  Colonel  Duryea. — Delays  in  Progress. — A  Fire  in  the  Rear. — A  Countermarch. — No 
Enemy. — A  fatal  Blunder.— Return  of  Vermontera  and  Massachusetts  Men. — The  Blunder  explained. — Who  was 
to  blame  ? — ^The  General's  self-justification. — Defence  of  Colonel  Bendix. 


The  Virgiuians  having  failed,  through 
the  rare  and  happy  accident  of  its 
being  held  by  a  loyal  officer  at  the 
time  of  their  insurrection,  in  obtaining 
possession  of  Fortress  Monroe,  made 
great  efforts  to  counteract  the  loss  of  so 
important  a  defence.  This  strong  work, 
which  held  as  it  were  in  its  grip  the  neck 
of  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  throttled  Vir- 
ginia by  commanding  its  channels  of 
communication  with  the  sea,  was  also,  as 
a  basis  of  offensive  operations,  the  most 
important  possession  retained  by  the 
Federal  Government.  The  people  of 
Norfolk  especially  felt  themselves  en- 
dangered by  the  proximity  of  the  great 
fortress,  where  the  Union  could  mus- 
ter within  its  impregnable  walls  and 
under  its  commanding  guns,  armies  and 
fleets  ready  to  be  directed  at  any  mo- 


ment upon  the  neighboring  shores,  and 
thus  threaten  the  safety  of  their  city. 

The  Virginians  accordingly  made  haste 
to  fortify  that  part  of  their  coast  more 
immediately  exposed  to  an  attack  from 
Fortress  Monroe.  With  the  cannon  left 
at  the  Norfolk  navy-yard,  after  the 
blundering  attempt  at  its  destruction  by 
the  Federal  oflicer  in  command,  they 
were  abundantly  supplied  with  means 
of  arming  their  defences.  They  accord- 
ingly raised  fortifications  on  every  point 
of  land,  and  at  every  river's  mouth 
where  there  seemed  danger  of  an  attack. 
Among  these  is^  Sewall's  Point,  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Elizabeth  and  James 
rivers,  directly  opposite  to  Fortress 
Monroe,  and  about  four  miles  distant. 
This  low  spit  of  laud  not  only  com- 
mands the  mouths  of  these  two  rivers. 


ATTACK   ON    SEW.iLL'S  POINT. 


267 


but  presents  a  favorable  place  for 
the  landing  of  troops  to  operate  in 
the  rear  of  Norfolk.  The  Virginians 
accordingly  sent  down  gangs  of  negroes, 
and  some  soldiers,  to  raise  batteries  of 
sand,  and  to  mount  them  with  cannon. 
While  thus  occupied,  commander  Harry 
jjay  Eagle,  of  the  United  States  steamer 
'8«  Star,  who  was  on  the  watch,  dis- 
covered the  work  in  progress.  "Sev- 
eral noises  were  heard  during  the  night, 
but  not  distinct  enough  for  me,"  reported 
Captain  Eagle  officially,  "  to  trace  them. 
At  half-past  five  p.  M.  I  heard  distinct 
blows,  as  if  from  an  axe  securing  tim- 
ber platforms  for  gun-carriages  inside 
of  the  embrasures,  and  immediately  I 
ordered  a  shot  to  be  fired  over  them. 
The  rebels  immediately  hoisted  a  white 
flag  with  some  design  on  it,  and  fired  a 
shot  that  cut  the  fore  spencer  guys  near 
the  gaff.  I  immediately  beat  to  quar- 
ters and  returned  their  fire,  which  was 
continued  by  them.  I  expended  fifteen 
round  of  grape,  twelve  ten-inch  shot, 
thirty-two  ten-inch  shell,  ten  shell  for 
thirty-two  pounders,  and  forty-five  thir- 
ty-two-pound shot,  making  a  total  of 
one  hundred  and  fourteen  shots,  which," 
adds  the  captain,  "  I  think  did  some 
execution  among  the  rebels.  I  only  de- 
sisted for  want  of  ammunition,  having 
only  five  eight-pound  charges  remaining 
for  the  pivot  gun." 

The  action  continued  for  an  hour  and 
a  quarter,  and  although  the  official  state- 
ment makes  no  allusion  to  the  fact,  it 
would  seem  that  another  Federal  vessel 
bore  a  not  ineffective  part  in  the  en- 
gagement.    Captain  Ward  came  up  op- 


portunely with  the  steamer  Freeborn, 
and  taking  a  position  within  five  hun- 
dred yards  of  the  shore,  opened  with 
thirty- two-pound  round  shot.  "He 
soon  drove  the  party  out  of  the  work, 
and  was  not  long  in  hammering  two  or 
three  of  the  embrasures  into  one.  The 
defenders,  with  a  mounted  officer  at  their 
head,  took  refuge  in  a  clump  of  trees 
near  by,  into  which  Captain  Ward 
presently  throw  a  shot,  which  had  the 
effect  of  routing  the  party." 

One  of  the  enemy  gave  the  following 
account  of  the  affair,  from  which  it 
would  seem  there  was  less  "  execution 
among  the  rebels"  than  Captain  Eagle 
had  expected. 

"  The  enemy  had  three  eight-inch  co- 
lumbiads,  from  which  they  kept  up  an 
incessant  and  rapid  firing.  Their  guns 
were  aimed  with  remarkable  precision. 
Any  one  of  their  shots  would  have 
struck  a  boat  of  the  size  of  theirs  ;  but, 
thank  God,  not  one  did  its  diabolical 
work  among  us.  Almost  half  their 
shot  struck  our  battery,  and  several 
shells  exploded  on  top  of  it.  One  tre- 
mendous bomb  hit  the  muzzle  of  the 
cannon  at  which  Lieutenant  Moffet  and 
myself  were  working,  and  exploded  in 
the  embrasure,  not  three  feet  from  us, 
covering  us  with  the  turf  and  splinters 
of  the  battery,  and  so  tearing  up  tlie 
embrasure  as  to  make  it  large  enough 
for  three  guns.  Anotlier  shell  passed 
within  a  foot  of  -Robert  Lockhart,  as  he 
ran  out  to  plant  the  flag  a  little  farther  to 
the  left  than  where  it  had  been  waving. 
He  did  not  have  time  to  get  behind  the 
battery  after  the  cry  of  '  look  out'  was 


268 


THE  WAli  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


given  and  before  the  ball  came.  He  leU 
flat  ou  the  ground,  and  that  saved  liini. 
Privates  Mayo  and  Porter  had  one  ball 
pass  between  their  legs  while  they  were 
shoveling  away  sand  from  in  front  of 
their  gun. 

"  The  trees  near  the  fort  were  com- 
pletely peeled  and  trimmed  by  the  grape 
and  shell.  A  chain  came  whizzing  just 
a  foot  above  the  batterj'^,  struck  a  tree 
about  ten  feet  off,  and  cut  it  in  two  as 
smoothly  as  you  could  cut  a  sprig  of 
asparagus.  The  shell,  and  grape,  and 
thirty-two-pounders  rained  down  among 
us  all  the  time  as  thickly  as  hail,  and  all 
of  us  are  the  possessors  of  some  of  these 
trophies,  gathered  on  the  ground  of  our 
fii'st  successful  battle-field." 

The  attack,  however,  upon  Sewall's 
Point  had  the  effect  of  putting  the  Vii-- 
ginians  on  the  alert,  to  increase  the 
strength  of  that  place.  They  immedi- 
ately concentrated  two  thousand  troops 
there,  and  added  "four  of  the  heaviest 
guns"  to  the  battery,  which  they  con- 
tinued to  hold  till  the  general  advance 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  under 
McClellan,  in  March,  1862. 

The  United  States  Government,  ahve 
to  the  importance  of  Fortress  Monroe, 
not  only  as  a  defensive  work,  but  as  a 
basis  of  operations,  had  hastened  to 
strengthen  its  garrison  and  to  place 
there  a  large  body  of  troops.  Befoi-e 
the  close  of  May  there  were  over  five 
thousand  men  collected  within  its  walls. 
To  Butler,  created  a  major-general, 
who  had  proved  so  energetic  an  officer 
at  Annapolis  and  Baltimore,  being  suc- 
ceeded at  Baltimore  by  General  Cad- 


wallader — was  given  the  command  of 
the  new  military  department  of  Virginia, 
embracing  the  eastern  district  to  the 
summit  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  also  jjiay 
the  States  of  N"orth  and  South  Car-  •*»• 
olina. 

Fortress  Monroe  was  included  within 
Butler's  command,  and  thither  he  jiay 
repaired  and  estabhshed  his  head-  22t 
quarters.  His  arrival  was  welcomed 
with  enthusiasm,  and  honored  by  the 
usual  military  ceremonies.  Salutes  were 
fired,  and  there  was  a  grand  review,  on 
the  parade  gi'ound,  of  the  troops,  amount- 
ing to  over  four  thousand  men,  who  re- 


ceived their  new  chief  with  loud  hurrahs. 
Tlie  General's  first  movement  was  to 
take  possession  of  Hampton,  separated 
from  Fort  Monroe,  or  rather  the'penin- 
sula  of  Old  Point  Comfort,  upon  which 
the  fortress  stands,  onl}-  b}-  an  artificial 
causeway  and  a  narrow  neck  of  land. 
A  regiment  of  volunteers  was  detailed 
for  the  purpose  of  resisting  any  possible 
opposition,  and  they  marched  across  the 
causeway.  The  Virginians,  as  soon  as 
they  obsei'ved  the  approach  of  the  Fed- 
eral troops,  hurried  to  set  fire  to  the 
bridge,  where  they  had  accumulated 
combustibles  for  the  purpose.  The  ad- 
vance guard,  however,  of  the  volunteers 
pushed  on  rapidly,  and  before  the  fire 
had  done  much  damage,  extinguished  it 
and  put  the  enemy  to  flight,  with  the  loss 
of  one  field-piece.  This  was  seized  and 
thrown  into  the  bay,  and  General  Butler 
continuing  his  progress,  and  making  his 
reconnoissance,  selected  the  site  for  a 
permanent  encampment  upon  the  farm 
of  a  Mr.  Segar,  a  miionist.     Next  day 


CAPTURE  OF  NEWPORT  NEWS. 


269 


two  regimeuts  were  here  encamped,  and 
,  a  foothold  secm-ed  upon  the  maiuhxnd 
of  Virginia. 

Reinforcements  continuing  to  pour 
into  Fortress  Monroe,  General  Butler 
was  enabled  again  to  make  a  successful 
advance  into  the  territory  of  the  enemy. 
jjlay  Embarking  twenty-five  hundred 
27'  men  in  transports  at  the  wharf  of 
the  fort,  consisting  principally  of  Yer- 
mont  and  Massachusetts  regiments,  he 
dispatched  them  to  take  possession  of 
Newport  News.  This  place  is  situated 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  James  River, 
•  on  the  same  peninsula  formed  between 
that  stream  and  the  York  River,  to 
which  Fortress  Monroe  itself  is  joined 
by  a  causeway  and  narrow  neck  of  land. 
The  expedition  met  with  no  resistance, 
and  no  attempt  at  it,  beyond  several  in- 
eifectual  shots  from  the  enemy's  batteries 
on  the  opposite  side  of  James  River. 
Intrenchmeuts  were  immediately  begun 
after  the  landing  of  the  troops,  and 
Newport  News,  a  post  which  commands 
the  peninsula  on  which  it  is  situated, 
and  a  small  island  in  the  stream  which 
it  was  feared  might  be  fortified  by  the 
Confederates,  was  thus  secured. 

The  enemy  were  vigorously  providing 
for  the  defence  of  the  Virginia  coast, 
thus  threatened  by  the  increased  force 
at  Fortress  Monroe,  and  by  the  accumu- 
lation, under  the  cover  of  its  guns,  of 
armed  United  States  vessels  in  the 
Chesapeake  Bay  and  its  tributaries. 
The  Confederates  had  not  only  erected 
batteries  upon  the  Elizabeth,  James, 
York,  Rappahannock,  and  Potoma-c 
rivers,   but    upon   the    smaller    streams 


which  empty  into  them.  One  of  the 
most  formidable  of  these  works  had 
been  constructed  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Acquia  Creek.  This  place  had  been 
judiciously  chosen  by  the  enemy  as  a 
point  of  the  utmost  importance  in  the 
defence  of  Virginia.  Here  is  situated 
the  eastern  terminus  of  the  Fredericks- 
burgh  and  Potomac  Railway,  which,  ex- 
tending from  the  river  to  Fredeiicks- 
burgh,  continues  from  that  city  to 
Richmond,  the  capital  of  Virginia.  The 
mouth  of  the  Acquia,  where  it  empties 
into  the  Potomac  on  the  Virginia  side 
of  the  river,  is  about  fifty  miles  from 
Washington,  and  seventy-five  from  Rich- 
mond. The  current  of  travel  from  the 
North  to  the  South,  after  passing  down 
the  Potomac  from  Washington,  usually 
took  this  direction,  by  rail,  to  the  capital 
of  Virginia  and  more  Southern  destina- 
tions. 

Strong  batteries  had  been  raised  on 
the  shore  and  on  high  and  commanding 
ground  behind.  These,  Captain  Ward, 
of  the  United  States  steamer  Freeborn, 
determined  to  make  an  eiFort  to  reduce. 
He,  accordingly,  supported  by  the  two 
steamers,  Anacosta  and  Resolute,  j[ay 
opened  fire.  After  an  incessant  ^t* 
discharge,  kept  up  for  two  hours,  the 
three  lower  batteries  at  the  raikoad 
terminus  were  silenced.  His  ammuni- 
tion, however,  having  been  expended, 
and  the  enemy  continuing  to  fire  with 
great  effect  from  their  guns  on  the 
heights.  Captain  Ward  was  obliged  to 
haul  off  the  Freeborn.  The  other  two 
small  steamers,  being  unprovided  with 
rifled   guns,   were    unable  to  fire  at  a 


270 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


sufficieully  long  range  to  be  of  much 
aid,  and  they  were  accordingly  pre- 
vented from  taking  any  very  effective 
share  in  the  engagement. 

On  the  next  day  the  steamers  Pawnee 
and  Yankee  joined  Ward's  flotilla,  and 
the  action  was  renewed.  Captain  Ward,^ 
in  his  report  to  the  secretary  of  the 
navy,  thus  details  the  events  of  the  can- 
nonade : 

"I  have  the  honor,"  he  wrote,  "to 
report  a  renewal  of  the  bombardment 
at  Acquia  Creek,  commencing  at  eleven 
o'clock  and  thirty  minutes  in  the  fore- 
noon this  day,  and  terminating,  from 
fatigue  of  the  men  (the  day  being  veiy 
warm,  and  the  firing  on  oui*  side  inces- 
sant), at  4.30  in  the  afternoon,  being  a 
duration  of  five  hours.  The  firing  on 
shore  was  scarcely  as  spnited  at  any 
time  as  yesterday.  The  heights  were 
abandoned,  the  guns  apparently  having 
been  transferred  to  the  earth-works  at 
the  railway  terminus,  in  replacement  of 
the  batteries  there  silenced  by  ours  yes- 
terday. During  the  last  hour  of  the  en- 
gagement only  two  or  three  shots  were 
thrown  from  the  shore,  by  a  few  individ- 
uals seen  stealthily  now  and  then  to 
emerge  from  concealment,  and  who 
hastily  loaded  and  fired  a  single  gun. 
The  bulk  of  the  party  had  left  half  an 
hour  before,  and  squads  were  observed 
from  time  to  time  taking  to  their  heels 
along  the  beach,  with  a  speed  and 
bottom  trul}'  commendable  for  its  pru- 
dence, and  highly  amusing  to  the  sea- 
men. I  did  not  deem  it  ad%'isable  to 
permit  so  feeble  a  fire  to  wear  out  my 
men.      Therefore,    I   discontinued    the 


engagement. 


Several  shots  came  on 
board  of  us,  causing  the  vessel  to  leak 
badly,  and,  besides  other  injuries,  clip- 
ping the  port-wheel,  the  wrought-iron 
shaft  being  gouged  by  a  shot  which 
would  have  shattered  it  if  of  cast  iron. 
Fortunately  I  have  again  neither  killed 
nor  wounded  to  report,  though  the  shot 
at  times  fell  thick  about  us,  testing  the 
gallantry  and  steadiness  of  my  men, 
which  I  consider  of  standard  proof  for 
any  emergency.  I  proceed  to  Washing- 
ton to  repair  damages  and  refill  my  ex- 
haus.ted  magazine.  The  Pawnee  re- 
mains, meantime,  below,  to  supply-  my 
place  in  the  blockade.  Captain  Rowan, 
of  that  ship,  joined  me  last  night,  re- 
plenishing my  exhausted  stores,  and 
most  gallantly  opened  the  fire  this 
morning,  having  followed  my  leai  in 
shore  toward  the  batteries.  His  ship 
received  numerous  wounds,  both  below 
and  aloft,  inflicted  by  the  enemy's  shot. 
On  account  of  her  size,  she  being  more 
easily  hit,  she  appeared  to  be  their 
favorite  markj  and  was  herself  often  a 
sheet  of  flame,  owing  to  the  great  rapid- 
ity of  her  discharges.  The  enemy  set 
fire  to  the  large  passenger  and  fi-eight 
depot  on  the  end  of  the  long  pier,  as  we 
were  approaching,  probably  to  remove 
it  as  an  obstruction  to  their  aim,  but 
were  not  permitted  to  extinguish  the 
flames  during  the  whole  five  hours'"  can- 
nonade. Consequently  nearly  the  whole 
pier  is  desti'oyed,  leaving  only  the 
charred  piles  remaining  above  the  water 
to  mark  its  former  position. 

t;:        :■:        ♦        .'J^        ^        H:        ^        *        li:        •:' 

"More  than  one  hmidred  shots  have 


ATTACK   ON   ACQUIA   CREEK. 


271 


fallen  aboard  and  around  us,  any  one  of 
wliich  would  have  struck  a  frigate.  We 
had  more  than  a  thousand  shots  dis- 
cliarged  at  us  within  range,  and  have 
ourselves  fired  upward  of  three  hundred 
shots  and  shells,  with  seventeen  hun- 
dred pounds  of  powder.  What  damage 
we  have  inflicted  remains  to  be  seen. 
That  we  have  received  none  not  easily 
repaired,  is  truly  remarkable.  The 
Anacosta  and  Reliance  were  not  per- 
mitted to  come  under  damaging  fire, 
their  support  having  been  necessary  to 
embolden  those  engaged,  by  giving  them 
confidence  that  if  disabled  in  the  ma- 
chinery, assistance  was  at  hand  to  drag 
them  out." 

The  enemy,  however,  notwithstanding 
this  spirited  attack,  persisted  in  liolding 
their  position,  and  by  increased  fortifica- 
tions rendered  the  batteries  of  Acquia 
Creek  among  the  most  formidable  of 
their  defensive  works. 

The  naval  force,  under  Commodore 
Stringham,  which  had  now  gathered  in 
Hamilton  Roads,  and  was  blockading 
the  Chesajpeake,  continued  to  be  active, 
but,  however  spiritedly  managed,  seemed 
to  e2"ect  but  little  in  its  attempts  upon 
the  enemy's  batteries.  The  Harriet 
Lane,  commanded  by  Captain  Faunce, 
June  started  out  on  a  cruise  up  the 
5'  James  River,  to  look  out  for  bat- 
teries. Having  discovered  one  at  the 
mouth  of  the  N'ansemond,  which  joins 
the  James  at  Hampton  Roads,  the  Har- 
riet Lane  opened  fire.  Being  within 
sight  of  Fortress  Monroe,  the  soldiers 
thronged  the  ramparts  to  watch  the 
scene.     The  cannonade  of  the  steamer 


was  briskly  responded  to  by  the  enemy, 
who,  with  their  guns  of  longer  range  and 
heavier  metal,  succeeded  in  effecting 
greater  damage  than  they  received. 
The  Harriet  Lane,  after  continuing  the 
action  for  half  an  hour,  in  the  course  of 
which  she  was  struck  by  several  shot 
■from  a  thirty-four-pound  rifled  cannon, 
hauled  off  and  returned  to  her  anchor- 
age under  the  guns  of  the  fort. 

Reinforcements  still  continuing  to 
pour  into  Fortress  Monroe,  the  active 
Butler  became  eager  for  action.  The 
outposts  at  Newport  News  and  Hamp- 
ton having  been  annoyed  by  a  body 
of  the  enemy  posted  at  Little  Bethel, 
about  eight  miles  distant  from  both 
encampments.  General  Butler  resolved 
upon  an  attempt  to  surprise  and  cap- 
ture it.  He  accordingly  sent  out  an 
expedition  for  the  purpose.  This  june 
was  composed  of  two  divisions —  ^> 
the  one  made  up  of  the  New  York  regi- 
ment of  Zouaves,  commanded  by  Col- 
onel Duryea,  and  the  Albany  (N.  Y.) 
regiment  under  Colonel  Townsend,  sup- 
ported by  a  detachment  of  United  States 
artillery,  with  three  cannon,  led  by 
Lieutenant  Greble.  The  other  division 
was  composed  of  the  New  York  Steuben 
Regiment,  commanded  by  Colonel  Ben- 
dix,  and  detaclmiehts  of  the  First  Ver- 
mont and  Third  Massachusetts,  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Wasliburn.  The 
whole  expedition  was  placed  under  the 
command  of  General  Pierce,  a  mih- 
tia  brigadier-gfeneral  of  Massachusetts, 
whose  military  service  had  hitherto  been 
restricted  to  the  holidaj^  parades  of  Bos- 
ton Common  or  the  village  green.     The 


272 


THE  WAH  AYITH  THE  SOUTn. 


l)lan  of  the  enterprise  is  thus  set  forth 
by  General  Butler  himself : 

"  I  ordered,"  he  wrote,  in  his  official 
report,  "  General  Pierce,  who  is  in  com- 
mand of  Camp  Hamilton,  at  Hampton, 
to  send  Duryea's  regiment  of  Zouaves 
June  to  be  ferried  over  Hampton  Creek 
J^»  at  one  o'clock  this  morning,  and  to 
march  by  the  road  up  to  Newmarket 
Bridge,  then  crossing  the  bridge,  to  go 
by  a  by-road,  and  thus  put  the  regiment 
in  the  rear  of  the  enemy  and  between 
Big  Bethel  and  Little  Bethel,  in  part  for 
the  purpose  of  cutting  him  off,  and  then 
to  make  an  attack  upon  Little  Bethel. 
I  directed  General  Pierce  to  support 
him  (Colonel  Duryea)  from  Hampton 
with  Colonel  Townsend's  regiment,  with 
two  mounted  howitzers,  and  to  march 
about  an  hour  later.  At  the  same  time 
I  directed  Colonel  Phelps,  commanding 
at  Newport  Xews,  to  send  out  a  bat- 
talion, composed  of  such  companies  of 
the  regiments  under  his  command  as  he 
thought  best,  under  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Washburn,  in  time  to 
make  a  demonstration  upon  Little  Bethel 
in  front,  and  to  have  him  supported  by 
Colonel  Beudix's  regiment,  with  two 
field-pieces." 

From  this  not  very  persjjicuous  state- 
ment of  General  Butler,  it  may  be  in- 
ferred that  Colonel  Duryea's  regiment 
from  Hampton,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Washbm-n's  force  from  Newport  News, 
were  to  move  in  advance,  the  former 
to  the  rear  and  the  latter  to  the  front 
of  Little  Bethel,  while  Colonel  Town- 
send's regiment  from  Hampton,  and 
Colonel  Beudix's  regiment  from  New- 


port News,  were  to  move  later  and  act 
as  a  reserve. 

The  two  latter  were  to  form  a  junc- 
tion at  a  fork  of  the  road  leading  from 
Hampton  to  Newport  News,  the  two 
points  from  which  they  were  separately 
to  march,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from 
Little  Bethel.  "I  directed,"  continues 
Butler,  in  his  official  report,  "  the  march 
to  be  so  timed  that  the  attack  should  be 
made  just  at  daybreak,  and  that  after 
the  attack  was  made  upon  Little  Bethel, 
Duryea's  regiment  and  a  regiment  from 
Newport  News  should  follow  imme- 
diately upon  the  heels  of  the  fugitives, 
if  they  were  enabled  to  cut  them  off, 
and  attack  the  battery  on  the  road  to 
Big  Bethel,  whUe  covered  by  the  fugi- 
tives ;  or  if  it  was  thought  expedient  by 
General  Pierce,  failing  to  surprise  the 
camp  at  Little  Bethel,  they  should  at- 
tempt to  take  the  work  near  Big 
Bethel." 

This  Big  Bethel  is  some  four  miles 
farther  from  Fortress  Monroe  than 
Little  Bethel,  on  the  road  from  the 
town  of  Hampton  to  Yorktown,  of  revo- 
lutionary renown.  Its  exact  locality, 
the  character  of  the  surroundiug  coun- 
tr}",  the  force  of  the  enemy,  the  strength 
of  their  fortifications,  or  even  the  fact 
of  theu-  existence,  was  a  mystery  prob- 
ably not  only  to  the  General-in-chief, 
but  to  all  his  subordinate  officers.  It 
was,  however,  soon  to  be  solved  with  a 
fatal  result. 

Colonel  Duryea  ha\-ing  formed  his 
regiment  of  Zouaves,  seven  hundred  and 
forty  strong,  and  sent  skirmishers  for- 
ward in  advance,  began  his  march  from 


]\IARCII  TO  LITTLE  BETHEL. 


273 


Hampton  at  half-past  eleven  o'clock  at 
night,  toward  Little  Bethel.  His  men 
moved  spiritedly  forward,  cheered  with 
the  prospect  of  a  successful  issue  to 
their  enterprise.  The  march  for  two 
miles  was  slow,  in  consequence  of  the 
tardy  arrival  of  the  howitzer  which  was 
to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  advanc- 
ing column.  There  was  again  a  delay 
at  Hampton  Creek,  for  want  of  surf- 
boats,  to  convey  the  troops  across.  These, 
however,  iinally  arrived,  and  the  troops 
being  transported  to  the  other  side,  re- 
sumed their  march,  and  soon  came  up 
with  the  two  companies  sent  forward  as 
skirmishers  an  hour  and  a  half  in  ad- 
vance of  the  main  body.  Tlie  whole 
force  now  pushed  on  with  quickened 
step,  without  pausing  a  moment  for  rest, 
and  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  fell 
in  with  the  picket  guard  of  the  enemy 
at  Little  Bethel.  This,  consisting  of 
four  soldiers  and  an  officer  in  command, 
being  captured,  the  regiment  began  to 
move  forward  on  the  road  toward  Big 
Bethel.  At  this  moment  a  heavy  lire 
of  musketry  and  cannon  was  heard  in 
the  rear.  Believing  it  to  be  an  attempt 
by  the  enemy  to  cut  off  l«is  reserve. 
Colonel  Duryea  immediately  gave  the 
order  to  countermarch  his  men,  and  they 
at  once  proceeded  in  double  quick  time 
in  direction  of  the  cannonade.  After 
having  thus  rapidly  retraced  their  march 
for  five  miles,  they  discovered  that  there 
was  no  enemy  in  their  rear,  but  that 
the  firing  had  come  from  their  friends 
brought  into  collision  by  a  fatal  blunder. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Washburn,  with 
his   detachment  of  Massachusetts  men 

35 


and  Vermonters,  had  also,  in  accordance 
with  the  plan  of  the  expedition,  moved 
on.  Setting  out  from  Newport  News, 
he  had  marched  within  reach  of  the  front 
of  Little  Bethel,  when  the  cannonade 
heard  in  his  rear  startled  him  too,  and  in- 
duced him  to  march  back  again  to  meet 
an  enemy,  but  only  to  discover  that  he 
and  Colonel  Duryea  had  been  deceived 
by  the  same  fatal  blunder  of  our  troops. 
This  was  soon  explained.  Colonel 
Bendix  having  with  his  German  regi- 
ment set  out  in  due  time  from  Newport 
News,  reached  the  cross  roads,  and 
halted,  to  await  the  coming  up  of,  and  to 
form  a  junction  with,  the  Albany  regi- 
ment under  Colonel  Townsend,  on  their 
route  from  Hampton.  "  Up  to  this 
point  the  plan,"  says  Butler,  in  his  offi- 
cial report,  "had  been  vigorously,  ac- 
curately, and  successfully  carried  nut ; 
but  here,  by  some  strange  fatuity  and 
yet  unexplained  blunder,  without  any 
word  of  notice,  while  Colonel  Townsend 
was  in  column  en  route,  and  when  the 
head  of  the  column  was  within  one  hun- 
dred yards,  Colonel  Bendix's  regiment 
opened  fire,  with  both  artillery  and  mus- 
ketry, upon  Colonel  Townscnd's  column, 
which,  in  the  hurry  and  confusion,  was 
irregularly  returned  by  some  of  Colonel 
Townsend's  men,  who  feared  they  had 
fallen  into  an  ambuscade.  Colonel 
Townsend's  column  immediately  re- 
treated to  the  eminence  near  by,  and 
were  not  pursued  by  Colonel  Bendix's 
men.  By  this  almost  criminal  blunder, 
two  men  of  Colonel  Townsend's  regi- 
ment were  killed  and  eight,  more  or 
less,  wounded." 


971 


THE  WAR  Wmi  TIIE  SOUTPI. 


Every  one  was  naturally  anxious  to 
free  himself  from  the  blame  of  what  the 
General  has  termed  an  "  almost  criminal 
blunder."  He  in  his  own  justification 
declared,  that  "  to  prevent  the  possibil- 
ity of  mistake  in  the  darkness,  I  directed 
that  no  attack  should  be  made  until  the 
watchword — Boston — should  be  shouted 
by  the  attacking  regiment,  and,  in  case 
that  by  any  mistake  in  the  march  the 
regiments  that  were  to  make  the  junc- 
tion should  unexpectedly  meet  and  be 
unknown  to  each  other,  also  directed  that 
the  members  of  Colonel  Townsend's  reg- 
iment should  be  known,  if  in  daylight, 
by  something  white  worn  on  their  arm." 

The  General  seemed  to  impute  the 
fault  to  Colonel  Bendix's  Germans,  who, 
he  declared,  were  the  first  to  open  fire. 
They,  however,  strenuously  defended 
themselves,  asserting  that  the  mistake 
was  mutual,  and  the  attack  on  both 
sides  simultaneous.  The  adjutant  of 
the  German  regiment  came  to  the  res- 
cue of  its  fame  with  the  followmg  dec- 
laration : 

"  Colonel  Bendix  had  not  received 
any  order  or  intimation  that  our  troops 


should  wear  white  badges  around  the 
arm  for  the  purpose. of  mutual  recogni- 
tion, and  if  he  had,  he  would  not  have 
been  able  to  distinguish  such  badge  at 
the  distance  'and  in  the  dusk  of  the 
morning.  Colonel  Bendix's  command 
did  not  wear  such  badges.  The  uniform 
of  the  Albany  regiment  was  very  sim- 
ilar to  the  uniform  of  the  secession 
troops.  It  is  doubtful  which  side  opened 
fire.  Many  of  the  Albany  boys  admit 
that  they  fired  first,  mistaking  the  Steu- 
ben regiment  for  enemies,  probably  for 
the  reason  that  the  latter  wore  no  white 
badges. 

"  When  Colonel  Townsend's  troops 
approached  the  junction  over  a  slight 
ridge,  they  appeared  to  be  a  troop  of 
cavalry,  because  General  Pierce  and 
staff,  and  Colonel  Townsend  and  staif, 
in  a  body,  rode  in  advance  of  their 
troops,  and  without  any  advance  guard 
thrown  out,  as  customary,  to  reconnoi- 
tre and  protect  the  head  of  the  column. 
If  the  latter  precaution  had  been  taken, 
the  unfortunate  mistake  would  not  have 
happened.  It  was  known  that  our  side 
had  no  cavalry." 


INEXPERIENCED  LEADER. 


275 


CHAPTER    XXIV, 


Serious  Effects  of  the  Blunder  at  Little  Bethel. — Inexperienced  Leader. — Unwise  Counsellors. — Second  Advance  of 
General  Pierce. — Eeinforcements.— Ai'rival  of  the  Advance  at  Little  Bethel.— A  deserted  Camp. — March  to  Big 
Bethel. — The  Enemy  reported  in  Force. — Battle  given. — Sph-it  of  the  Men. — Plan  of  Battle.— Colonel  Duryea's 
Zouaves. — The  Struggle. — Retreat. —The  Sldnnishers. — ^Thoir  Retreat. — Death  of  Greble. — Withdrawal  of  the  Artil- 
lery.— Action  of  the  New  York  Tioops. — Relative  Number  of  Troops  Engaged. — Losses. — Enemy's  Account  of  the 
Aflfair  of  Big  Bethel.— Attempts  at  Justification  by  the  Federal  Officers.— Consoling  Reflection  of  General  Butler. 
— Censure  of  General  Pierce. — Promises  to  Justify  Himself. — Patriotism. — Gallant  Behavior  of  the  Soldiers. — 
pioofa. — Rescue  of  Guns. — Rescue  of  Body  of  Lieutenant  Greble. — The  Last  to  Retreat. — Death  of  Major  Win- 
throp. — His  Bravery. — His  Last  Moments. — Admiration  of  the  Enemy. — Life  of  Winthrop. — Adventurous  Career. 
—Restlessness.— His  Militaiy  Career.— Author  of  the  Plan  of  Battle  at  Big  Bethel.— Literary  Tastes.— Success  of 
his  Posthumous  "Works. 


1861. 


Grievous  as  had  been  the  blunder  at 
Little  Bethel,  and  fatal  as  it  was  to  our 
own  men  destroyed  by  their  com- 
rades, it  was  still  more  serious  in 
its  efi'ects  upon  the  subsequent  fate 
of  the  expedition.  The  inexperienced 
leader,  counselled  by  those  who  were  no 
more  skilled  in  the  art  of  war  than  him- 
self, and  piqued  into  an  indiscreet  ac- 
tivity by  disappointment,  determined  to 
make  an  effort  to  redeem  the  unsuccess- 
ful beginning  of  the  enterprise.  He 
accordingly  ordered  his  troops  again  to 
the  advance.  The  enemy,  in  the  mean 
time,  were  on  the  alert,  and  had  fallen 
back  from  Little  to  Big  Bethel,  where 
the  main  body  was  posted  under  the 
cover  of  a  strong  battery  of  several 
heavy  guns.  General  Pierce,  without 
having  made  any  rcconnoissance,  and  en- 
tirely ignorant  of  the  force  of  his  antag- 
onists or  the  nature  of  their  position  or 
defences,  did  not  hesitate  to  push  on  his 
troops,  against  this  concealed  and  un- 
numbered  foe,  at   Great   Bethel.     He, 


however,  had  the  prudence,  as  he  ad- 
vanced, to  send  back  to  General  Butler 
for  reinforcements,  who  sent  forward 
Colonel  Allen,  with  his  New  York  city 
regiment,  and  Colonel  Carr,  with  that 
of  Troy  (N.  Y.) 

Colonel  Duryea,  with  his  Zouaves, 
again  assumed  the  advance,  supported 
by  Colonel  Bendix  and  his  Germans, 
and  Colonel  Townsend,  with  the  Albany 
regiment.  On  reaching  Little  Bethel, 
from  which  a  stray  shot  was  fired  by  a 
retreating  troop  of  cavalry,  the  camp 
was  found  deserted,  and  this  being  de- 
stroyed, our  troops  pushed  on  toward 
Big  Bethel.  Here  the  main  body  ar- 
Juue  ri^'ed  at  about  ten  o'clock  in  the 
1^'  morning,  and  halted  in  consequence 
of  the  intelligence  brought  back  by  those 
who  had  been  sent  forward  to  skirmish 
in  advance.  Captain  Kilpatrick,  who 
commanded  these  skirmishers,  had  evi- 
dently not  underrated  the  strength  of 
the  enemy,  for  he  reported  that  he  had 
found   them    "with   about   from  three 


276 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


tliousaud  to  five  thousand  men,  posted 
in  a  strong  position  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  bridge — three  earth-works 
and  a  masked  battery  on  the  right  and 
left ;  iu  advance  of  the  stream,  thirty 
pieces  of  artillery  and  a  large  force  of 
cavalry." 

In  face  of  this  portentous  report  of 
the  numbers  aud  strength  of  position  of 
the  enemy,  the  troops  were  drawn  up 
in  line  of  battle,  and  prepared  to  give 
fight.  The  soldiers,  though  previously 
fatigued  by  their  long  and  rapid  march, 
and  dispirited  by  the  fatal  mistake  of 
the  previous  night,  were  at  once  reani- 
mated by  the  prospect  of  a  struggle. 
"  It  put  a  new  spirit  into  the  men,  as 
the  word  passed  down  the  line.  The}" 
were  no  longer  tired  aud  sleepy.  Each 
freshened  up  to  his  place  in  tlie  ranks 
and  closed  up  in  column." 

The  skirmishers,  now  led  by  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Warren,  were  again  thrown 
forward  on  the  right  and  left,  supported 
by  the  advance  guard  of  Duryea's  Zou- 
aves and  three  pieces  of  United  States 
artiUery,  under  the  command  of  Lieu- 
tenant Greble.  The  enemy  at  once 
opened  fire  from  their  batteries  directly 
facing  the  road,  but  our  men  answered 
with  a  shout,  and  continued  to  press 
forward. 

The  enemy's  fire  was  so  heavy  that  it 
was  found  useless  to  attempt  to  meet  it 
directly  by  discharges  of  musketry,  and 
accordinglj^  the  Federal  forces  were  de- 
ployed. Lieutenant  Greble,  with  his 
three  howitzers,  being  posted  in  the 
road  toward  the  front,  was  left  alone  to 
face    the   batteries,  while    the    rest  as- 


sumed  positions    toward    the    enemy's 
right  and  left,  with  the  view  of  flanking. 

Colonel  Duryea's  Zouaves  and  Colonel 
Townsend's  xllbany  regiment  crossed 
from  the  road  on  the  left  through  some 
cultivated  farm-ground  and  orchards,  to 
an  open  field  on  the  enemy's  right,  with 
their  skirmishers  in  advance,  and  the 
Germans,  the  Massachusetts  men,  and 
Vermonters  passed  into  a  forest  on  the 
right  of  the  road,  and  toward  the  left  of 
the  enemy. 

As  the  Zouaves  advanced,  the  enemy 
opened  their  batteries  upon  them.  Col- 
onel Duryea,  however,  urged  them  for- 
ward at  the  double-quick  step,  until, 
finding  the  fire  very  "destructive,"  he 
thought  it  prudent  to  seek  refuge  in  a 
neighboring  wood,  where  he  halted  to 
rest  his  men,  and  to  complete  his  prep- 
arations for  charging  the  batteries  in 
flank.  After  remaining  two  hours  and 
a  half  in  this  imperfect  cover,  where  they 
were  still  within  range  of  the  enemy's 
guns,  the  Zouaves  returned  to  the  open 
field  and  spiritedly  advanced  toward  the 
rebel  batteries,  with  the  intention  of 
making  an  attempt  to  carry  them  by 
storm.  They  had  not  proceeded  far,  how- 
ever, before  they  discovered  lying  across 
their  path  an  almost  impassable  swamp, 
with  a  small  stream  running  through  it. 
These  proved  to  be  insurmountable  ob- 
stacles. They  persevered,  however,  with 
great  spirit  till  the  order  came  from 
General  Pierce  to  retreat.  Colonel 
Duryea,  now  collecting  such  of  liis  killed 
and  wounded  as  he  could  find,  withdrew 
his  men  and  took  to  the  road  in  the  rear. 

The  Germans,  at  the  same  time,  were 


ORDER  TO   RETREAT. 


277 


acting  ou  the  right  in  conjunction  with 
the  Zouaves  on  the  left,  and,  like  them, 
had  made  several  spirited  attempts  at 
charging  the  batteries,  but  foiled  by  the 
same  obstacles  of  morass  and  creek  and 
heavy  lire,  were  also  forced  to  witlidraw. 

Lieutenant  Greble,  with  his  three 
pieces  of  artillery,  had,  in  the  moan 
time,  been  returning  the  fire  of  the  en- 
emy with  considerable  effect,  and  had 
steadily  advanced  until  he  reached  within 
two  hundred  yards  of  the  Confederate 
works. 

The  skirmishers,  headed  by  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Warren,  had  made  good 
progress.  "We  continued  to  advance," 
reported  Captain  Kilpatrick,  in  com- 
mand, "clearing  all  before  us,  till  we 
reached  a  point  just  ou  the  edge  of  the 
woods  where  the  fire  was  so  hot  and 
heavy  that  we  were  compelled  to  halt, 
and  there  we  remained  as  directed  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Warren,  till  that  gal- 
lant otHcer  had  made  disjDOsitions  to  turn 
their  flanks.  The  enemy's  fire  at  this 
time  began  to  tell  upon  us  with  great 
effect.  My  men  were  falling  one  after 
another,  as  was  the  case  of  the  rest  of 
the  command. 

"  Our  object  being  now  accomplished, 
to  remain  longer  in  this  exposed  posi- 
tion was  useless  ;  numbers  of  our  men 
being  killed  and  wounded,  having  re- 
ceived a  grape-shot  through  my  thigh, 
which  tore  off  a  portion  of  the  rectangle 
on  Colonel  Duiyca's  left  shoulder,  passed 
through  my  leg.  and  killed  a  soldier  in 
the  rear,  I  withdrew  my  men  to  the 
skirts  of  the  wood.  We  managed  to 
reach  Lieuteirant  Greble's  battery  and 


bring  to  his  aid  several  of  my  men. 
The  chai'ge  was  then  sounded,  and  Lieu- 
tenant G-reble  opened  fire  with  grape 
and  canister  within  two  hundred  yards 
of  the  enemy's  lines.  Captains  Win- 
slow,  Bartlett,  and  myself  charged  with 
our  commands  in  front ;  Captain  Denike 
and  Lieutenant  Duryea  (sou  of  Colonel 
Duryea),  and  about  two  hundred  of  the 
Tro}^  Rifles,  upon  the  right  ;  Colonel 
Townsend,  with  his  men,  to  the  left. 
The  enemy  w;ere  forced  out  of  the  first 
battery,  all  the  forces  were  rapidly  ad- 
vancing, and  everything  promised  a 
speedy  victory,  when  we  were  ordered 
to  fall  back.  Where  this  order  came 
from,  I  do  not  know.  We  maintained 
our  position  till  Colonel  Townsend  be- 
gan to  retire  with  his  whole  command. 
Being  left  thus  alone,  and  no  prospects 
of  receiving  aid,  we  ordered  the  men  to 
fall  back,  which  they  did,  and  in  good 
order,  forming  their  line  of  battle  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  the  rear. 
A  few  minutes  afterward,  orders  came 
from  General  Pierce  to  cease  firing  and 
retire." 

Greble,  after  two  hours  of  spirited 
work  with  his  artillery,  was  struck  by  a 
cannon-ball  in  the  head  and  killed  in- 
stantly. With  his  death,  the  fall  of  the 
larger  number  of  the  artillerists,  and  the 
exhaustion  of  ammunition,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  withdraw  the  guns,  which 
was  done  by  the  Massachusetts  men  and 
Vermonters,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Washburne.  The  body  of  the  young 
lieutenant  was  borne  off,  lying  upon  one 
of  those  cannon  which  he  had  so  gal- 
lantly served. 


278 


THE  WAli  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


The  New  York  regiment  sent  to  rein- 
force the  Federal  troops,  reached  the 
battle-lield  in  time  to  sliare  in  the  en- 
gagement. The  commander,  Colonel 
Allen,  in  his  official  report,  says  : 
"Upon  reporting  to  General  Pierce,  he 
directed  me  to  proceed  to  the  front  and 
deploy  my  regiment  in  front  of  the  bat- 
tery, wliich  I  did,  and  so  remained  for 
one  hour  and  forty  minutes  under  a 
heavy  fire  of  at  least  twenty  guns,  some 
of  them  rifled,  and  about  four  shell 
guns — the  enemy  deploying  in  my  front 
with  about  1,200  men  and  two  guns, 
but  made  no  advance.  They,  however, 
threw  out  two  heavy  flanking  parties  on 
my  right  and  left,  the  former  with  two 
guns,  and  completely  outflanked  the  en- 
tire brigade,  at  which  time  General 
Pierce  deemed  it  proper  to  retire." 

The  number  of  Federal  troops  on  the 
field  of  battle,  including  the  reinforce- 
ments, amounted  to  about  four  thou- 
sand. Of  these,  sixteen  were  killed, 
thirty-four  wounded,  and  five  missing, 
making  a  total  of  fift^^-three.  The  Fed- 
eral loss,  moreover,  was  increased  by 
llie  fatal  blunder,  which  resulted  in  kill- 
ing two  and  wounding  nineteen. 

The  enemy  reported  that  their  whole 
force  engaged  did  not  exceed  eleven  hun- 
dred men,  under  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral Magrudcr,  and  one  killed  and  two 
wounded,  as  the  total  of  their  loss. 
One  who  served  with  them  gave  this 
account  of  the  afl'air  : 

"On  Monday  morning,  six  hundred 
infantry  and  two  guns,  under  General 
Magruder,  left  the  camp  and  proceeded 
toward  Hampton,  but  after  advancing  a 


mile  or  two,  received  information  that 
the  Yankees  were  coming  in  large  force. 
We  then  retired,  and  after  reaching 
camp  the  guns  were  placed  in  battery 
and  the  infantry  took  their  places  be- 
hind their  breast- work.  Everybody  was 
cool,  and  all  were  anxious  to  give  the 
invaders  a  good  reception.  About  nine 
o'clock  the  glittering  bayonets  of  the 
enemy  appeared  on  the  hill  opposite, 
and  above  them  waved  the  star-span- 
gled banner.  The  moment  the  head  of 
the  column  advanced  far  enough  to  show 
one  or  two  companies,  the  Parrott  gun 
of  the  howitzer  battery  opened  on  them, 
throwing  a  shell  right  into  their  midst. 
Their  ranks  broke  in  confusion,  a.nd  the 
column,  or  as  much  of  it  as  we  could  see, 
retreated  behind  two  small  farm-houses. 
From  their  position  a  fire  was  opened 
on  us,  which  was  replied  to  by  our  bat- 
tery, which  commanded  the  route  of 
their  approach.  Our  firing  was  excel- 
lent, and  the  shells  scattered  in  aU  di- 
rections, when  they  burst.  They  could 
hardly  approach  the  guns  which  they 
were  firing,  for  the  shells  which  came 
from  our  battery.  Within  our  encamp- 
ment fell  a  perfect  hail-storm  of  canis- 
ter shot,  bullets,  and  balls.  Kemarkable 
to  say,  not  one  of  our  men  was  killed 
inside  of  our  encampment.  Several 
horses  were  slain  by  the  shells  and 
bullets.  Finding  that  bombardiuent 
would  not  answer,  the  enemy,  about 
eleven  o'clock,  tried  to  carry  the  posi- 
tion by  assault,  but  met  a  terrible  re- 
pulse at  the  hands  of  the  infantry  as  he 
tried  to  scale  the  breast-works.  The 
men  disregarded  sometimes  the  defences 


THE   DEFEAT  AT   BIG  BETHEL   JTTSTIFTEI). 


279 


erected  for  them,  and,  leaping  ou  the 
embankment,  stood  and  lired  at  the 
Yankees,  cutthag  them  down  as  they 
came  up.  One  company  of  the  New 
York  Seventh  Regiment,  under  Captain 
Winthrop,  attempted  to  take  the  re- 
doubt on  the  left.  The  marsh  they 
crossed  was  strewn  with  their  bodies. 
Their  captain,  a  fine-looking  man, 
reached  the  fence,  and,  leaping  on  a 
log,  waved  his  sword,  crying,  '  Come  on, 
boys!  one  charge,  and  the  day  is  ours!' 
The  words  were  his  last,  for  a  Carolina 
rifle  ended  his  life  the  next  moment, 
and  his  men  fled  in  terror  back.  At 
the  redoubt  on  the  right,  a  company  of 
about  three  hundred  New  York  Zou- 
aves charged  one  of  our  guns,  but  could 
not  stand  the  fire  of  the  infantry,  and 
retreated  precipitately.  During  these 
charges  the  main  bodjr  of  the  enemy  on 
the  hill  were  attempting  to  concentrate 
for  a  general  assault,  but  the  shells  from 
the  howitzer  battery  prevented  them. 
As  one  regiment  would  give  np  the 
effort,  another  would  be  marched  to  the 
position,  but  with  no  better  success,'  for 
a  shell  would  scatter  them  like  chaff. 
The  men  did  not  seem  able  to  stand  fire 
at  all.  About  one  o'clock  their  guns 
were  silenced,  and  a  few  moments  after, 
their  infantry  retreated  precipitately 
down  the  road  to  Hampton.  Our  cav- 
alry, numbering  three  companies,  went 
in  pursuit,  and  harassed  them  down  to 
the  edge  of  Hampton.  As  they  re- 
treated, many  of  the  wounded  fell 
along  the  road  and  died,  and  the  whole 
road  to  Hampton  was  strewn  with  hav- 
ei'sacks,    overcoats,    canteens,   muskets, 


etc.,  which  the  men  had  thrown  off  in 
their  retreat." 

The  Federal  officers  engaged  in  the 
unfortunate  afliiirs  of  Little  and  Big 
Bethel  strove  to  justify  their  conduct 
of  the  expedition,  or  to  shift  upon  one 
another  the  responsibility  of  its  failure. 
The  commander-in-chief.  General  But- 
ler, consoled  himself  with  the  thought, 
"in  tl]j2  unfortunate  combination  of  cir- 
cumstances, and  the  result  which  we 
have  experienced,  we  have  gained  more 
than  we  have  lost.  Our  troops  have 
learned  to  have  confidence  in  themselves 
under  fire,  the  enemy  have  shown  that 
they  will  not  meet  us  in  the  open  field, 
and  our  officers  have  learned  wherein 
their  organization  and  drill  are  defi- 
cient." 

The  mihtia  Brigadier-General  Pierce, 
who  commanded  the  expedition,  was  so 
overwhelmed  with  censure,  that  he  was 
forced  to  seek  refuge  within  the  col- 
umns of  the  newspaper,  and  persisting 
in  the  assertion  of  the  exceUence  of 
his  military  conduct,  promised  a  future 
justification  of  his  skill  as  a  com- 
mander :  * 

"  Camp  Hamilton,  tTune  12,  1861. 
"  To  THE  Editoes  of  the  Boston  JouitisrAL : 

"Please  correct  the  erroneous  reports 
set  afloat  by  my  enemies.  There  were 
but  seven  killed  of  the  forces  that  went 
from  this  camp,  in  the  expedition  to 
Little  and  Big  Bethel,  on  the  10th  of 
this  month,  and  Colonel  Townsend,  of 
the  Third  Regiment  New  York  Volun- 
teers, who  was  formex'ly  adjutant-gen- 

•*  His  justification  was  eubsetiuently  published.     It  cast 
tlie  blame  upou  his  superior  in  comiuuad. 


2S0 


THE  ^Y^Ii  "VN'ITH  THE  SOUTH. 


eral  of  the  State  of  New  York,  offers  to 
certify  that  I  gave  my  orders  properly, 
and  that,  under  the  circumstances,  the 
battle  could  uot  have  been  managed 
better. 

•'  This  I  write  that  the  pubUc  may  not 
judge  me  before  I  have  time  to  be  heard. 

"Captain  Haggert}'  and  Major  Win- 
throp,  of  General  Butler's  staff,  were 
with  me,  and  advising  me  to  do  as  I  did. 
General  Butler  has  not  intimated  to  me, 
us  yet,  that  he  blames  me  at  all.  In 
haste,  yom-s,  E.  W.  Pierce." 

He  subsequently  confessed  his  incom- 
petency as  an  ofl&cer  by  modestly  re- 
tiring from  the  brigadier-generalship, 
and  proved  his  patriotism  by  serving  as 
a  private  in  the  ranks. 

The  soldiers  unquestionably  behaved 
with  even  more  gallantry  and  firmness 
than  might  have  been  expected  from 
raw  troops,  indiscreetly  exposed  to  the 
batteries  of  a  concealed  and  numerous 
enemy,  and  unskilfully  managed  by  in- 
competent leaders.  There  were  many 
instances  of  individual  courage,  which 
proved  the  spirit  of  the  men  and  their 
capability,  under  proper  command,  of 
effectively  serving  the  cause  which  they 
had  so  eagerly  adopted. 

During  the  retreat.  Captain  Wilson, 
of  Colonel  Carr's  regiment  of  Troy 
(N.  Y.),  finding  that  a  six-pounder  had 
been  left  on  the  field,  about  fifty  rods 
from  the  battery,  shouted  to  his  men  : 
"  Boys !  there's  a  cannon  ;  we  must  not 
leave  it  behind  ;  we  must  take  it  with 
us."  The  whole  company  to  a  man 
cried  out,  "  We'll  take  it  ;"  and  they 
were  immediately  marched  back  to  ob- 


tain the  piece.  The}^  had  hardly  reached 
it,  when  the  enemy  opened  fire  upon 
them,  killing  one  of  the  brave  fellows 
and  wounding  two  others.  The  drag- 
ropes  were  detached,  but  the  men  tied 
them  to  the  gun,  in  the  midst  of  a 
shower  of  shot,  and  with  a  cheer  ran 
it  into  the  woods  bordering  the  road. 
Captain  Wilson,  then,  followed  by  five 
men,  returned  once  more  to  the  ex- 
posed spot  to  which  the  enemy's  fire 
was  hotly  aimed,  and  securing  the  cais- 
son, and  also  the  body  of  poor  Greble, 
who  had  fallen  dead  at  his  post,  re- 
tired again  to  the  cover  of  the  woods, 
whence  he  retreated  in  safety  with  his 
hard-earned  trophies.  A  score  of  men 
only,  under  the  command  of  Lieuten- 
ant White,  after  fii'ing  their  last  charges 
from  their  howitzer,  were  left  far  in  the 
rear,  and  being  the  last  to  leave  the 
field,  kept  at  bay  a  squadron  of  the 
enemy's  cavalry  and  some  infantrj^  dui-- 
ing  their  retreat  to  the  main  body. 

The  young  Major  Winthrop  fell  whUe 
gallantly  urging  on  the  troops,  by  his 
example  and  stirring  words,  to  the  at- 
tack. A  fellow-officer  who  was  with  him 
during  the  engagement  has  testified  to 
his  spirit.  "I  made  a  reconnoissance," 
he  said,  "  with  Major  Winthrop  about 
twelve  o'clock  in  the  day,  and  can  testify 
*to  his  bravery  and  daring.  He  was  very 
much  exhausted,  having  wanted  for 
sleep,  food,  and  water,  and  the  day  had 
turned  out  very  hot.  We  stuck  our 
heads  out  of  some  underbrush,  and  in- 
stantly there  was  a  perfect  shower  of 
balls  rained  upon  us,  which  compelled 
us   to    withdi'aw   a   few   paces.     Major 


DEATH   OF   3IAJ0R   WINTHROP. 


281 


Winthrop  laid  himself  behind  a  tree, 
saying  if  he  conld  only  sleep  for  five 
minutes  he  would  be  all  right.  He  re- 
marked as  he  did  this,  that  he  was  going 
to  see  the  inside  of  that  iutrenchment 
before  he  went  back  to  the  fortress — liis 
manner  being  that  of  cool,  ordinary  con- 
versation. He  continued  self-possessed 
and  cool  throughout  the  whole  engage- 
ment, up  to  the  time  when  he  received 
his  death-wound,  which  happened  by  the 
side  of  Lieutenant  Herringen,  Company 
E,  who  remained  with  him  and  cared  for 
him  until  life  had  fled.  He  was  shot  in 
the  side." 

The  enemy  found  him  to  be  the  most 
conspicuous  aim  for  their  fatal  shots. 
Their  riflemen  from  their  covers  in  the 
pits  before  the  batteries  had  several 
times  deliberately  fired  at  him,  as  they 
declared  he  was  constantly  "  conspicu- 
ous at  the  head  of  the  advancing  Federal 
troops,  loudljr  cheering  them  on  to  the 
assault." 

.  Theodore  "Winthrop  was  born  in  New 
Haven,  Connecticut,  in  1834,  and  was  a 
descendant  of  the  famous  colonial  gov- 
ernor of  his  name.  He  was  possessed 
of  a  warm  temperament,  which  gave  the 
impulse  to  effort,  but  at  the  same  time 
of  a  vagrant  fancy,  which  hindered  con- 
centration and  led  to  uncertainty  of  pur- 
pose. Educated  at  Yale  College,  and 
endowed  with  a  natural  taste  for  litera- 
ture, he  at  one  time  aspired  to  be  an 
author.  Again  his  impulsive  character, 
untutored  by  the  discipline  of  routine, 
sought  vent  for  its  irregular  forces  in 
the  adventure  of  exploration  and  travel. 
He    crossed    the    Rocky   Mountains   to 

36 


California,  and  again  on  his  return  he 
started  with  Lieutenant  Strain  on  his 
bold  expedition  across  the  mountains, 
the  jungles,  and  unnavigable  rivers  of 
tlie  Isthmus  of  Darien.  His  physical 
strength,  however,  proved  unequal  to 
the  trials  of  that  adventurous  explora- 
tion, and  he  returned  to  New  York,  his 
nominal  home,  to  venture  upon  a  new 
field  of  labor.  He  studied  and  began 
the  practice  of  law.  His  errant  fancies, 
however,  were  not  favorable  to  the 
steady  pursuit  of  the  law,  and  he  met 
with  but  little  success.  One  of  the 
fondest  of  his  friends  who  knew  him 
well,  has  said  that  "partly  from  ill- 
health,  partly  from  temperament,  a 
dreary  sadness  overhung  his  life  and 
dispirited  his  eflbrts.  Glad  of  his 
friends'  success,  and  conscious  of  the 
kindred  impulse,  he  still  wistfully  de- 
layed. Of  great  industry  and  restless 
endeavor,  he  saw  success  slide  by,  and 
seemed  to  be  waiting  in  melancholy 
patience  the  rising  of  a  happier  star. 
It  has  risen  at  last,  and  shines  upon  his 
grave." 

On  the  fall  of  Sumter,  he  saw  in  the 
war  which  must  ensue  a  new  scope  for 
his  adventurous  spirit  and  unemployed 
energies. 

"  On  the  Sunday  afternoon  after  the 
fall  of  Sumter  he  was  walking  with  a 
friend  in  the  woods  upon  Staten  Island, 
near  his  home.  No  man  could  have  a 
clearer  conception  of  the  significance  of 
that  event.  An  American  in  the  no- 
blest sense,  he  felt  that  the  time  had 
come  in  which  our  liberties  could  be 
maintained  only  in  the  same  way  that 


2S2 


THE  WAR  Wrni  THE  SOUTH. 


they  were  won.  '  To-morrow,'  said  his 
friend,  '  we  shall  have  a  proclamation 
from  the  President.'  '  Then  to-mor- 
row,' he  answered,  '  I  shall  enlist.'  He 
did  so.  If  ho  had  hesitated  before, 
there  could  be  no  hesitation  now. 
^Mother,  sisters,  brother,  farewell !  It 
is  God  who  calls  in  the  voice  of  my 
comatry."'* 

He  joined,  together  with  his  brother, 
the  Seventh  Regiment,  which  was  the 
first  to  leave  New  York  to  go  to  the 
defence  of  the  capital.  After  his  regi- 
ment was  mustered  out  of  the  Federal 
service,  young  "Winthrop  was  appointed 
aid-de-camp  and  military  secretar}'  to 
General  Butler,  whom  he  accompanied 
to  Fortress  Monroe.  He  was  now  fairly 
embarked  for  the  war.  With  his  natu- 
ral hopefulness  of  temper,  he  was  ex- 
ceedingly sanguine  of  the  success  of  the 
Federal  arms. 

' '  A  few  burned  villages,  a  dozen 
guerrillas  hung,  one  scouring  sku'mish 
or  battle  will  pacify,"  he  wrote,  "a 
whole  State.  Under  the  discipline  and 
esprit  du  corps  of  a  regiment  or  an  army 
the  South  may  fight ;  but  they  will  not 
have  moral  conviction  enough  to  risk 

e  Harper's  Weekly. 


their  separate  lives  except  in  assassina- 
tions, and  those  a  few  sharp  examples 
will  terminate.  We  heard  their  threats 
at  Annapolis.  We  heard  also  the  pitiful 
plaints  of  the  timid  who  believed  the 
threats.  JVb  ;  if  ive  are  patient  and  well 
led,  we  shall  do  our  work  without  much 
massacre." 

The  equivocal  honor  of  the  plan  of 
the  expedition  to  Little  Bethel  has  been 
claimed  for  him,  and  a  memorandum 
with  its  main  details  was  found  among 
his  papers  after  his  death,  and  published. 
The  fact  that  to  so  inexperienced  a 
soldier  recourse  was  had  for  the  plan  of 
the  expedition,  is  a  confession  of  incom- 
petency on  the  part  of  his  elders  and 
sujjeriors  which  betokened  ill  for  its 
success. 

Young  Winthrop  during  his  campaign 
wrote  frequently  for  a  Boston  magazine, 
and  his  spirited  account  of  the  march 
of  the  Seventh  Regiment,  and  its  first 
experiences  in  actual  warfare,  was  re- 
ceived with  great  popular  favor.  Since 
his  death,  several  of  his  stories  and  two 
novels  written  by  him  hnve  been  pub- 
hshed,  awakening  an  interest  naturally 
heightened  by  the  heroic  death  of  their 
patriotic  author. 


GENERAL  McCLELLAN. 


283 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

The  Call  of  the  Country  for  the  services  of  its  Citizens. — The  Sword  laid  aside  for  the  pureuits  of  Peace. — States  com- 
peting for  a  military  leader. — George  B.  McCIellan. — Proud  position. — Hopes  for  the  future. — A  Bonaparte  or  a 
Washiugton  ? — Life  of  George  B.  McCIellan.— Inlieritance  of  paternal  qualities. — Family  Descent. — Militaiy  Edu- 
cation.— At  West  Point. — First  of  his  class. — Enters  the  Army. — Organizes  the  Sappei-s  and  Miners. — His  success. 
— Services  and  rewards  in  the  Mexican  Campaign. — Laborious  work  at  Vera  Cniz. — A  dangerous  P»econnoissance 
at  Contreras.— In  the  fight. — Services  at  Churubusco. — Well-earned  praise. — Brevetted  Captain. — At  Molino  del  Key. 
.  — At  Chapultepec. — One  of  the  "five  Lieutenants  of  Engineers  who  won  the  admiration  of  all." — In  the  same 
list. with  Beauregard. — McCIellan  accepts  the  command  of  the  Sappers  and  Miners. — Two  years  at  West  Point. — 
Scientific  Pursuits  and  Writings. — Superintendent  of  construction  of  Fort  Delaware. — Married. — Chief  Engineer  in 
Texas. — Surveyor  of  North  Pacific  Eailroad. — Services  acknowledged  by  Jefierson  Davis. — Secret  Service  in  the 
West  Indies. — Sent  to  the  Crimea.— -Report  on  European  Armies. — The  character  of  the  work. — Description  of  the 
Storming  of  the  Malakoff. — Practical  views  in  regard  to  Coast  Defences. — McCIellan  resigns  his  Army  command. 
— Vice-President  and  Chief  Engineer  of  the  Illinois  Central  Eailroad.  —  President  and  General  Superintendent 
of  the  Oliio  iuid  Mississippi  Eailroad. — Summoned  by  the  country  to  resume  his  Sword. — Services  competed  for  by 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio. — Accepts  a  Major-Generalship  from  Ohio. — Commissioned  by  the  United  States  a  Major- 
General. — Command  of  the  Department  of  Ohio. — Personal  appearance  and  character  of  McCIellan. — Campaign  in 
Western  Virginia. — Movements  of  the  Enemy. — Movements  of  General  Patterson  from  Pennsylvania  and  McCIellan 
from  Ohio. — Proclamation  of  McCIellan. — Crossing  the  Ohio  into  Western  Virginia. 


1S61. 


"When  our  domestic  quarrel  had  be- 
come SO  exasperated  that  civil  war 
was  inevitable,  and  the  country 
called  for  the  services  of  all  who  were 
able  to  take  up  arms  in  its  defence, 
there  was  one  who,  though  he  liad  laid 
aside  the  sword  for  the  pursuits  of  peace, 
had  given  such  proofs  of  military  ca- 
pacity, that  States  competed  for  him  as 
tlic  leader  of  their  armies.  This  was 
George  B.  McCIellan,  afterward  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  United  States 
forces,  who  held  for  some  time  the 
proudest  position  in  the  country,  and 
seemed  destined,  should  the  capricious 
fortunes  of  war  favor  liim,  to  acquire  a 
military  fame  rivaling  that  of  a  Ctesar  or 
a  Bonaparte.  Such  was  his  popularity 
after  taking  command  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  that  high  hopes  of  his 
ability  to  end  the  rebellion  were  antici- 


pated, and  that  with  a  moderation  of 
power  and  a  disinterestedness  of  patriot- 
ism he  might  rise  far  beyond  the  imperial 
grandeur  of  the  Roman  and  French 
emperors,  and  appear  in  moral  greatness 
as  the  saviour  of  the  republic  next  to 
Washington  its  revered  founder. 

George  B.  McCIellan  was  born  in 
Philadelphia,  on  the  third  of  January, 
eighteen  hundred  and  twenty-sis.  His 
father  was  a  surgeon  of  that  city,  famous 
in  his  profession  for  skill,  intrepidity, 
promptitude,  and  dexteritj^ — qualities 
which  his  son  was  believed  to  have  in- 
herited, though  exercised  in  a  different 
sphere  of  duty.  The  family,  as  its  name 
indicates,  was  of  Scotch  descent,  and 
originally  settled  in  New  England,  whei'e 
some  of  its  members  are  still  to  be  found. 

In  1842,  young  McCIellan,  at  the  age 
of  sixteen,  entered  the  Military  Acad- 


2S4 


THE  W.\R   WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


emy  of  West  Point.  After  the  usual 
course  of  four  years  of  study  he  grad- 
uated in  184G,  being  twenty  years  old, 
at  the  head  of  his  class.  He  entered 
the  army  as  brevet  second  lieutenant  of 
engineers,  an  honored  corps  into  which 
the  most  distinguished  students  of  West 
Point  are  only  admitted.  On  the  dec- 
laration of  war  against  Mexico,  Congress 
passed  an  act  establishing  a  company  of 
sappers,  miners,  and  pontoon  construc- 
tors to  be  added  to  the  corps  of  engi- 
neers, and  young  McClellan  was  ap- 
pointed its  second  lieutenant.  Upon 
him  and  two  other  officers  devolved  the 
duty  of  organizing  and  drilling  this  new 
branch  of  service.  The  recruits  were 
accordingly  mustered  at  West  Point, 
where  they  were  practised  in  sapping, 
mining,  constructing  bridges,  and  pre- 
paring the  materials  for  sieges.  At 
the  same  time  they  were  thoroughly 
drilled  and  disciplined  as  infantry  sol- 
diers. Colonel  Totten,  the  chief  of 
this  department,  declared  in  his  report, 
that  when  this  new  company,  composed 
of  seventy-one  men,  left  West  Point  for 
the  war,  they  were  in  "  admirable 
discipUne,"  and  warmly  applauded  the 
skill  and  energy  displayed  by  McClel- 
lan and  his  associates  in  their  work  of* 
organization  and  drill.  Proceedins;  first 
to  Camargo,  in  Mexico,  and  reporting 
for  duty  to  General  Taylor,  the  com- 
pany was  ordered  to  return  to  Mata- 
moras,  and  act  with  the  column  about 
marchins;  under  the  command  of  General 
Patterson. 

At  Matamoras  the  captain  and  nine- 
teen men  of  the  corps  were  mvalided 


and  left  in  the  hospital.  Lieutenant 
McClellan  and  his  comrade.  Lieutenant 
Gustavus  W.  Smith — afterward  a  gen- 
eral in  the  Confederate  arm}- — proceeded 
in  command  of  the  remainder  of  the 
company  to  Vera  Cruz.  "During  the 
march  from  Matamoras  to  Vittoria," 
reported  Colonel  Totten,  "  the  company, 
then  reduced  to  forty-five  effectives,  ex- 
ecuted a  great  amount  of  work  on  the 
roads,  fords,  etc.,  as  it  did  in  proceeding 
thence  to  Tampico,  where  it  formed, 
with  one  company  of  the  Third  and  one 
of  the  Seventh  Infantry,  a  pioneer  party, 
under  Captain  Henry  of  the  Thu'd  Infan- 
try. The  detailed  reports  of  these  labors 
exhibit  the  greatest  efficiency  and  excel- 
lent discipline  under  severe  and  trying 
circumstances,  Lieutenant  Smith  having 
then  but  one  officer,  Lieutenant  McClel- 
lan, uiider  his  command." 

On  arriving  at  Vera  Cruz,  the  captain, 
invalided  at  Matamoras,  resumed  the 
command  of  the  company,  to  which  was 
attached  also  another  subordinate  officer. 
To  the  conduct  of  the  sappers  and  min- 
ers at  the  siege  of  Vera  Cruz,  Colonel 
Totten  paid  this  tribule  :  "During  the 
siege  of  Vera  Cruz,"  he  said,  "  I  was 
witness  to  the  great  exertions  and  ser- 
vices of  this  company,  animated  by  and 
emulating  the  zeal  and  devotion  of  its 
excellent  officers.  Lieutenants  Smith, 
McClellan,  and  Foster."  During  the 
whole  work  of  the  siege,  the  labors  of 
the  company  were  incessant.  "  The 
total  of  the  company  was  so  small,"  said 
Totten,  "  and  demands  for  its  aid  so  inces- 
sant, that  every  man  may  be  said  to  have 
been  constantly  on  duty,  with  scarcely  a 


m  MEXICO. 


285 


moment  for  rest  aud  refreshment."  Tlic 
cajDtam  was  unable,  from  continued  ill- 
ness, to  take  any  very  effective  part  in 
the  onerous  duties  of  the  command,  and 
soon  after  died,  leaving  the  weight  of 
labor  and  responsibility  to  rest  upon  his 
j-outhful  subordinates,  who  proved  them- 
selves equal  to  the  task,  and  earned 
another  tribute  from  their  superior.  Col- 
onel Totten,  who  declared  that  they 
"  directed  the  operations  with  unsur- 
passed intelHgence  and  zeal." 

The  same  officer,  in  his  reports  of  tlie 
services  of  the  company,  whether  on  the 
march,  in  the  field,  or  in  the  trenches, 
had  occasion  but  to  repeat  his  praises 
both  of  men  and  officers.     He  said  : 

"  Severe  labors  followed  the  surrender 
of  Vera  Cruz  aud  its  castle,  and  accom- 
2>anied  the  march  to  the  battle  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  in  which  the  company  displayed, 
in  various  parts  of  the  field,  its  gallantry 
and  efficiency.  It  entered  the  city  of 
Jalapa  with  the  advance  of  Twiggs' 
division,  and  Puebla  with  the  advance 
of  Worth's.  During  the  pause  at  the 
latter  place,  the  instruction  of  the  com- 
pany in  its  appropriate  s|;udies  and  ex- 
ercises was  resumed  by  its  persevering 
and  zealous  officers,  and  assistance  was 
given  by  all  in  the  repairs  of  the  de- 
fences. Marching  from  Puebla  with 
General  Twiggs'  division,  the  company 
was  joined  to  General  Worth  at  Chalon, 
and  arrived  in  front  of  San  Antonio  on 
the  18th  of  August,  having  greatly 
assisted  in  clearing  the  road  of  obstruc- 
tions placed  by  the  enemy." 

On  the  next  day,  the  19th  of  August, 
the  company  was  placed  at  the  head  of 


the  column  commanded  by  General 
Pillow.  Before  the  battle  at  Contreras 
opened.  Lieutenant  McClellan  was  or- 
dered, together  with  another  officer  of 
engineers,  to  reconnoitre  the  position  of 
the  enemy.  They,  however,  fell  in  with 
the  advance  guards  of  the  Mexicans,  and 
being  fired  upon,  and  losing  their  horses, 
which"  were  killed,  barely  escaped  in 
safety  back  to  the  lines.  During  the 
engagement  which  ensued.  Lieutenant 
McClellan  joined  Magruder's  battery. 
General  Twiggs  bore  testimony  to  his 
good  service  on  that  day  : 

"Lieutenant  George  B.  McClellan, 
after  Lieutenant  Calender  was  wounded, 
took  charge  of  and  managed  the  how- 
itzer battery  (Lieutenant  Reno  being 
detached  with  the  rockets)  with  judg- 
ment and  success,  until  it  became  so  dis- 
abled as  to  require  shelter.  For  Lieu- 
tenant McClellan's  efficiency  and  gallan- 
tr}-  in  this  affiiir,  I  present  his  name  for 
the  favorable  consideration  of  the  Gen- 
eral in-chief" 

On  the  next  day,  when  the  battle  of 
Chm'ubusco  was  fought  and  the  victoi'y 
won,  McClellan  again  obtained  the  "hon- 
orable mention"  of  his  commander,  and  a 
brevet  rank.  General  Persifer  F.  Smith, 
with  whose  division  the  young  Lieuten- 
ant served,  declared  in  his  report : 

"  Lieutenant  G.  W.  Smith,  in  com- 
mand of  the  engineer  company,  and 
Lieutenant  McClellan,  his  subaltern,  dis- 
tinguished themselves  throughout  the 
whole  of  the  three  actions.  Nothing 
seemed  to  them  too  bold  to  be  under- 
taken, or  too  difficult  to  be  executed, 
and  their  services  as  engineers  were  as 


286 


THE  WAR  WITH  TILE  SOUTH. 


valuable  as  those  they  rendered  in  battle 
at  the  head  of  their  gallant  men." 

In  the  battle  of  M'olino  del  Rey,  too, 
which  succeeded,  McClellan  was  again 
conspicuous  among  the  most  active  and 
brave.  He  was  brevetted  captain  in 
acknowledgment  of  his  services.  He, 
however,  declined  the  promotion,  and 
was  still  only  a  lieutenant  dui-ing  the 
attack  on  Chapultepec.  His  services  on 
this  occasion,  in  erecting  batteries  before 
the  engagement,  and  his  gallantry  in 
fighting  during  the  battle,  brought  him 
once  more  within  the  notice  of  his  supe- 
riors. General  Scott  named  him  in  his 
dispatch  as  one  of  "those  five  lieuten- 
ants of  engineers"  who  "won  the  ad- 
miration of  all."  The  name  Of  his 
famous  competitor,  Beauregard,  was  on 
the  same  honored  list. 

McClellan  was  tluis  with  the  army  of 
General  Scott  during  tlie  whole  of  its 
victorious  progress  from  Vera  Cruz  to 
the  capital,  and  at  every  step  the  young 
Lieutenant  won  an  increase  of  honor  for 
his  good  conduct.  He  was  brevetted 
captain  for  his  service  in  Mexico,  and 
returned  in  1848  to  West  Point  with 
his  company  of  sappers  and  miners,  of 
which  he  soon  after  became  com- 
mander. 

Here  McClellan  remained  for  more 
than  two  years,  in  comparative  inac- 
tivity, but  improved  the  time  by  study 
and  devotion  to  the  welfare  of  the 
service.  He  translated  from  the  French, 
with  which  he  is  said  to  be  thoroughly 
acquainted,  a  military  work,  which  has 
been  adopted  as  a  text-book,  and  modi- 
fying in  accordance  with  the  latest  sys- 


tem  of  tactics,    the   bayonet  'exercise, 
introduced  it  into  the  arm3^ 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of 
1851,  McClellan  was  charged  with  the 
superintendence  of  the  construction  of 
Tort  Delaware,  and  in  the  spring  of  the 
same  year  was  ordered  to  duty  in  the 
exploration  of  the  Red  River,  under 
Major  R.  B.  Marcy,  whose  daughter  he 
married.  While  engaged  in  this  work  he 
was  ordered  to  Texas,  as  chief  engineer, 
under  the  command  of  General  Persifer 
Smith  of  that  department,  and  had  been 
occupied  for  several  months  in  surveying 
tlie  rivers  and  harbors  of  the  State, 
when  he  was  transferred  to  the  Pacific 
coast,  to  command  the  Avestern  division 
of  the  survey  of  the  route  for  the  North 
Pacific  Railroad,  to  pass  from  the  Mis- 
sissippi to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

Jefferson  Davis,  afterward  President 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  then 
secretary  of  war  of  the  United  States, 
in  his  report  to  Congress  thus  acknowl- 
edged tlie  services  of  McCleUan  as  an 
explorer  : 

"  The  examination  of  the  approaches 
and  passes  of  the  Cascade  Mountains, 
made  by  Captain  McClellan,  of  the  corps 
of  engineers,  presents  a  reconnoissance 
of  great  value,  and,  though  performed 
under  adverse  circumstances,  exhibits 
all  the  information  necessaiy  to  deter- 
mine the  practicability  of  this  portion 
of  the  route,  and  reflects  the  highest 
credit  on  the  capacity  and  resources  of 
that  officer." 

Again  he  added  :  "  Captain  McClel- 
lan, of  the  corps  of  engineers,  after 
the   completion  of  his  field  operations, 


AT  THE  CRIMEA. 


287 


was  directed  to  visit  vaiious  railroads, 
and  to  collect  information  and  facts 
established  in  the  construction  and  work- 
ing of  existing  roads,  to  serve  as  data 
in  determining  the  practicabilit}^  of  con- 
structing and  working  roads  over  the 
several  routes  explored.  The  results  of 
his  inquiries  will  be  found  in  a  very 
valuable  memoir  herewith  submitted." 

This  pubUc  duty  was  followed  by  the 
performance  of  some  secret  ser\dce  for 
the  Government  in  the  West  Indies. 

In  1855,  McClellan  received  a  com- 
mission of-  captain  in  the  United  States 
cavalry,  and  was  appointed  by  the  Grov- 
ernment,  tosrether  with  Colonel  Richard 
Delafield  and  Major  Alfred  Mordecai,  to 
proceed  to  the  Crimea  and  report  upon 
the  war  then  waging  between  Russia 
and  the  allied  powers  of  France  and 
England.  The  result  of  his  observations 
was  embodied  in  a  work  entitled,  "  Re- 
port on  the  Organization  of  European 
Armies  and  the  Operations  of  the  War." 
It  is  acknowledged  to  be  a  production 
showing  a  thorough  mastery  of  the  mil- 
itary art.  Its  demonstrations  evince  an 
exact  knowledge  of  science  and  a  broad 
view  in  the  application  of  its  principles. 
The  author,  in  the  freedom  of  his  criti- 
cism, does  not  hesitate  to  disregard  the 
pretensions  of  rank  and  authority,  and 
submit  the  strategy  and  tactics  of  the 
most  distinguished  European  officers  to 
the  test  of  his  own  judgment.  This  self- 
reliance,  though  it  might  be  thought  by 
some  jjresumptuous  in  so  j'oung  a  man, 
came  from  a  consciousness  of  power, 
derived  not  only  from  original  genius  but 
careful  culture,  Avhich  gave  promise  that 


j\IcClellan  would  be  the  great  leader  the 
country  required. 

Of  the  clear  and  precise  style  of 
McClellan  as  a  writer,  the  following  de- 
scription of  the  storming  of  the  Mala- 
kofF  presents  a  good  illustration  : 

' '  In  their  admirable  arrangements  for 
the  attack  of  the  Malakoff,  the  French 
counted  on  two  things  for  success  :  first, 
they  had  ascertained  that  the  Russians 
were  in  the  habit  of  relieving  the  guard 
of  the  MalakofF  at  noon,  and  that  a 
great  part  of  the  old  guard  marched  out 
before  the  new  one  arrived,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  loss  which  would  arise  from 
crowding  the  work  with  men  ;  in  the 
second  place,  it  was  determined  to  keep 
up  a  most  violent  vertical  fire  until  the 
very  moment  of  the  assault,  thus  driving 
the  Russians  into  the  bomb-proofs,  and 
enabling  the  storming  party  to  enter  the 
work  with  but  little  opposition. 

' '  The  hour  of  noon  was  therefore 
selected  for  the  assault,  and  the  strong 
columns  intended  for  the  work  were  at 
an  early  hour  assembled  in  the  advanced 
trenches,  all  in  admirable  order,  and 
furnished  with  precise  instructions. 

' '  The  mortars  maintained  an  unre- 
mitting fire  until  the  moment  appointed. 
The  very  instant  the  last  volley  was  dis- 
charged, the  storming  party  of  Zouaves 
rushed  over  the  thirty  paces  before  them, 
and  were  in  the  work  before  the  aston- 
ished Russians  knew  -R-hat  had  happened. 
It  was  stated  that  this  party  lost  but 
eleven  in  entering  the  work.  Other 
troops  advanced  rapidly  to  support  the 
storming  party,  a  bridge  was  formed  by 
rolling    up    five    ladders    with    planks 


288 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


lashed  to  them,  a  commuuication  was  at 
once  commenced  between  the  advanced 
trench  and  the  bridge,  brigade  after 
brigade  passed  over,  the  redoubt  was  at 
once  occupied  by  the  storming  partj^, 
and  thus  the  MalakofF,  and  with  it  Se- 
bastopol,  was  won.  The  few  Russians 
remaining  in  the  work  made  a  desperate 
resistance.  Many  gallant  attempts  were 
made  by  Russian  columns  to  ascend  the 
steep  slope  in  rear  and  regain  the  lost 
work ;  but  as  the  road  was  narrow, 
difficult,  and  obstructed,  the  position 
strong,  and  the  French  in  force,  all  their 
furious  efforts  were  in  vain,  and  the 
Malakoff  remained  in  possession  of  those 
who  had  so  gallantly  and  skilfully  won 
it.  With  regard  to  the  final  retreat  to 
the  north  side,  it  can  only  be  said  that 
a  personal  examination  of  the  locality 
merely  confirms  its  necessity,  and  the 
impression  so  generally  entertained  that 
it  was  the  finest  operation  of  the  war  ; 
so  admirably  was  it  carried  out  that  not 
a  strao;2;ler  remained  behind  :  a  fSWmen, 
so  severely  wounded  as  to  be  unfit  for 
rough  and  hurried  transportation,  were 
'the  only  ghastly  human  trophies  that 
remained  to  the  allies.  The  retreat, 
being  a  more  difficult  operation  than  the 
assault,  is  worthjr  of  more  admiration, 
but  the  Russian  retreat  to  the  north 
side,  and  the  French  assault  upon  the 
Malakoff  must  each  be  regarded  as  a 
masterpiece  of  its  kind,  deserving  the 
closest  study.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine 
what  point  in  either  can  be  criticised, 
for  both  evinced  consummate  skill,  dis- 
cipline, coolness,  and  courage." 

The  practical  tendency  of  his  mind 


and  the  character  of  his  studies  may  be 
seen  in  the  conclusions  with  which  he 
has  closed  his  report.  From  these  it 
might  be  inferred  that  his  efforts  wouLl 
early  be  directed  to  obtaining  a  disci- 
plined army. 

"  It  is  believed  that  a  calm  considera- 
tion of  the  events  so  hastily  and  imper- 
fectly narrated  in  the  preceding  pages 
must  lead  all  unprejudiced  persons 
among  our  countrymen  to  a  firm  con- 
viction on  two  vital  points  : 

"1st.  That  our  system  of  permanent 
coast  defences  is  a  wise  and  proper  one, 
which  ought  to  be  completed  and  armed 
with  the  least  possible  delay. 

"  2d.  That  mere  indiv-idual  courage 
cannot  suffice  to  overcome  the  forces 
that  would  be  brought  against  us  were 
we  involved  in  a  European  war,  but 
that  it  must  be  rendered  manage- 
able  by  discipline,  and  directed  by  that 
consummate  and  mechanical  miUtary 
skill  which  can  only  be  acquired  by  a 
course  of  education  instituted  for  that 
special  purpose,  and  by  long  habit.^ 

"In  the  day  of  sailing  vessels  the 
successful  siege  of  Sebastopol  would 
have  been  impossible.  It  is  evident 
that  the  Russians  did  not  appreciate  the 
advantages  afforded  by  steamers,  and 
were  unprepared  to  sustain  a  siege. 

"This  same  power  of  steam  would 
enable  European  nations  to  disembark 
e%'en  a  larger  force  than  that  which 
finally  encamped  around  Sebastopol. 
To  resist  such  an  attack,  should  it  ever 
be  made,  our  cities  and  harbors  must  be 
fortified,  and  these  fortifications  must  be 
provided   with   guns,    ammunition,    and 


STANDARD     ILLUSTRATED     BOOKS. 


BENSON  J.  LOSSIiNG'S  "LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON." 

"BATTLES   OF  AMERICA  BY   SEA  AND  LAND." 
"  THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH,"  by  Robt.  Tomes,  M.D. 

Illustrated  by  F.   0.   C.  DABLEY,   and  other  Eminent  Artists. 


OFFICE  OF 

WEALE^S  SERIES 

OP 

EUDIMEHTAEY, 

SCIENTIFIC, 

Eflncatiflil 

AND 

CLASSICAL 

WORKS 


REiSSOE 


e>>'    a 


k,  k. 


ILLUSTRATED 
WORKS 

ON  THE  SCENERY  OF 

Ttie  United  Stales, 

W%  CANADA, 
ITALY, 

ill  SWITZERLAND, 

THE 

BOSPHORUS, 

Tlie  BAlinBE, 

&c.,  &c. 


TKIC 


TURNER  GALLERY 

Vernon  Gallery, 

fILKIE  GALLERY, 
Sculpture  Gallery, 

&c.,  &c. 


12  DEY  ST.,   and 


544  BROADWAY, 


New  National  Work  on  the  Late  Eebellion. 

Part      7  Jtlustr,tt.:Jh,j  F.    O.    C.    Jt.l/:/.F)<i,.,f  ..r/„r  J-.ml'irnf  .Irti.fy  V\\(C,    5flc 


^'/l^^j' 


(p. 


VIRTUE    A.    YORSTON. 


V      •<  1  1'.  1    1    I 


i  4  4      i'.  il  '•   \  i'  U    \    1  S   !     .\ 


4 


To  be  Completed  in  Forty-five  Parts,  at  Fifty  Cents  each. 


U  '-^. 


I 


^ 
2^^- 


■// 


o'-r^-^' 


™.«JM*iyi&o--»«a"i-*i^^*''''-^'^'^--"'*'''''*'^'^^^ 


ON  THE  RAILROAD. 


289 


instructed  artillerists.  To  repel  the  ad- 
vance of  such  an  army  into  the  interior, 
it  is  not  enough  to  trust  to  the  number 
of  brave  but  undisciplined  men  that  we 
can  bring  to  bear  against  it. 

"  An  invading  army  of  fifteen  thou- 
sand or  twenty  thousand  men  could 
easily  be  crushed  by  the  unremitting 
attacks  of  superior  numbers  ;  but  when 
it  comes  to  the  case  of  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  disciplined  veterans, 
the  very  multitude  brought  to  bear 
against  them  works  its  own  destruction  ; 
because,  if  without  discipline  and  in- 
struction, they  cannot  be  handled,  and 
are  in  their  own  way.  We  cannot  afford 
a  Moscow  campaign. 

"  Our  regular  army  never  can  be,  and 
perhaps  never  ought  to  be,  large  enough 
to  provide  for  aU  the  contingencies  that 
may  arise  ;  but  it  should  be  as  large  as 
its  ordinary  avocations  in  the  defence  of 
the  frontier  wiU  justify  ;  the  number  of 
officei's  and  non-commissioned  officers 
should  be  unusually  large,  to  provide  for 
a  sudden  increase  ;  and  the  greatest 
possible  care  should  be  bestowed  upon 
the  instruction  of  the  special  arms  of 
the  artillery  and  engineer  troops. 

"  The  mihtia  and  volunteer  system 
should  be  placed  upon  some  tangible 
and  effective  basis,  instructions  furnished 
them  from  the  regular  army,  and  all 
possible  means  taken  to  spread  sound 
military  information  among  them. 

"  In  the  vicinity  of  our  sea-coast  for- 
tifications it  would  be  well  to  provide  a 
sufficient  number  of  volunteer  com- 
panies, with  the  means  of  instruction  in 
heavy  artillery,  detailing  officers  of  the 
37 


regular  artillery  as  instructors,  who 
should,  at  the  same  time,  be  in  charge 
of,  and  responsible  for,  the  guns  and 
material. 

"  In  time  of  war,  or  when  war  is  im- 
minent, local  companies  of  regular  artil- 
lery might  easily  be  enlisted  for  short 
terms  of  service,  or  for  the  war,  in  the 
sea-coast  towns.  The  same  thing;  misjht 
advantageously  be  cai-ried  into  effect  on 
a  small  scale  in  times  of  peace." 

After  returning  from  Europe,  McClel- 
lan,  finding  that  the  army,  in  those 
piping  times  of  peace,  did  not  offer  a 
sufficient  scope  for  his  activity,  resigned 
his  commission  and  accepted  the  ap- 
pointment of  vice-president  and  chief 
engineer  of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad. 
After  serving  three  years  in  this  office, 
he  accepted  that  of  president  and  gen- 
eral superintendent  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  Railroad.  He  was  actively 
engaged  in  the  performance  of  the  civil 
duties  pertaining  to  this  position  when, 
war  becoming  imminent,  he  was  sum- 
moned to  resume  his  sword.  Governor 
Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania,  strove  to  secure 
his  services  in  organizing  the  militia  of 
that  State.  The  Governor  of  Ohio,  how- 
ever, was  beforehand,  and  had  already 
offered  to  him  the  command  of  the  Ohio 
troops  with  the  rank  of  major-general, 
which  McClellan  unhesitatingly  accepted. 
A  few  weeks  subsequently  he  was  jiay 
commissioned  by  the  United  States  l^* 
Government  a  major-general  in  the 
regular  army  and  given  the  command  of 
the  department  of  Ohio,  embracing  the 
States  of  Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  and 
that  part  of  Virginia  lying  north  of  the 


290 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Great  Kanawha  River  and  west  of  the 
Green  Brier  River  and  the  Maryland 
line,  with  so  much  of  Pennsylvania  as 
lies  west  of  a  line  drawn  from  the  Mary- 
land line  to  the  north-east  corner  of 
McKean  County.  The  following  con- 
temporary sketch  of  the  personal  ap- 
pearance and  character  of  this  celebrated 
General  is  given,  to  show  the  estimation 
in  which  he  was  then  held  : 

"  McClellan,  now  thirty-five  years  old, 
is  in  the  prime  of  life.  A  man  of  short 
stature  and  broad  frame,  with  a  tend- 
ency to  corpulency,  though  of  compact 
structure,  be  is  possessed  of  great  phys- 
ical activity  and  powers  of  endurance. 
Not  prone  to  loquacity,  he  is  reticent  of 
his  own  counsel,  and  when  he  speaks 
expresses  himself  in  few  words,  and 
with  the  decisive  tone  which  character- 
izes the  enei'getic  man  of  action,  rather 
than  the  speculative  discourser.  His 
temperament  is  that  of  the  prevailing 
Anglo-American  type,  a  combination  of 
the  sanguine  and  nervous.  He  has  the 
thoughtful  forecast  of  the  one  and  the 
rapid  movement  of  the  other.  This 
commingling  of  the  two  temperaments 
is  shown  in  the  dark  though  not  black 
hair,  in  the  light-colored  but  piercing 
eyes,  in  the  full  but  concentrated  frame, 
in  the  small  hands  and  feet,  and  in  the 
rounded  but  well-knit  limbs. 

"  A  combined  military  knowledge  and 
civil  experience  fit  him  eminently  for 
the  command  of  a  mixed  force  of  vol- 
unteers and  regulars,  enabling  him  to 
harmonize  their  discordant  elements. 
He  can  appreciate  fully  the  value  of  the 
disciplined  soldier,   and  yet  is  not  un- 


conscious that  important  aid  may  be 
rendered  by  the  citizen  when  aroused  to 
take  up  arms  in  defence  of  his  country. 
He  has  discovered,  from  actual  contact, 
the  character  of  his  countrymen,  and 
knows  how  gradually  to  subject  their 
impatience  of  control  to  the  stern  re- 
quirements of  military  law." 

The  secessionists  of  Eastern  Virginia, 
emboldened  by  the  advance  of  the 
troops  of  the  Confederate  States,  soon 
strove  to  overawe  or  subject  the  Union 
men  of  the  Western  District.  Having 
accumulated  a  considerable  force  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  they  moved  towards 
Grafton  and  other  points  west  of  the 
AUeghanies.  It  became,  therefore,  a 
matter  of  moment  with  the  Federal 
Government,  in  order  to  sustain  its  loyal 
supporters  in  Virginia,  to  counteract  this 
movement  of  the  secessionists.  The 
neighboring  States  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Ohio,  between  which  that  part  of  the 
western  district  of  Virginia  most  de- 
voted to  the  Union  is  enclosed,  naturally 
presented  the  proper  basis  for  opera- 
tions in  that  quarter.  Accordingly, 
General  Patterson,  at  the  head  of  the 
Pennsylvania  troops,  was  ordered  to 
march  upon  Harper's  Feny,  while  Gen- 
eral McClellan,  in  command  of  his  Ohio 
force,  was  directed  to  cross  the  Ohio 
River  and  co-operate  with  him.  Pre- 
vious to  doing  this,  however,  it  was 
necessary  to  give  a  check  to  the  seces- 
sion force  advancing  through  Western 
Virginia.  McClellan  accordingly  pre- 
pared to  co-operate  with  the  loyal  West- 
ern Virginians,  led  by  Colonel  jjay 
Kclley,  who  were  to  march  to  meet  27. 


McCLELLAN'S  PROCLAlSIATIOlSr. 


291 


the  enemy  at  Grafton.  Previous  to 
moving  his  force  across  the  Ohio,  Mc- 
Clellan  issued  this  proclamation  : 

"  Headquakters,  Dept.  op  the  Oeio,  ) 
CiNCixNATf,  3faij  26,  1861.  j 

"To  THE  People  op  Westekk  Vikgixia: 

"  Virginians  :  The  General  Govern- 
ment has  long  enough  endured  the 
machinations  of  a  few  factious  rebels  in 
your  midst!  Armed  traitors  have  in 
vain  endeavored  to  deter  you  from  ex- 
pressing your  loyalty  at  the  polls.  Hav- 
ing failed  in  this  infamous  attempt  to 
deprive  you  of  the  exercise  of  your 
dearest  rights,  they  now  seek  to  inaugu- 
rate a  reign  of  terror,  and  thus  force 
you  to  yield  to  their  schemes,  and  sub- 
mit to  the  yoke  of  the  traitorous  con- 
spiracy dignified  by  the  name  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy. 

•"  They  are  destroying  the  property  of 
citizens  of  your  State,  and  ruining  your 
magnificent  railways.  The  General 
Government  has  heretofore  carefully  ab- 
stained from  sending  troops  across  the 
Ohio,  or  even  from  posting  them  along 
its  banks,  although  frequently  urged  by 
many  of  your  prominent  citizens  to  do 
so.  It  determined  to  await  the  result 
of  the  State  election,  desirous  that  no 
one  might  be  able  to  say  that  the  shght- 
est  effort  had  been  made  from  this  side 
to  influence  the  expression  of  your 
opinion,  although  the  many  agencies 
brought  to  bear  upon  you  by  the  rebels 
were  well  known.  You  have  now  shown, 
under  the  most  adverse  circumstances, 
that  the  great  mass  of  the  people  of 
Western  Virginia  are  true  and  loyal  to 
the  beneficent  Government  under  which 


we  and  our  fathers  have  lived  so  long. 
As  soon  as  the  result  of  the  election 
was  known,  the  traitors  commenced 
their  work  of  destruction. 

' '  The  General  Government  cannot  close 
its  ears  to  the  demand  you  have  made 
for  assistance.  I  have  ordered  troops  to 
cross  the  river.  They  come  as  your 
friends  and  brothers — as  enemies  only 
to  the  armed  rebels  who  are  preying 
upon  you.  Your  homes,  your  families, 
and  your  property  are  safe  under  our 
protection.  All  your  rights  shall  be  re- 
ligiously protected. 

"Notwithstanding  all  that  has  been 
said  by  the  traitors  to  induce  you  to 
believe  that  our  advent  among  you  will 
be  signalized  by  interference  with  your 
slaves,  understand  one  thing  clearly  :  not 
only  will  we  abstain  from  all  interference, 
but  we  will,  on  the  contrary,  with  an 
iron  hand,  crush  any  attempt  at  insur- 
rection on  their  part. 

"  Now  that  we  are  in  your  midst,  I 
call  upon  you  to  fly  to  arms,  and  support 
the  General  Government ;  sever  the 
connection  that  binds  you  to  traitors  ; 
proclaim  to  the  world  that  the  faith  and 
loyalty  so  long  boasted  of  by  the  Old 
Dominion  are  still  preserved  in  Western 
Virginia,  and  that  you  remain  true  to 
the  stars  and  stripes. 

"  G.  B.  McClellan, 
"  Major-General  Commanding." 

This  was  followed  by  a  proclamation 

to  the  army. 

"CmciNNATi,  3[ai/  26,  1861. 
"  To  THE  Soldiers  op  the  Advancing  Column  : 
"You     are    ordered    to    cross     the 
frontier  and  enter  upon  the  soil  of  Vir- 


292 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


ginia.  Your  mission  is  to  restore  peace 
and  confidence,  to  protect  the  majesty 
of  the  law  and  to  rescue  our  brethren 
from  the  grasp  of  armed  traitors.  You 
are  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Virginia 
troops  and  to  support  their  advance. 

"  I  place  under  the  safeguard  of  your 
honor  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
Virginians.  I  know  that  you  will  re- 
spect their  feehngs,  and  all  their  rights. 
Preserve  the  strictest  discipline — re- 
member that  each  one  of  you  holds  in 
his  keeping  the  honor  of  Ohio  and  the 
Union. 

"  If  you  are  called  upon  to  overcome 
armed  opposition,  I  know  that  your 
courage  is  equal  to  the  task,  but  re- 
member that  your  only  foes  are  the 
armed  traitors,  and  show  mercy  even  to 
them  when  the}'  are  in  your  power,  for 
many  of  them  are  misguided.  When 
under  your  protection  the  loyal  men  of 
Western  Virginia  have  been  enabled  to 


organize  and  arm,  they  can  protect 
themselves,  and  you  can  then  return  to 
your  homes  with  the  proud  satisfaction 
of  having  presei'ved  a  gallant  people 
from  destruction. 

"  Geo.  B.  McClellan, 
"  Major- General  Commanding." 
The  16th  Ohio  Regiment,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Irvine,  and  the  lith,  jj^y 
under    Colonel    Lander,    a    noted  27t 
frontiersman,  were  on  the  next  day  after 
these  proclamations  thrown  across  the 
Ohio  into  Western  Virginia.     The  for- 
mer crossing  the  Ohio  to  Wheeling,  and 
the  latter  at  Marietta  to  Parkersburg, 
continued  their  progress  through  West- 
ern Virginia  by  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad.     Their  advance  was  hailed  by 
the  people  with  great  enthusiasm  and 
demonstrations    of   loyalty,  and    many 
volunteers  joined  their  standard.     The 
campaign  in  Western  Virginia  had  now 
fauiy  opened. 


AT  PHTLIPPI. 


293 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 


Junction  of  the  Ohio  Troops  with  the  Western  Tirginians. — Colonel  Kelley  takes  possession  of  Grafton. — March  to 
Philippi. — A  severe  march. — Delay. — Colonel  Lander  in  advance. — Colonel  Kelley  mistakes  the  route. — The  Enemy 
on  the  alert.— The  Attack. — Retreat  of  the  Enemy. — Pursuit. — Arrival  of  Kelley,  who  joins  in  the  pursuit. — Kelley 
wounded. — Prospects  of  death. — Biography  of  Kelley. — Tributes  of  admiration. — Recovery  of  Kelley.— Comparative 
losses  at  Philippi. — Trophies. — Movement  of  General  Patterson. — Atfaick  on  Romney. — March  of  Colonel  Wallace. 
• — ^A  long  and  hard  March. — Flight  of  the  Enemy. — Good  moral  effect  of  the  advance  of  the  Federal  Forces.- 
Spirited  Skirmish  of  Coiiioral  Hayes  and  his  thirteen  men. — ^Tribute  from  General  Patterson. — The  politicivl  action 
of  the  Union  men  of  Western  Virginia. — Convention  at  Wheeling. — Declaration  of  Grievances  and  Ordinance  of 
Reorganization  passed. — The  motion  to  form  a  new  State  defeated. — New  State  OfiScers  appointed. — Proclamation 
of  Governor  Pierpont. — Call  upon  the  President  for  aid  to  put  down  the  Insurrection  in  Virginia. — Answer  of  the 
Secretary  of  War. — Counter-manifesto  of  Governor  Letcher. — Appeal  of  the  Secessionist  Governor  to  Western 
Virginia. — Eifects  of  proclamations  and  counter-proclamations. — Increased  civil  rage  in  Vlrgiuia. 


1861. 


The  Ohio  troops  despatched  by  Gen- 
eral McClellan,  though  delved  on 
the  railway  in  consequence  of  the 
derangement  of  the  tracks  and  the  de- 
struction of  the  bridges  by  the  enemy, 
finally  succeeded  in  forming  a  junction 
with  the  Western  Virginians.  Colonel 
Kelley,  who  commanded  the  latter, 
had  with  great  promptitude  marched 
May  upon  Grafton.  Upon  reaching  this 
29'  place,  the  enemy,  about,  fifteen 
hundred  strong,  retired,  and  the  West- 
ern Virginians  took  possession  of  it, 
without  striking  a  blow.  Being  now 
reinforced,  not  only  by  the  Ohio  troops, 
but  by  the  Seventh  and  Ninth  regi- 
ments of  Indiana,  Kelley  determined  to 
dislodge  the  enemy  at  Philippi,  on  the 
Monongahela  River,  twenty  miles  south 
of  Grafton,  where  they  were  encamped 
with  a  force  of  two  thousand  men. 

The  Union  force  at  Grafton  set  out  at 

June  ^611  o'clock,  in  two  divisions,  one 

2«    composed    of    the    First    Virginia 


Regiment,  part  of  the  Ohio  Sixteenth 
and  the  Indiana  Seventh,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Kelley  ;  the  other, 
of  the  Indiana  Regiment  and  the  Ohio 
Fourteenth,  which  joined  at  Webster  on 
the  route,  commanded  by  Colonel  Lan- 
der. The  former  division  proceeded  by 
railroad  as  far  as  a  small  way  station, 
five  miles  only  from  Grafton,  and 
marched  the  rest  of  the  distance,  twenty- 
two  miles,  to  Philippi.  The  latter  was 
conveyed  by  railroad  as  far  as  Webster, 
and  marched  the  remaining  twelve  miles 
to  Philippi. 

The  march  was  performed  during  the 
night,  with  the  view  of  coming  upon  the 
enemy  before  the  break  of  day,  and 
taking  them  by  surprise.  A  severe 
storm  was  raging,  and  the  night  was  so 
dark  that  it  was  exceedingly  difficult  to 
form  the  troops — the  violence  of  the 
wind  was  such,  that  the  word  of  com- 
mand could  hardly  be  passed  from  front 
to  rear.      Order  was,  however,  finally 


294 


THE  "WAR  "WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


established,  and  the  troops  began  their 
march.  All  night  they  toiled  on  through 
the  darkness  and  storm,  the  soft  earth 
yielding  beneath  their  feet  at  every 
step.  Thus  impeded,  the  whole  force 
was  prevented  from  arriving  at  the  time 
proposed. 

The  division  under  Colonel  Lander, 
having  the  shortest  distance  to  march, 
was  the  first  to  reach  its  destination, 
June  ^'•^t  ^^^  ^1*3^  arrive  until  five  o'clock 
3'  in  the  morning,  instead  of  four, 
the  hour  when  the  joint  attack  was  to 
have  taken  place,  in  accordance  witli 
the  plan.  It  had  been  intended  that 
Colonel  Lander's  march  uiDon  the  enemy 
in  front  should  have  been  simultaneous 
with  a  movement  in  their  rear  by  Col- 
onel Kelley,  with  a  view  to  completely 
surround  Philippi  and  close  in  upon 
the  enemy.  But  Colonel  Kelley,  with 
his  long  march  of  twenty-two  miles,  im- 
peded by  the  darkness  and  the  storm, 
was  greatly  delayed,  and,  moreover, 
mistook  the  road,  coming  in  below  in- 
stead of  above  the  town,  where  it  was 
intended  he  should  have  cut  off  the  re- 
treat of  the  enemy. 

Colonel  Lander's  force,  as  it  ap- 
proached Philippi  in  front,  was  discov- 
ered by  a  woman,  who,  after  firing  two 
discharges  from  a  gun,  sent  her  son 
across  the  hills  to  apprise  the  enemy  of 
their  danger. 

Lander  continued  to  push  on,  but 
when  he  reached  a  point  commanding 
the  town,  and  began  to  dispose  his 
artillery  and  troops  in  order  to  be  ready, 
when  Kelley  should  arrive,  to  make  the 
simultaneous  attack  proposed,  he  found 


the  enemy  on  the  alert.  Their  advance 
guards,  posted  on  the  neighboring  heights 
and  among  the  woods  and  brushwood 
on  both  sides  of  the  road,  opened  a 
brisk  fire.  Lauder  hurriedly  ordered 
his  guns  to  be  moved  into  position,  and 
responded  with  a  volley,  while,  at  the 
same  time,  the  infantry  prepared  to  ad- 
vance into  the  town. 

"  A  moment's  delay  to  the  infantry," 
says  their  commander,  Dermot,  in  his  re- 
port, "  was  occasioned  by  want  of  know- 
ledge on  my  part  as  to  which  of  the  two 
roads  led  to  the  bridge  leading  into  the 
town  across  the  river.     At  the  forks  of 
the  road  I  halted  my  command,  and, 
riding  rapidly  to  the  guns,  got  the  de- 
sired information  from  Colonel  Lander. 
So  informed,  I  proceeded  on  the  double- 
quick  down  the  declivity  of  the  hill,  and 
here  had  a  fuU  view  of  the  enemy,  and 
I  must  confess  that  I  never  saw  a  flisrht 
determined  on  with  greater  promptness 
or  executed  with  more  despatch.     The 
enemy  was  under  the  command  of  Col. 
C  A.  Porterfield.     What  his  strenaith 
was,  is  variously  estimated.    On  my  own 
judgment  I  would  say  from  one  thousand 
five  hundred  to  two  thousand,  of  which  I 
should  think  five  hundred  were  cavalry. 
' '  They  had  no  artillery  but  a  swivel. 
I   have    conversed   with   many   of   the 
citizens  of  the  town  as  to  the  strength 
of  Colonel  Porterfield 's  command.    Some 
say   the    Colonel   himself  professed    to 
have  two  thousand  five  hundred  troops. 
It  is  my  opinion  that  he  had  but  magni- 
fied his  own  strength,  with  a  view  to  in- 
timidate the  people  and  crush  out  the 
Union  sentiment. 


FLIGHT   OF   THE   ENEilT. 


.295 


"  When  I  first  saw  the  enemy,  it 
seemed  to  me  he  was  jsushing  for  the 
bridge,  which  I  was  rajndly  approach- 
ing ;  but  it  turned  out  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  converge  towards  the  bridge  to 
gain  the  street  leading  out  of  the  town 
on  the  opposite  side  from  that  entered 
by  my  command.  The  bridge  is  a  nar- 
row structure,  some  tliree  or  four  hun- 
dred feet  in  length,  spanning  the  Valley 
River,  a  branch  of  the  Monongahela. 
A  small  body  of  determined  troops 
could  have  impeded  our  progress  and 
crippled  us  at  the  bridge,  and  I  appre- 
hended resistance  at  this  point. 

"  Toward  it  my  men  poured  down  the 
hiU,  in  good  order,  and  with  an  energy 
and  determination  that  assured  me  in 
advance  that  victory  was  certain.  In  a 
moment  I  was  at  the  mouth  of  the 
bridge  ;  one  of  the  passages  was  barri- 
caded, the  other  clear  ;  through  it  (Com- 
pany B,  commanded  by  Captain  Morgan, 
in  advance)  my  men  pushed  ;  the 
Seventh  Indiana  first,  then  Colonel 
Steedman's  command,  not  including  the 
artillery,  then  Colonel  Crittenden's,  and 
opened  upon  the  enemy,  then  retreating 
in  wild  disorder.  Both  parties  being 
upon  the  full  run,  and  the  distance  be- 
tween them  being  quite  considerable, 
but  little  execution  could  be  done.  I 
pursued  the  enemy  from  the  bridge 
through  the  town  and  for  several  miles 
beyond.  At  one  time  I  thought  I  should 
be  able  to  capture  his  entire  baggage 
train  ;  but  the  horses,  to  prevent  this, 
were  cut  from  many  of  the  wagons  and 
mounted,  and  the  wagons  and  contents 
left  as  our   booty.     The  wagons  were 


filled  with  munitions  of  war,  blankets, 
knapsacks,  clotJiing,  baggage  of  officers 
and  men,  and  with  a  considerable  amount 
of  flour  and  forage." 

It  was  not  until  Colonel  Lander's  di- 
vision had  thus  begun  the  attack,  that 
Colonel  Kelley  arrived  with  his  force, 
and  then,  in  consequence  of  having 
mistaken  the  road,  at  a  point  where, 
instead  of  cutting  off  the  retreat  of  the 
enemy,  he  could  only  join  in  the  pur- 
suit. 

This,  however,  he  did  with  great 
spirit,  though  with  less  effect  than  if  he 
had  arrived  but  a  moment  sooner. 
With  a  "  friendly  cheer,"  Kelley's  troops 
made  their  presence  known  to  their 
comrades,  and  descending  the  declivity 
of  the  heights  upon  which  they  had  first 
appeared,  they  were  soon  in  quick  pur- 
suit of  the  enemy.  Some  followed  and 
cut  down  those  who  had  taken  refuge 
among  the  wooded  hills,  and  others  gave 
chase  to  the  fugitives  upon  the  road, 
whom  they  pursued  for  several  miles, 
"  overtaking,  killing,  and  wounding  a 
number."  Col.  Kelley  himself,  "with 
a  bravery  amounting  to  rashness,"  was 
among  the  foremost  of  his  men  in  the 
pursuit.  He  had  thus  reached  the 
upper  part  of  the  town,  when  one  of  the 
enemy,  concealed  behind  a  fence,  turned 
upon  him  and  shot  him  in  the  breast. 
The  wound  was  severe,  and  was  thought 
to  have  been  mortal.  He  himself  de- 
spaired of  recovery,  and  said  to  a  friend 
at  his  side  :  "I  expect  I  shall  have  to 
die  ;  I  would  be  glad  to  live  if  it  might 
be  that  I  might  do  something  for  my 
country  ;   but  if  it  cannot  be,   I  shall 


296- 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


have  at  least  the  consolation  of  knowing 
that  I  fell  in  a  just  cause." 

When  it  was  supposed  that  Kelley 
would  not  survive  his  wound,  great 
regret  was  felt  at  the  prospective  loss 
to  the  service  of  so  devoted  a  Union- 
ist and  spirited  soldier.  Although  an 
Eastern  man,  having  been  born  in  Deer- 
field,  New  Hampshire,  he  had  taken 
up  his  residence  in  Wheeling,  and  was 
among  the  first  to  sustain  the  cause  of 
the  Federal  Government  in  Western 
Yirginia.  Educated  at  West  Point, 
though  latterly  engaged  in  civil  occu- 
pations, he  continued  to  cherish  his 
military  tastes,  and  had  served  as  the 
colonel  of  a  city  regiment  in  Wheeling. 
At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  he 
was  urged  to  resume  his  position  and 
lead  his  former  comrades  to  battle  for 
the  Union.  He  did  not  hesitate  a  mo- 
ment, but  accepting  the  command  on 
one  day,  he  was  on  the  next  en  route  for 
the  scene  of  war. 

General  McClellan,  and  Morris,  the 
brigadier-genei'al  of  the  United  States 
volunteers  of  Virginia,  as  soon  as  they 
heard  that  Kelley  was  wounded,  hast- 
ened to  make  known  to.  him  their  admi- 
ration of  his  gallantry  and  worth. 

"  Say  to  Colonel  Kelley,"  wrote  Mc- 
Clellan to  Morris,  "that  I  cannot  yet 
believe  it  possible  that  one  who  has 
opened  his  career  so  brilliantly  can  be 
mortally  wounded.  In  the  name  of  the 
country  I  thank  him  for  his  conduct, 
which  has  been  the  most  brilliant  episode 
of  the  war  thus  far.  If  it  can  cheer  him 
in  his  last  moments,  tell  him  I  cannot  re- 
pair his  loss,  and  that  I  only  regret  that 


I  cannot  be  by  his  side  to  thank  him  in 
person.     God  bless  him  !" 

To  this  hearty  testimonial  of  afifec- 
tionate  admiration.  General  Morris 
added  his  emphatic  approbation  of 
Kelley's  conduct : 

"  I  am  extremely  pleased  and  greatly 
gratified  with  your  gallant  and  soldierl}' 
conduct  in  the  expedition,  which  owes 
its  success  to  your  skill  and  bravery.  I 
feel  that  your  country  owes  you  a  deep 
debt  of  gratitude  for  your  services  on 
the  occasion  ;  and  a  grateful  people  can- 
not but  render  to  you  that  honor  you  so 
richly  deserve." 

These  despatches  were  borne  by 
Moi'ris'  aide-de-camp  to  the  htter  of  the 
prostrate  officer,  and  as  he  was  supposed 
to  be  dying,  they  did  not  hesitate  to 
read  them  to  him.  His  eyes  fiUed  with 
tears  as  he  hstened,  but  he  was  too  weak 
to  speak  a  word.  The  despatches  were, 
after  being  read,  put  into  his  hands,  and 
he  held  them  witli  a  fond  grasp  until  he 
was  removed  fi-om  the  htter  to  the  bed 
in  the  next  room,  prepared  for  his  com- 
fort. Kelley  finally  recovered,  and  was 
made  a  brigadier-general  for  his  ser- 
vices. 

In  this  rout  of  the  secessionists  at 
Phihppi,  no  one  but  Kelley,  of  our 
forces,  was  wounded,  but  it  was  sup- 
posed that  the  enemy  had  met  with 
some  loss  of  fife.  Their  commander, 
Colonel  Willy,  was  taken  prisoner,  and 
their  camp  was  captured,  with  the  seces- 
sion flag,  seven  hundred  and  eighty 
stand  of  arms,  a  number  of  horses,  and 
a  quantity  of  blankets  and  provisions. 
Though,    as   a   mihtary  operation,    the 


CAPTURE   OF   ROMNEY. 


297 


rout  of  the  enemy  at  Philippi  was 
comparatively  a  failure,  the  moral  effect 
proved  so  great  in  Western  Virginia 
that  that  loyal  district  was  temporarily 
relieved  of  all  fears  of  the  domination 
of  the  secessionists. 

Major-General  Patterson  was,  in  the 
mean  time,  advancing  through  Pennsyl- 
vania from  the  north  towards  Maryland 
and  Virginia,  with  the  view  of  co-oper- 
ating with  General  McClellan,  about  to 
approach  from  the  west,  in  a  combined 
efibrt  against  the  secession  troops  gath- 
ered in  force  at  Harper's  Ferry.  While 
Patterson  was  at  Chambersburg,  an 
attack  was  made  upon  Romney,  in  Vir- 
ginia, by  a  portion  of  his  advance  troops 
stationed  at  Cumberland,  in  Marjdand. 

This  was  planned  by  Colonel  Wallace, 
of  the  Eleventh  Indiana  Volunteers, 
who,  having  learned  that  several  hun- 
dred troops  were  quartered  at  Romney, 
drilling,  imprisoning  Union  men,  and 
otherwise  annoying  loyal  citizens,  de- 
termined to  rout  them  out.  The  Col- 
June  onel,  accordingly,  started  at  ten 
i^'  o'clock  in  the  morning  from  Cum- 
berland with  eight  hundred  men,  and 
proceeded  by  railway  twenty-one  miles 
to  New  Creek  station.  Arriving  in  the 
afternoon,  he  began  his  march  at  four 
o'clock,  with  the  hope  of  reaching  Rom- 
ney at  an  early  hour  next  day.  The 
road,  however,  leading  across  the 
mountains,  through  narrow  passes  and 
along  high  bluffs,  proved  difficult,  so 
that  after  a  long  and  fatiguing  march 
of  twenty-three  miles.  Colonel  Wallace 
did  not  arrive  before  the  town  until 
past  eight  o'clock  in  the  moi"ning. 

38 


The  enemy  were  on  the  alert,  and  on 
the  approach  of  their  assailants  their 
mounted  picket  guards  fired  and  gal- 
loped into  the  town  to  arouse  their  com- 
rades. 

"In  approaching  the  place,  it  was 
necessary,"  wrote  Colonel  Wallace,  in 
his  animated  report  of  the  affair,  "  for 
me  to  cross  a  bridge  over  the  South 
Branch  of  the  Potomac.  A  reconnois- 
sance  satisfied  me  that  the  passage  of 
the  bridge  would  be  the  chief  obstacle 
in  my  way,  although  I  could  distinctly 
see  the  enemy  drawn  up  on  the  bluft" 
which  is  the  town  site,  supporting  a 
battery  of  two  guns,  planted  so  as  to 
sweep  the  road  completely. 

"  I  directed  my  advance  guard  to  cross 
the  bridge  on  a  run,  leap  down  the  eiu- 
bankment  at  the  farther  entrance,  and 
observe  the  windows  of  a  large  brick 
house  not  farther  oif  than  seventy-five 
yards.  Their  ajipearance  was  the  signal 
for  an  assault.  A  warm  fire  opened  from 
the  house,  wMch  the  guard  returned, 
with  no  other  loss  than  the  wounding  of 
a  sergeant.  The  firing  continued  several 
minutes.  I  led  a  second  company  across 
the  bridge,  and  by  following  up  a  ravine 
got  them  into  a  position  that  soon  drove 
the  enemy  from  the  house  to  a  mountain 
in  its  rear. 

"  My  attention  was  then  turned  to  the 
battery  on  the  hill.  Instead  of  follow- 
ing the  road,  as  the  rebels  expected,  I 
pushed  five  companies  in  skirmishing 
order  and  at  double-quick  time,  up  a  hiU 
to  the  right,  intending  to  get  around  the 
left  flank  of  the  enemy,  and  cut  oS"  their 
retreat.     Hardly  had  my  companies  de- 


298 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


ployed  and  started  forward,  and  got 
within  rifle  range,  before  the  rebels 
limbered  up  and  got  off"  over  the  bluff 
in  the  hottest  haste.  Between  their 
position  and  that  of  my  men  was  a  deep, 
precipitous  gorge,  the  crossing  of  which 
occupied  about  ten  minutes.  When  the 
opposite  ridge  was  gained,  we  discovered 
the  rebels,  indiscriminately  blent  with  a 
mass  of  women  and  children,  flying  as 
for  life  from  the  town.  Having  no  horse, 
pursuit  of  the  cannoniers  was  out  of  the 
question,  as  they  went  off  under  whijD 
and  spur.  After  that  I  quietly  marched 
into  the  place,  and  took  jDOssession  of 
the  empty  houses  and  a  legion  of 
negroes,  who  alone  seemed  unscared  at 
our  presence.  After  searching  the  town 
for  arms,  camp  equipage,  etc.,  I  returned 
to  Cumberland,  by  the  same  road,  reach- 
ing camp  at  eleven  o'clock  at  night.  My 
return  was  forced,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
there  was  not  a  mile  on  the  road  that 
did  not  offer  half  a  dozen  positions  for 
the  ruin  or  rout  of  my  regiment  by  a 
much  smaller  force." 

The  Colonel  was  proud  of  the  achieve- 
ment of  his  men,  and  took  occasion  to 
direct  the  notice  of  General  Patterson 
to  the  wonders  they  had  accomplished. 
"  I  beg,"  he  said,  "  to  call  your  attention 
to  the  length  of  our  march,  eighty-seven 
miles  in  aU,  forty-six  of  which  were  on 
foot,  over  a  continuous  succession  of 
mountains,  made  in  twenty-four  hours, 
without  rest,  and  varied  by  a  brisk  en- 
gagement, without  leaving  a  man  be- 
hind ;  and  what  is  more,  my  men  are 
ready  to  repeat  it  to-morrow." 

The  loss  of  the  enemy  could  not  be 


ascertained  with  precision  ;  two  of  them, 
however,  were  undoubtedly  killed,  and 
one  wounded.  A  number  of  tents  and 
a  quantity  of  stores  were  captured,  and 
some  guns  destroyed. 

The  Colonel,  moreover,  congratulated 
himself  upon  the  impressive  moral  effect 
of  his  spirited  demonstration. 

"One  good  result,"  he  said,  "has 
come  of  it.  The  loyal  men  in  that 
region  have  taken  heart.  Ver}'  shortty, 
I  think,  you  will  hear  of  another  Union 
company  from  that  district.  Moreover, 
it  has  brought  home  to  the  insolent 
'  chivalry'  a  wholesome  respect  for 
Xortliern  prowess." 

The  Indiana  Volunteers,  or  Zouaves, 
as  they  termed  themselves,  soon  had  an 
opportunity  of  again  displaying  their 
spirit.  A  scouting  party,  consist-  jung 
ing  of  thirteen  mounted  men,  led  26. 
by  .Corporal  Hayes,  a  ranger  of  re- 
nown during  the  Mexican  war,  crossed 
from  Maryland  and  proceeded  on  a  re- 
conuoitering  expedition  into  Virginia. 
They  jDroceeded  within  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  of  Frankfort,  half  way  between 
Cumberland,  whence  they  had  set  out, 
and  Romney,  the  scene  of  the  former 
exploit  of  the  Indiana  men.  Finding 
the  place  full  of  the  enemy's  cavalry, 
they  turned  back^  and  meeting  forty-one 
mounted  secessionists,  charged  full  upon 
them,  driving  them  back  more  than  a 
mile,  capturing  seventeen  of  the  horses 
and  kiUiug  eight  of  their  ridei's.  In  the 
collision,  Corpc^ral  Hayes,  the  leader  of 
the  Indiana  men,  was  wounded  with 
sabre  cuts  and  bullets.  A  man  of  great 
daring   and   strength,    he   had   already 


CONVENTION  AT  WHEELING. 


299 


killed  two  men  with  his  own  hand,  when 
he  himself  was  wounded,  but  he  had 
still  strength  enough  to  wield  his  sabre 
with  such  effect,  that  he  brought  a  third 
dead  to  the  ground. 

His  comrades,  however,  were  now 
forced  to  bear  back  their  exhausted  lead- 
er and  halt.  They  had  thus  remained 
about  an  hour,  when  the  fugitives  of  the 
enemy  returned  with  a  reinforcement  of 
seventy-five  men.  Coming  suddenly  ujd, 
they  forced  the  Indiana  men  to  abandon 
their  horses  and  seek  safety  by  crossing 
Paterson  Creek  and  landing  upon  a 
small  island  at  its  mouth.  Here  they 
were  being  closed  in  by  the  larger  num- 
bers of  the  enemy,  and  again  compelled 
to  fly,  but  not  until  they  had  fired  upon 
their  assailants  with  such  effect,  that 
twenty- three  of  them  were  made  to  bite 
the  dust.  The  Zouaves  finally  reached 
their  camp  with  the  loss  of  only  one 
man,  who  had  been  left  behind  wound- 
ed, and  whom  the  enemy  despatched, 
after  his  capture,  with  their  bayonets. 
Major-General  Patterson  honored  the 
spirited  exploit  of  the  Indiiina  men  with 
a  special  mention  in  the  orders  of  the 
day. 

For  a  i^roper  appreciation  of  the 
military  events  in  Western  Virginia,  it 
is  necessary  to  resume  the  history  of  the 
political  action  of  the  Union  men  of  that 
loyal  district.  The  Convention  which 
had  adjourned  to  meet  at  Wheeling 
now  reassembled.  At  the  opening  of 
June  ^^^^  session  a  discussion  arose  as  to 
'!•  the  policy  to  be  pursued  by  West- 
ern Virginia.  Some  favoi*ed  a  separa- 
tion and  the  formation  of  a  new  com- 


monwealth, while  others,  who  finally 
carried  the  day,  advocated  the  reorgan- 
ization of  the  existing  State.  Accord- 
ingly a  Declaration  of  Grievances  and 
an  ordinance  of  reorganization  having 
been  reported  by  Mr.  Carlile,  the  chair- 
man of  the  "  Committee  on  Business," 
they  were  submitted  to  the  approval  of 
the  Convention.  These  were  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  seventy  in  favor  and  three 
against,  not,  however,  until  the  opinion 
of  the  members  was  tested  on  the  ques- 
tion of  forming  a  new  State.  A  mem- 
ber offered  the  resolution,  "  that  one  of 
the  leading  objects  of  the  Convention, 
after  establishing  a  provisional  govern- 
ment, is  the  separation  of  Western  from 
Eastern  Virginia."  This,  however,  on' 
a  motion  to  lay  it  on  the  table,  which 
was  carried  by  a  vote  of  fifty-seven  to 
seventeen,  was  temporarily  defeated. 

The  Declaration  of  Grievances,  and 
the  ordinance  for  the  Reorganization  of 
the  State  Government,  having  thus  been 
carried  by  a  large  majority,  was  formally 
signed  by  all  the  members  present,  jyng 
On  the  same  day,  the  Convention,  in  20t 
conformity  with  this  act,  proceeded  to 
the  election  of  provisional  State  officers. 
Frank  H.  Pierpont,  of  Marion  County, 
wa*s  unanimously  chosen  Governor, 
Daniel  Paisly,  of  Marion  County,  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor, and  Messieurs  Lamb, 
Paxhon,  Van  Winkle,  Harrison,  and 
Lazar  members  of  the  council. 

These  gentlemen,  immediately  upon 
being  elected,  were  sworn  into  office,, 
each  taking  this  newly  prescribed  form 
of  oath  : 

"  I  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I 


300 


THE  WAR  WITII  THE  SOUTH. 


will  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  and  the  laws  made  in  pursuance 
thereof,  as  the  supreme  law  of  the  land, 
anything  in  the  Constitution  and  laws 
of  the  State  of  Virginia,  or  in  the  or- 
dinances of  the  Convention  which  as- 
sembled in  Richmond  on  the  13th  day 
of  February  last,  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding, and  that  I  will  uphold  and 
defend  the  Government  of  Virginia  as 
vindicated  and  restored  by  the  Conven- 
tion which  assembled  in  Wheeling  on 
the  11th  day  of  June,  1861." 

The  Convention,  after  this  momentous 
action,  closed  theii-  session  with  passing 
ordinances  adopting  the  former  mihtary 
laws  of  Virginia  and  recognizing  the 
duty  of  the  State  to  respond  to  the  re- 
quisition of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  for  mihtia  and  volunteers. 

The  new  Governor  soon  after  issued 
Jane  *  proclamation  causing  the  General 
22t  Assembly  to  be  composed  of  dele- 
gates to  be  elected  as  provided  by  the 
Convention  of  June  11th  in  its  ordi- 
nance for  the  State  Government.  These 
delegates  were  accordingly  chosen,  and 
July  assembled  at  Wheeling,  when  Gov- 
!•  ernor  Pierpout  delivered  his  first 
message.* 


°  "  To  THE  Senate  axd  Hocse  of  Delegates  of  the  Com- 
monwealth OF  Virginia — Gentlemen  :  You  have  been  con- 
vened in  extraordinary  session  in  midsummer,  when,  under 
other  circumstances,  you  should  be  at  home  attending  to 
pursuits  incident  to  this  season  of  (lie  year.  The  exigen- 
cies with  which  we  find  ourselves  surrounded  demand 
your  co"misels. 

"I  regret  that  I  cannot  congratulate  you  on  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  country,  in  the  manner  which  has 
been  customary  with  Executives,  both  State  and  Federal. 
For  the  present,  those  happy  days  which,  as  a  nation,  we 
have  so  long  enjoyed,  and  that  prosperity  which  has 
smiled  upon  us,  as  upon  no  other  nation,  are  departed. 


Following  this  independent  action  of 
Western  Virginia,  the  new  Governor 
became  anxious  about  the  safety  of  tlie 
commonwealth  from  "  the  banding  to- 
gether of  large  numbers  of  evil-minded 
persons,  aided  by  men  of  like  mind  from 
other  States,  whose  purpose  was  to  in- 
vade the  State,"  and  confessing  his  want 
of  a  sufficient  military  force,  to  over- 
come them,  earnestly  called  upon  the 
President  of  the  United  States  for  as- 
sistance. 

The  secretary  of  war  responded  in 
behalf  of  the  Federal  chief  magistrate, 
that  a  large  additional  force  would  be 
soon  sent  to  the  relief  of  the  new  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  and  at  the  same  time 
took  occasion  to  apologize  for  the  appar- 
ent remissness  hitherto  of  the  Federal 
authority:  "The  full  extent,"  wrote 
Secretary  Cameron,  "of  the  conspii'acy 
against  popular  rights,  which  has  cul- 
minated in  the  atrocities  to  which  you 
refer,  was  not  known  when  its  outbreak 
took  place  at  Charleston.  It  now  ap- 
pears that  it  was  matured  for  many 
years  by  secret  organizations  throughout 
the  country,  especially  in  the  slave 
States.  By  this  means,  when  the  Presi- 
dent called  upon  Virginia,  in  April,  for 

"It  is  my  painful  duty  to  announce  that  the  late  Ex. 
ecutive  of  the  State,  with  a  large  part  of  the  State  officers, 
civil  and  military,  under  him,  are  at  war  with  the  loyal 
people  of  Virginia  and  the  Constitutional  Government  of 
the  ITnited  States.  They  have  leagued  -themselves  with 
persons  from  other  States  to  tear  down  the  benign  Govern- 
ments, State  and  Federal,  erected  by  the  wisdom  and 
patriotism  of  our  fathers,  and  under  which  oiu'  liberties 
have  so  long  been  protected  and  our  prosperity  secured. 
They  have  instituted  eivU  war  in  our  mitlst.  and  created  a 
system  of  terror  around  us  to  intimidate.our  people. 

"  But  while  we  are  passing  through  this  period  of  gloMn 
and  darkness  in  our  country's  history,  we  must  not  dc- 


GOVERNOR   PIERPONT'S   MESSAGE. 


301 


its  quota  of  troops,  then  deemed  necessary 
to  put  it  down  in  the  States  in  which  it 

8paii',  or  fold  our  hands  until  the  chains  of  despotism  shall 
he  fastened  upon  us  by  those  conspiving  against  our 
liberties.  As  freemen,  who  know  their  rights  and  dare  de- 
fend them,  our  spirits  must  rise  above  the  intimidation 
and  violence  employed  against  us  ;  and  we  must  meet  and 
conquer  every  obstacle  these  men  are  attempting  to  inter- 
pose between  us  and  our  liberties.  If  we  m;mfully  exert 
ourselves  we  shall  succeed.  There  is  a  just  God  who 
"  rides  upon  the  whirlwind  and  directs  the  storm."  Let 
us  looli  to  him  with  abiding  confidence. 

"  The  fact  is  no  longer  disguised,  that  there  has  been  in 
the  South,  for  many  years,  a  secret  organization,  laboring 
■with  steady  perseverance  to  overturn  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, and  destroy  constitutional  liberty  in  this  country. 
The  various  conventions  held  in  that  portion  of  the  coun- 
try, for  some  years  past,  ostensiblj'  for  other  objects,  have 
only  been  the  means  of  feeling  the  public  pulse  to  ascer- 
tain if  there  was  sufficient  disease  in  the  body  politic  for 
dissolution.  The  cry  of  danger  to  tlie  institution  of 
slavery  has  been  a  mere  pretext  to  arouse  and  excite  the 
people.  In  abandoning  the  Constitution  of  the  Uniou, 
the  leaders  of  the  movement  must  have  li.nown  that  they 
were  greatly  weakening  the  safeguards  and  protection 
which  were  necessary  to  the  existence  of  that  institution. 

' '  It  has  been  urged  that  secession  was  necessary  to  pro- 
tect the  slave  interest  of  the  South.  As  a  usual  thing, 
those  who  are  interested  in  a  species  of  property,  are  the 
best  informed  in  regard  to  their  own  rights,  and  the  most 
tenacious  in  maintaining  them.  Secession  has  not  origin- 
ated among  the  large  slaveholders  of  the  South,  nor  has 
it  found  among  that  class  its  busiest  and  most  ardent  ad- 
vocates. Tlie  sections  of  the  country  in  wliich  the  largest 
slave  interests  have  existed  in  this  State,  have  heretofore 
been  the  most  decided  in  support  of  the  Union.  The 
votes  given  at  the  last  November  and  February  elections 
in  Eastern  andAVestern  Virginia,  will  show  that  the  slave- 
holders themselves  considered  the  safety  of  tlieir  property 
as  dependent  upon  the  maintenance  of  the  Union.  An- 
other pertinent  fact  may  be  mentioned  in  tliis  connection. 
It  is,  that  in  sections  where  slaves  are  numerous,  it  is 
always  much  easier  to  introduce  a  mob-law  and  intimida- 
tion to  control  the  votes  of  the  people.  The  constant  ap- 
prehension of  servile  insurrection  makes  the  matter  an 
easy  subject  of  control  in  a  crisis  like  the  present.  East- 
ern and  Western  Virginia  are  illustrations  of  the  truth  of 
this  statement. 

"What  affiliations  this  great  conspiracy  has  had  in  the 
Northern  States,  remains  yet  unknown.  The  spirit  which  Ikas 
been  roused  throughout  the  North  has  carried  all  opposition 
before  it.  But  the  extent  of  the  treasonable  plot  has  not 
been  fully  developed.  Before  the  designs  of  the  conspira- 
tors were  made  manifest,  thousands  of  good  men  sympa- 
thized with  the  effort,  as  they  regarded  it,  of  the  South  to 
maintain  their  constitutional  rights  ;  but  these  have  all 


had  shown  itself  in  arms,  the  call  was 
responded  to  by  an  order  from  the  chief 

abandoned  them  when  the  true  pui-pose  was  ascertained. 
If  there  are  any  in  the  North,  or  in  the  border  States,  who 
still  adhere  to  the  conspiracy,  they  will  attempt  to  aid  its 
oliject  by  indirect  moans  ;  by  opposing  and  caviling  at  the 
efforts  to  which  the  Government,  in  a  struggle  for  exist- 
ence, may  use  in  its  own  defence,  and  by  attempting  to 
raise  a  popular  outcry  against  coercion,  and  advocating  a 
peaceable  separation.  A  bold  stand  for  secession  would 
scarcely  be  attempted  ;  but  those  who  sympathize  with 
the  leaders  of  rebellion  will  seek  by  covert  and  indirect 
means  to  aid  the  object  of  the  conspirators. 

' '  There  is  only  one  question  now  for  each  American 
citizen  to  decide  in  this  controversy  ;  Do  you  desire  to 
stand  by  and  live  under  the  Constitution  which  has  con- 
tributed so  long  and  so  greatly  to  the  happiness  and  pros- 
perity of  the  people,  and  to  transmit  its  blessings  to  our 
posterity  ?  Or,  do  you  desire  the  Union  broken  up,  and 
an  oligarchy  or  military  despotism  established  in  its 
stead?  The  leaders  of  the  South  are  striving  for  the 
latter.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  exerting 
its  whole  force  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  former. 
There  can  be  no  neutral  ground.  The  secession  leaders 
have  declared  that  they  desire  no  compromise,  except  the 
unconditional  surrender  to  them  of  the  objects  they  h.ave 
been  aiming  to  accomplish,  and  the  consent  of  the  Gov- 
ernment to  its  own  destruction.  The  very  proposition  of 
compromise  places  a  false  issue  before  the  country.  It 
implies  that  the  Federal  Government  has  committed  some 
great  wrong  which  ought  to  be  remedied  before  peace  ban 
be  restored ;  when  in  fact  the  leaders  in  the  South  have 
controlled  the  legislation  of  the  country  for  years,  and  the 
laws  now  in  existence  were  made  or  suggested  by  them- 
selves when  in  power. 

"The  position  of  this  State  is  a  peculiar  one  at  this  mo- 
ment. Last  November,  at  the  Presidential  election,  it 
gave  upward  of  sixteen  thousand  majority  for  BeU  and 
Douglas,  both  Union  candidates  for  the  Presidency.  Their 
principal  competitor  was  loudly  proclaimed  as  also  true  to 
the  Union  ;  and  throughout  the  canvass  any  imputation 
of  favoring  disunion  was  indignantly  denied  by  the  advo- 
cates of  all  the  candidates.  At  the  election  for  members 
of  the  Convention  in  February  last,  there  was  a  majority 
of  over  sixty  thousand  votes  given  to  the  Union  candi- 
dates ;  and  the  people  by  an  equal  majority  determined 
that  no  aet  of  that  Convention  should  change  the  relations 
of  the  State  to  the  Federal  Government,  unless  ratified  by 
the  popular  vote.  Yet  the  delegates  to  that  Convention 
passed  the  ordinance  of  secession,  and  attached  the  State 
to  the  Southern  league,  called  the  Confederate  States  ;  and 
to  render  the  step  irretrievable,  and  defeat  the  whole  ob- 
ject of  requiring  a  ratification  of  the  people  to  render  such 
acts  valid,  they  put  them  into  effect  immediately  ;  and 
before  the  vote  could  be  taken  on  the  question  of  ratifica- 
tion, transferred  the  whole  military  force  of  our  State  to 


302 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


confederate  in  Virginia  to  his  armed 
followers,  to  seize  the  navy-yard  at 
Gosport  ;    and   the    authorities    of   the 

the  President  of  the  Confederacy,  and  surrendered  to  him 

military  possession  of  our  territory. 

"  When  tlio  chiiius  ha,d  been  thus  fastened  upon  us,  we 
were  called  to  vote  upon  the  ordinance  of  secession.  The 
same  reign  of  terror  which  compelled  Union  men  to  vote 
as  they  did  in  the  Convention,  was  brought  to  bear  on  the 
people  themselves.  Vast  numbers  were  obliged,  by  in- 
timidation and  fear  of  thi'eatened  violence,  to  vote  for 
secession.  Many  did  not  vote  at  all.  Many,  no  doubt, 
were  influenced  by  the  consideration,  that  the  meixsures 
already  adopted  had  placed  the  Commonwealth  helplessly 
within  the  grasp  of  the  President  of  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy, and  that  she  could  not  escape  from  his  power  by 
the  rejection  of  the  ori-Unance. 

"  It  is  claimed  that  the  ordinance  of  secession  has  been 
ratilied  by  a  majority  of  ninety-four  thousand  votes.  Had 
the  people  of  Virginia,  then,  so  greatly  changed?  The 
best  evidence  that  they  had  not  is  found  in  the  fact  that, 
wherever  the  vote  was  fully  free,  there  was  a  much  larger 
majority  against  secession  than  was  given  at  the  election 
in  February  to  the  Union  candidates  for  the  Convention. 
The  means  of  intimidation  and  violence,  which  wore  re- 
sorted to  over  a  large  portion  of  the  SUite,  to  compel  an 
appearance  of  unanimity  in  favor  of  secession,  show  th.at 
the  leaders  of  this  movement  felt  that  the  hearts  of  the 
people  were  not  with  them. 

"  The  proclamation  of  the  President,  Civlliug  for  seventy- 
five  thousand  volunteer  troops,  is  commouly  relied  upon 
to  justify  the  ordinance  of  secession.  That  proclamation 
was  issued  on  the  15th  of  April,  18G1.  It  must  not,  how- 
ever, be  overlooked,  that  on  the  0th  of  March,  1801,  the 
pretended  Congress  at  Montgomery  provided  by  law  for 
calling  into  the  field  a  force  of  one  hundred  thousand 
volunteers  ;  and  that  on  the  12th  of  April  the  Secretary 
of  War  of  the  Confederate  States  publicly  announced  that 
war  was  commenced,  and  that  the  Capitol  at  Washington 
would  be  captured  before  the  first  of  May.  The  intention 
to  capture  the  capital  of  the  Union  was  repeatedly  pro- 
claimed in  influential  papers  at  Eichmond  and  other 
Southern  cities  before  the  15th  of  April.  It  was,  in  fact, 
long  a  cherished  object  of  the  leaders  m  this  great  con- 
spiracy. Did  they  expect  the  President  of  the  nation  to 
yield  the  Capitol,  and  retire  in  disgrace,  without  adopting 
any  measures  of  defence?  Yet  Virginia,  we  are  told, 
seceded  because  the  President,  under  such  circumstances, 
called  volunteers  to  the  defence  of  the  country. 

"I  need  not  remark  to  you,  gentlemen,  how  fatal  tlie 
attempted  disseverance  of  tlie  Uiuou  must  prove  to  all  our 
material  interests.  Secession,  and  annexation  to  the 
South,  woidd  cut  ofl'  every  outlet  for  our  productions. 
We  cannot  get  them  to  the  Coufederat*  States  across  the 
Alleghanies.     The  Ohio  lliver  and  the  country  beyond  it 


State,  who  had  till  then  shown  repug- 
nance to  the  plot,  found  themselves 
stripped  of  all  actual  power,  and  after- 

would  be  closed  to  our  trade.  With  Maryland  in  the 
Union,  our  outlet  to  the  East  would  be  intcrrujited  ;  while 
we  could  not  carry  our  products  across  the  Pennsylvania 
line,  by  the  Monongahela  or  other  route.  In  time  of  war 
we  would  encounter  a  hostile  force,  and  in  time  of  peace 
a  custom-house  at  every  turn. 

"The  interests  of  the  people  of  Virginia  were  entrusted 
to  the  Eichmond  Convention.  How  have  they  fulfilled 
that  trust  ?  Why,  if  war  was  to  come,  was  our  land  m.ide 
the  battle-field  ?  Why  was  this  Commonwealth  interposed 
as  a  ban-icr  to  protect  the  States  of  the  South,  who  under- 
took to  overthrow  the.  Union  in  utter  disregard  to  our  re- 
monstrances? In  the  position  in  which  the  Eichmond 
Convention  have  placed  us,  our  homes  are  exposed  to  all 
the  horrors  of  civil  war,  while  the  President  of  the  Mont- 
gomery Congress  can  announce  to  the  people  of  the  Gulf 
states  that '  they  need  now  have  no  apprehension  ;  they 
might  go  on  with  their  planting  and  business  as  usual ; 
the  war  would  not  come  to  their  section ;  its  theatre 
would  be  along  the  borders  of  the  Ohio  Elver,  and  in 
Virginia.' 

"  Have  we  done  "ivi-oug  in  rejecting  the  authority  of  the 
men  who  have  thus  betrayed  the  interests  confided  to 
their  charge  ? 

' '  Under  these  circumstances  the  people  of  the  State  who 
desired  to  preserve  a  Virginia  in  the  Union,  by  their  dele- 
gates appointed  at  primary  meetings,  assembled  at  Wheel- 
ing on  the  13  th  of  May  last,  to  consider  the  measures  nec- 
essary to  protect  JJieir  constitutional  rights  and  liberties, 
their  lives  and  their  property.  Before-  a  frank  comparison 
could  be  had,  difterenccs  of  opinion  were  to  be  expected, 
and  such  differences  accordingly  then  existed.  That  Con- 
vention, however,  after  three  days'  mature  consideration, 
determined  to  call  upon  the  loyal  people  of  the  State, 
after  the  vote  was  taken  on  the  Secession  ordinance,  to 
elect  delegates  to  a  Convention  to  be, held  on  the  11th  day 
of  June,  1861.  All  who  witnessed  the  assembling  of  the 
last  Convention,  will  bear  witness  to  tlie  solemnity  of  the 
occasion.  Its  action  was  attended  with  singular  unanim- 
ity, and  has  resulted  in  the  reorganization  of  the  State 
government,  as  a  member  of  the  Union. 

"  Their  journ.il  and  ordinances  will  be  submitted  to  you. 
Plain  principles  vindicate  their  acts.  The  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  was  adopted  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  the  powers  thus  derived  could  be  resumed 
only  by  the  consent  of  the  people  who  conferred  them. 
That  Constitution  is  the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  The 
Constitution  of  the  State  recognizes  it  as  such,  and  all  the 
laws  of  tlie  State  virtually  recognize  the  same  principle. 
The  Governor,  the  Legislature,  imd  all  State  officers,  civil 
and  military,  when  they  entered  upon  the  disdi.args  of 
their  duties,  took  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution  of 


GOVERNOR  PIERPONT'S  JIESSAGE. 


303 


wards  were  manifestly  pei'mitted  to  re- 
tain the  empty  forms  of  office  only  be- 
cause they  consented  to  use  tliem  at  the 
bidding  of  the  invaders. 

"The  President,  however,  never  sup- 
posed that  a  brave  and  free  people, 
though  surprised  and  unarmed,  could 
long  be  subjugated  by  a  class  of  politi- 
cal adventurers  always  adverse  to  them  : 
and  the  fact  that  they  have  already 
rallied,   reorganized   their  government, 

the  United  States.  When  the  Convention  assemhled  at 
Wheeling- on  the  Uth  of  June,  they  found  the  late  Gov- 
ernor, and  many  of  the  other  officers  of  the  State,  engaged 
in  an  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Constitution  tliey  had 
sworn  to  support.  Whatever  they  might  actually  effect, 
with  the  aid  of  their  confederates,  by  unlawful  intimida- 
tion and  violence,  they  could  not  lawfully  deprive  the 
good  people  of  thi?  Commonwealth  of  the  protection 
afforded  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  Union,  and 
of  the  rights  to  which  they  are  entitled  under  the  same. 
The  Convention  attempted  no  change  of  the  fimdamental 
law  of  the  State  for  light  and  transient  causes.  The  alter- 
ations adopted  were  such  only  as  were  imperatively  re- 
quired by  the  necessity  of  the  case  ;  to  give  vitality  and 
force  to  the  Constitution  of  the  State,  and  enable  it  to 
operate  in  the  circumstances  under  which  we  are  placed. 
They  attempted  no  revolution.  Whatever  others  may 
have  done,  we  remain  as  we  were,  citizens  of  Virginia, 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  recognizing  and  obeying  the 
Constitutions  and  laws  of  both. 

"I  trust,  gentlemen,  you  will  excuse  me  for  dwelling 
BO  long  upon  these  important  topics. 

' '  Immediately  on  entering  upon  the  duties  of  my  office, 
I  addressed  an  official  communication  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  stating  briefly  the  circumstances  in 
which  we  were  placed,  and  demanding  protection  against 
inviision  and  domestic  violence  to  which  our  people  were 
subjected,  and  I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that  the  President, 
through  the  Secretary  of  War,  promptly  gave  me  very 
satisfactory  assurances  that  the  guarantee  embodied  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  would  be  efficiently  com- 
plied with,  by  affording  to  our  people  a  full  protection.  I 
transmit  herewith  copies  of  these  communications. 

"  I  also  send  you  herewith  a  copy  of  a  eommunication 
received  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  at  Washington, 
certifying  officially  the  apportionment  of  representatives 
in  the  XXXVUIth  Congress  under  tlie  census  of  1860. 
Virginia  has  thirteen  representatives.  Under  the  new  ap- 
portionment she  wOl  have  eleven  only.  P.efore  the  term 
of  the  XXXVIUth  Congress  commences,  it  will  be  nec- 
essary, therefore,  to  redistrict  the  State,   in  conformity 


and  checked  Ihe  march  of  these  invad- 
ers, demonstrates  how  justly  he  appre- 
ciated them. 

"The  failure,  hitherto,  of  the  State 
authorities,  in  consequence  of  the  cir- 
cumstances to  which  I  have  adverted, 
to  organize  its  quota  of  troops  called  for 
by  the  President,  imposed  upon  him  the 
necessity  of  providing  himself  for  their 
organization,  and  this  has  been  done  to 
some  extent.    But  instructions  have  now 

with  the  principles  established  in  the  13th  and  14th  sec- 
tions of  the  4th  Article  of  the  Constitution. 

"The  President  of  the  United  States  has  issued  his  proc- 
lamation convening  an  extra  session  of  Congress,  to  meet 
at  the  National  Capitol  on  the  4th  of  this  month.  The 
two  senators  from  this  State  have  vacated  their  offices.  It 
is  known  to  me  that  tliey  are  engaged  in  tlie  conspiracy  to 
overturn  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  in  re- 
bellion to  its  lawful  authority.  They  have  renounced  the 
title  of  citizens  of  the  Umted  States,  claiming  to  bo 
citizens  of  a  foreign  and  hostile  State.  They  have  aban- 
doned the  posts  assigned  to  them  by  the  State  of  Virginia 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  to  take  office  under  the 
rebellious  Government  of  the  Confederate  States.  I  rec- 
ommend, therefore,  the  election  of  senators  to  fill  the 
vacancies  which  have  thus  occurred.         <*         <*         - 

"The  subject  of  the  revenue  will  demand  your  atten- 
tion. A  recklessness  has  characterized  the  Legislature  of 
the  State  for  the  last  ten  years,  that  has  involved  us  in  a 
most  onerous  debt.  For  many  years  past  the  western  part 
of  the  State  has  been  contributing  in  an  unequal,  an  un- 
just proportion  to  the  revenue,  which  has  been  largely 
expended  on  internal  improvements,  for  tlie  benefit  of  our 
eastern  brethren,  from  which  the  west  has  received  no  ad- 
vantage in  any  form.  The  proceeds  of  the  heavy  debt 
contracted  on  State  account  have  also  been  applied  to 
eastern  railroads  and  improvements  from  which  the  west 
derives  no  beneiit.  The  leaders  of  secession  in  the  Gulf 
States  have  adroitly  involved  Virginia  in  an  immense  ex- 
penditure in  support  of  their  treasonable  schemes  ;  and  to 
save  their  own  people  and  property,  have  managed  to 
transfer  the  theatre  of  war  to  our  territory.  Before  they 
are  driven  out,  the  whole  of  the  material  interests  of  the 
State  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge  will  probably  be  destroyed, 
including  the  internal  improvements,  upon  which  such 
lavish  expenditure  has  been  made.         o         o         o 

' '  You  have  met,  gentlemen,  in  the  midst  of  civil  war, 
but  I  trust  you  may  yet  be  assembled  under  happier 
auspices,  when  the  strife  shall  be  over,  and  peace  and 
prosperity  be  restored  to  this  once  happy  country.  All 
which  is  respectfully  submitted.  F.  H.  Piebpont." 


304 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


been  given  to  the  agents  of  the  Federal 
Government  to  proceed  hereafter  under 
your  direction,  and  the  company  and  field 
officers  will  be  commissioned  by  you." 

The  secessionist  Governor,  John  Letch- 
er, met  these  declarations  of  independ- 
ence, and  the  efforts  to  defend  it,  on  the 
part  of  the  new  Governor,  with  a  coun- 
ter manifesto,  asserting  that  Virginia 
had  seceded  by  a  vote  of  the  majority  of 
her  people,  and  appealing  to  the  West- 
ern Virginians  "to  yield  to  the  will  of 
the  State."  • 

"Men  of  the  North-west,"  he  said, 
"I  appeal  to  you,  by  all  the  considera- 
tions which  have  drawn  us  together  as 
one  people  heretofore,  to  rally  to  the 
standard  of  the  Old  Dominion.  By  all 
the  sacred  ties  of  consanguinity,  by  the 
intermixtures  of  the  blood  of  East  and 
West,  by  common  2")aternity,  by  friend- 
ships hallowed  by  a  thousand  cherished 
recollections  and  memories  of  the  past, 
by  the  relics  of  the  great  men  of  other 
days,  come  to  Virginia's  banner,  and 
drive  the  invaders  from  your  soil. 
There  may  be  traitors  in  the  midst  of 
you,  who,  for  selfish  ends,  have  turned 
against  their  mother,  and  would  permit 


her  to  be  ignominiously  oppressed  and 
degraded.  But  I  cannot,  will  not  be- 
lieve that  a  majority  of  you  are  not  true 
sons,  who  will  not  give  your  blood  and 
your  treasure  for  Virginia's  defence." 

The  Governor,  at  the  same  time,  re- 
minded the  people  of  Western  Virginia 
of  the  "  magnanimity"  of  the  Eastern 
districts,  in  consenting  at  last  to  an 
equalization  of  taxation,  by  which  the 
cause  of  complaint  of  the  former  against 
the  latter  had  been  removed.  "Let  one 
heart,"  exclaimed  the  Governor,  "  one 
mind,  one  energy,  one  power  nerve 
every  patriot  to  arms  in  a  common 
cause.  The  heart  that  will  not  beat  in 
unison  with  Virginia  is  bow  a  traitor's 
heart,  the  arm  that  will  not  strike  home 
in  her  cause  now,  is  palsied  by  coward 
fear. 

"  The  troops  are  posted  at  Huttons- 
ville.  Come  with  your  own  good  weap- 
ons and  meet  them  as  brothers  !" 

Such  proclamations  and  counter-proc- 
lamations and  appeals  to  diverse  loyal- 
tics  only  served  to  quicken  the  rage  of 
fellow-citizen  arrayed  against  fellow-cit- 
izen, and  more  deeply  to  involve  them 
in  the  perplexing  horrors  of  civil  war. 


LIFE   OF   GENERAL   LYON. 


305 


CHAPTER    XXVII, 


Failure  in  Missouri  of  General  Harney's  League. — Harney's  Successor  of  "  sterner  stuff." — Life  of  General  Lyon. — Birth 
and  early  Life. — Parentage. — His  rustic  home. — Early  fondness  for  Mathematics. — A  cadet  at  West  Point. — Grad- 
uation.— Service  in  the  Army. — Mexican  Campaign. — Good  deeds  and  just  recompenses. — Service  in  California. — 
Indian  Warfare. — In  Kansas. — Sympathies  with  the  Free-soilers. — Takes  up  tlie  pen  in  their  defence. — His  writings 
and  opinions. — Captain  Lyon  in  command  of  the  Arsenal  at  St.  Louis. — His  prompt  action  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Civil  War. — Capture  of  Fort  Jackson. — Seizure  of  the  J.  C.  Swan. — Capture  of  lead  at  Ironlon. — Lyon  succeeds 
Harney. — Unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  secessionist  Price  to  wheedle  him. — Lyon  refuses  to  be  governed  by  the 
Harney  League.— Alai'm  of  the  Secessionists. — The  muster  of  the  Secessionists  in  Jefferson  City. — Personal  inter- 
view of  Governor  Jackson  with  General  Lyon. — Firmness  of  Lyon. — The  Secessionists  giving  up  all  hope  of  pro- 
moting their  cause  by  diplomacy. — Making  a  stand  at  Jefferson  City. — Destruction  of  Telegraph  and  Railway 
bridges. — Proclamation  of  Governor  Jackson. — Counter-proclamation  of  General  Lyon. — General  Lyon  determines 
to  rout  out  the  disunion  plotters  from  Jefferson  City. 


1861. 


The  league  which  General  Harney 
had,  with  a  too  yielding  confidence 
iu  their  professions  of  peace,  made 
with  the  secession  leaders  of  Missouri, 
failed,  as  has  been  recorded,  to  check 
rebellion  in  that  State.  After  his  re- 
call, and  the  succession  to  the  command 
of  General  Lyon,  a  man  of  stei'ner 
stuff,  Missouri  promised  to  vindicate 
more  decidedly  its  loyalty  to  the  Union. 

Nathaniel  Lyon  was  born  in  Ashford, 
Wyndham  County,  Connecticut.  His 
father  was  Amasa  Lyon,  a  hard-working 
and  thriving  farmer  of  the  place,  where 
his  intelligence  and  integrity  won  the 
appreciation  of  its  inhabitants,  who 
elected  him  a  justice  of  the  peace.  His 
wife,  whose  family  name  was  Kezia,  was 
a  descendant  of  the  Knowltons,  one  of 
whom,  Colonel  Thomas  Knowlton,  had 
served  in  the  French  colonial  war,  and 
in  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  having 
commanded  a  Connecticut  company  at 
Bunker's  Hill,  and  fallen  on  the  plains 
of    Harlem.     Washington   honored   his 

39 


memory  with  the  tribute  :  "  He  would 
have  been  an  honor  to  any  country." 

There  is  little  record  left  of  the  boy- 
hood of  General  Lyon.  It  was  passed 
among  the  simple  associations  of  his 
rustic  home.  In  the  winter  he  was  sent 
to  the  village  school,  and  in  seed-time 
and  harvest  he  aided  his  father  or  his 
neighbors  in  farm-work.  An  aged  fel- 
low-townsman in  recalling,  at  the  grave 
of  the  heroic  soldier,  his  recollections  of 
the  country  boy,  said :  "  Nathaniel 
worked  for  me  on  my  farm  when  he  was 
a  boy.  He  was  smart,  daring,  and  res- 
olute, and  wonderfully  attached  to  his 
mother." 

General  Lyon,  on  the  night  before  his 
last  battle,  while  lying  with  a  fellow- 
officer  between  two  steep  rocks,  where 
the  space  was  so  narrow  that  there  was 
hardly  room  to  move,  made  light  of  the 
inconvenience,  and  playfully  remarked, 
with  a  fond  allusion  to  his  home,  that 
he  was  "  born  between  two  rocks."  He 
referred  to  the   position  of  the   house 


306 


THE  WAU  WITPI  TIIE  SOUTH. 


where  he  was  born,  and  the  homestead 
of  his  family,  which  "stands  about  four 
miles  from  Eastford  (Ashford  was  divided 
in  1847,  and  the  name  of  the  northern 
portion  of  the  township  changed  to 
Eastford),  on  the  road  to  Hampton. 
Leaving  the  little  hamlet  of  Phoenix- 
ville,"  says  his  biographer,*  "we  climb 
a  long  hill,  thence  over  a  rough  road  to 
a  valley,  nestled  in  which,  between  two 
steep  and  rocky  hills,  about  twenty  rods 
from  the  highway,  is  the  house — a  small, 
old  building,  somewhat  out  of  repair, 
with  rusty  clapboards,  which  were  once 
painted  red." 

Though  he  found  in  the  village  school 
little  opportunity  for  the  development 
of  his  talent,  he  is  reported  to  have 
shown  a  natural  aptitude  and  fondness 
for  the  study  of  mathematics.  This 
early  taste  probably  induced  his  parents 
to  obtain  for  him  an  appointment  to  a 
cadetship  in  West  Point,  where  he  en- 
tered at  the  age  of  eighteen.  He  grad- 
uated in  1841,  ranking  the  eleventh  of 
his  class,  a  position  which  proved  a  fair 
degree  of  successful  study.  He  com- 
menced his  military  service,  on  leaving 
the  academy,  as  a  second  lieutenant  of 
infantry,  and  first  entered  upon  active 
duty  in  Florida,  during  the  campaign 
against  the  Seminole  Indians.  He  was 
subsequently  stationed  at  various  points 
on  our  Western  frontier,  and  on  the 
breaking  out  of  the  war  with  Mexico, 
accompanied  the  army  of  Scott  as  first 
lieutenant.     He  took  part  in  the  siege 

o  The  Last  Political  Writings  of  General  Nathaniel  Lyon, 
United  States  Army,  with  a  Sketch  of  his  Life  and  Military 
Services.     New  York,  Eudd  &  Carleton,  186L 


of  Vera  Cruz,  and  at  the  battle  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  where  his  good  service  was  ac- 
knowledged by  the  commander  of  his 
regiment.  "  No  sooner,"  said  he,  "had 
the  height  become  ours,  than  the  enemy 
appeared  in  large  force  on  the  Jalapa 
road,  and  we  were  ordered  to  that 
point.  Captain  Canby,  with  a  small  de- 
tachment, accompanied  by  Lieutenant 
Lyon,  pressed  hotly  in  their  rear,  and 
were  soon  in  possession  of  a  battery  of 
three  pieces  which  had  been  firing  upon 
us  in  reverse." 

At  Contreras,  too,  he  bore  a  gallant 
part,  and  in  the  pursuit  aided  in  cap- 
turing several  pieces  of  artillcjry,  which 
were  ttirned  upon  the  fugitives.  For 
his  good  conduct  and  spirit  at  Churu- 
busco,  he  was  recommended  by  his 
superior  to  "  the  special  notice  of  the 
colonel  commanding  the  brigade,"  and 
was  rewarded  for  his  services  with  the 
rank  of  brevet  captain.  At  the  capture 
of  the  Mexican  capital,  he  was  with  the 
advance,  and  while  fighting  spiritedly  at 
the  Belen  gate,  was  wounded  with  a 
musket-ball. 

On  the  declaration  of  peace  with 
Mexico,  Lyon,  now  captain,  was  ordered 
to  Jefferson  barracks,  in* Missouri,  pre- 
liminary to  a  proposed  march  across  the 
Rocky  Mountains  to  California.  He 
was,  however,  finally  despatched  by  sea 
around  Cape  Horn,  and  reached  Cali- 
fornia soon  after  its  acquisition  by  the 
United  States.  Here  he  was  chiefly  oc- 
cupied with  frontier  duty,  and  proved 
his  activity  and  his  capability  as  a  skir- 
mishing officer  in  Indian  warfare. 

Subsequently  ordered  to  the  territo- 


LYON   A  FREE-SOILER. 


307 


ries  of  Kansas  and.  Nebraska,  he  found 
himself  in  the  midst  of  the  violent  agi- 
tation to  which  that  part  of  the  country 
had  become  exposed.  His  sympathies 
were  at  once  aroused  in  favor  of  the 
principles  of  the  free-soilers,  and  with 
such  fervor,  that  he  was  induced  to  take 
up  the  pen,  though  more  used  to  the 
sword,  in  their  defence.  While  station- 
ed at  Camp  Riley,  in  Kansas,  in  the 
summer  and  autumn  of  1860,  he  wrote 
a  series  of  anonymous  articles  for  the 
Manhattan  Exjyr-ess,  a  weekly  journal 
published  at  one  of  the  neighboring 
settlements. 

His  private  as  well  as  his  published 
writings  show  him  to  have  been  an 
earnest  advocate  of  the  Republican 
cause.  Of  the  rebellious  designs  of  the 
cotton  States  he  seemed  to  have  been 
fully  conscious,  and  at  the  same  time 
persuaded  that  they  could  be  thwarted 
by  a  prompt  exercise  of  executive  au- 
thority. "There  seems  to  be,"  he 
wrote,  "little  doubt  that  several  of  the 
Southern  States  will  precipitate  them- 
selves into  disaster  and  disgrace,  if  al- 
lowed to  do  so  ;  but  this  can  be  pre- 
vented by  the  President,  if  he  chooses 
to  exercise  his  authority  as  becomes  the 
chief  magistrate  of  our  great  and  power- 
ful country.  But  unfortunately,  Mr. 
Buchanan  seems  to  regard  himself  as 
elected  to  submit  tremblingly  to  any  and 
every  demand  of  the  South,  and  I  fear 
he  can  never  rouse  himself  to  take  such 
action  as  our  emergencies  now  require, 
as  due  to  the  country  from  him.  Time 
must  show  :  the  only  thing  safe  to  pre- 
dict is,  that  the  conduct  of  the  South 


must  involve  her  people  in  suffering  and 
shame." 

Again  he  wrote,  "  Our  cause  is  to 
honor  labor  and  elevate  the  laborer  ;  our 
candidate',  Abe  Lincoln."  In  the  follow- 
ing exposition  of  the  degradation  of 
labor  by  slavery,  he  shows  a  thoughtful 
consideration  of  the  subject. 

"In  countries,"  he  wrote,  "where 
slavery  exists,  labor  devolves  for  the 
most  part  upon  the  slaves,  and  is  there- 
fore identified  with  slavery  ;  and  the 
white  free  laborer  being  valued  by  slave- 
owners, who  control  public  opinion,  only 
as  so  much  physical  organism  (bone, 
muscle,  etc.)  for  producing  means,  is 
degraded  to  the  level  of  the  slave,  so 
far  as  his  influence  and  moral  status  go, 
and  is  even  lower  in  physical  comforts, 
for  the  want  of  the  intelligent  care  the 
slave-owner  bestows  upon  the  slave,  and 
of  which  he,  the  free  laborer,  has  be- 
come incompetent  by  a  mental  depravity 
corresponding  to  his  moral  degradation. 
This  is  a  truth  of  philosophy  and  poht- 
ical  economy,  that  man  rises  to  a  posi- 
tion corres^^oudiug  to  the  rights  and 
responsibilities  devolved  upon  him  ;  and 
therefore  the  only  true  way  to  make  a 
man  is  to  invest  him  with  the  rights, 
duties,  and  responsibilities  of  a  man, 
and  he  generally  rises  in  intellectual 
and  moral  greatness  to  a  position  cor- 
responding to  these  circumstances  ;  and 
it  is  the  very  want  of  them  that  makes 
the  free  non-slaveholduig  pei'sons  of  the 
slave  States  so  degraded  and  imbecile, 
that  the  slaves  themselves  feel  a  con- 
scious superiority,  in  which  they  are 
encouraged  by  their  owners,  to  the  ex- 


308 


THE  TVAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


tent  of  thinking  it  better  to  be  a  nigger 
than  a  poor  white  man  ;  and  this  is  done 
to  pacify  the  slave  and  thus  secure  this 
artificial  system  of  securing  the  products 
of  labor  to  the  non-laboring  classes,  and 
also,  by  degrading  white  laborers,  pre- 
vent their  industry  from  competing  with 
slave  labor,  to  reduce  thereby  the  value 
of  slaves." 

From  Kansas,  Captain  Lyon  was 
transferred  to  the  command  of  the  ar- 
senal at  St.  Louis,  where  he  was  when 
the  present  civil  war  broke  out.  -His 
prompt  action  in  surrounding  and  cap- 
turing Camp  Jackson,  and  his  active 
measures  toward  checking  the  secession 
movement  at  Liberty  and  Potosi,  have 
been  already  recorded.  His  subsequent 
action  while  commanding  the  Federal 
forces  in  Missouri,  as  a  brigadier-general, 
was  characterized  by  a  spirit  and 
promptitude  which  gave  promise  of 
security  to  the  State  and  a  certainty  of 
renown  to  himself,  which  have  won  for 
him  the  gratitude  of  the  country,  and 
fixed  him  forever  in  its  annals  as  among 
the  bravest  and  most  devoted  of  its 
heroes  and  patriots. 

General  Lyon,  even  while  General 
jjay  Harney  was  in  command,  seeing 
22»  how  that  officer  had  been  deceived 
by  the  secession  leaders,  who,  while 
pretending  peace,  were  preparing  for 
war,  did  not  intermit  his  vigilance  for  a 
moment.  He  seized,  on  the  very  next 
day  after  the  signing  of  the  Harney 
league,  the  steamer  J.  C.  Swan,  at 
a  point  thirty  miles  below  St.  Louis, 
and  caused  her  to  be  brought  up  and 
secured    at    the    arsenal    in   the   city. 


This  was  the  vessel  which  had  been 
employed  by  the  secessionists  to  con- 
vey the  arms  from  Baton  Rouge,  which 
Lyon  had  seized  after  capturing  Camp 
Jackson.  He  also  succeeded,  in  spite 
of  considerable  resistance,  in  seizing 
five  thousand  pounds  of  lead  at  Iron- 
ton,  on  the  Iron  Mountain  Railroad, 
while  in  trjnsit  to  the  Confederates  in 
the  South. 

Price,  the  military  leader  of  the 
secessionists,  was  evidently  disturbed 
by  the  recall  of  his  unsuspecting  ally, 
and  the  transfer  of  power  to  the  hands 
of  the  less  confiding  and  more  decid- 
ed Lyon.  Price,  however,  strove  to 
wheedle  him  as  he  had  done  his  prede- 
cessor, by  fair  words.  In  a  proclamation 
issued  to  the  brigadier-generals  com- 
manding the  various  military  districts 
of  Missouri,  he  expressed  the  desire 
that  the  State,  in  accordance  with  the 
Harney  league,  should  exercise  the  right 
of  determining  its  position  in  the  con- 
test, without  the  aid  of  any  military 
force  on  either  side.  At  the  same  time, 
alluding  to  the  change  in  the  command 
of  the  Federal  forces,  he  said,  with 
evident  anxiety,  though  affected  confi- 
dence, "The  Government  has  thought 
proper  to  remove  General  Harney  from 
the  command  of  the  Department  of  the 
West ;  but  as  the  successor  of  General 
Harney  will  certainly  consider  himself 
and  his  Government  in  honor  bound  to 
carry  out  this  agreement  in  good  faith, 
I  feel  assured  that  his  removal  should 
give  no  cause  of  uneasiness  to  our  citi- 
zens for  the  security  of  their  liberties 
and  property.     I  intend  on  my  part  to 


FIRMNESS  OF  LYON. 


309 


adhere  both  in  its  spirit  and  to  the 
letter.  The  rumor  in  circulation,  that 
it  is  the  intention  of  the  officers  now  in 
command  of  this  Department  to  disarm 
those  of  our  citizens  who  do  not  agree 
in  opinion  with  the  administration  at 
.Washington,  and  put  arms  in  the  hands 
of  those  who,  in  some  localities  of  this 
State,  are  supposed  to  sympathize  with 
the  views  of  the  Federal  Government, 
are,  I  trust,  unfounded.  The  purpose 
of  such  a  movement  could  not  be  mis- 
understood, and  it  would  not  only  be  a 
violation  of  the  agreement  referred  to, 
and  an  equally  plain  violation  of  our 
constitutional  right,  but  a  gross  indignity 
to  the  citizens  of  the  State,  which  would 
be  resisted  to  the  last  extremity.'' 

Notwithstanding  this  affected  confi- 
dence, that  General  Lyon  would  thus 
carry  out  a  league  so  dangerous  to  the 
loyalty  of  the  State,  and  for  the  form- 
ing of  which  General  Harney  had  been 
recalled,  the  secessionists  became  alarmed 
for  their  safety.  Hurrying  from  the 
faithful  St.  Louis,  they  gathered  together 
in  Jefferson  City,  the  capital  of  the  State, 
where,  under  the  sanction  of  the  dis- 
loyal Governor,  they  were  pursuing 
their  machinations  for  wresting  Missouri 
from  the  Union.  Governor  Jackson 
himself  now  strove,  by  a  personal  inter- 
view with  General  Lyon,  to  make  with 
him  an  agreement  such  as  had  paralyzed 
the  Federal  authority  under  Harney's 
league.  He  proposed  to  disband  the 
militia,  or  State  guard  as  it  was  termed, 
provided  Lyon  would  consent  to  disarm 
the  Union  volunteers.  This  the  latter 
resolutely   refused,    insisting    that    the 


Federal  Government  should  enjoy  the 
unrestricted  right  to  move  and  station 
its  troops  throughout  the  State  when- 
ever and  wherever,  in  the  opinion  of 
its  officers,  it  might  be  necessary,  either 
for  the  protection  of  loyal  subjects  of 
the  Federal  Government  or  for  repelling 
invasion. 

General  Lyon  in  this  memorandum 
specified  in  detail  his  answer  to  jun© 
the  Governor's  wily  proposition.  U» 
"  General  Lyon,"  he  wrote,  "  sets  forth 
as  his  conviction  that  if  the  Government 
withdrew  its  forces  entirely,  secret  and 
subtle  measures  would  be  resorted  to  to 
provide  arms  and  effect  organizations 
which,  upon  any  pretext,  could  put  forth 
a  formidable  opposition  to  the  General 
Government,  and,  even  without  ai'ming, 
combinations  would  doubtless  form  in 
certain  localities  to  oppress  and  drive 
out  loyal  citizens,  to  whom  the  Govern- 
ment is  bound  to  give  protection,  but 
which  it  would  be  helpless  to  do,  as  also 
to  repress  such  combinations,  if  its 
forces  could  not  be  sent  into  the  State. 
A  large  aggi'essive  force  might  be 
formed  and  advanced  from  the  exterior 
into  the  State,  to  assist  it  in  carrying 
out  the  secession  programme,  and  the 
Government  could  not,  under  the  limit- 
ation proposed,  take  posts  on  these 
borders  to  meet  and  repel  such  force. 
The  Government  could  not  shrink  from 
its  duties  nor  abdicate  its  corresponding 
rights  ;  and,  in  addition  to  the  above, 
it  is  the  duty  of  its  civil  officers  to  ex- 
ecute civil  process,  and  in  case  of  re- 
sistance to  receive  the  support  of  mili- 
tary force.     The  proposition  of  the  Gov- 


310 


THE  "WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


ernor  would  at  ouce  overturn  the  Gov- 
ernment privileges  and  prerogatives, 
which  he  (General  Lyon)  has  neither  the 
wish  nor  authority  to  do.  In  his  opin- 
ion, if  the  Governor  and  the  State  au- 
thorities would  earnestly  set  about  to 
maintain  the  peace  of  the  State,  and  de- 
clare their  purposes  to  resist  outrages 
upon  loyal  citizens  of  the  Government, 
and  repress  insurrections  against  it,  and, 
in  case  of  A'iolent  combinations  needing 
co-operation  of  the  United  States  troops, 
they  should  call  upon  or  accept  such 
assistance,  and  in  case  of  threatened  in- 
vasion the  Government  troops  took 
suitable  posts  to  meet  it,  the  purposes 
of  the  Government  would  be  subserved, 
and  no  infringement  of  the  State's 
rights  or  dignity  committed.  He  would 
take  good  care,  in  such  faithful  co-oper- 
ation of  the  State  authorities  to  this 
end,  that  no  individual  should  be  injured 
in  person  or  property,  and  that  the  ut- 
most delicac}^  should  be  observed  toward 
all  peaceable  persons  concerned  in  these 
relations.  Upon  this  basis,  in  General 
Lyon's  opinion,  could  th6  rights  of  both 
the  General  and  State  governments  be 
secured  and  peace  maintained." 

The  Governor  finding  that  the  reso- 
lute Lj'on  was  not  to  be  shaken  from  his 
fii-m  determination  to  uphold  the  Fed- 
eral authority  and  sustain  the  loyal  citi- 
zens of  Missouri,  lost  all  further  hope 
of  promoting  secession  by  diplomac}', 
and  appealed  to  arms.  He  hurried 
with  his  confederates  to  Jefferson  City, 
the  capital,  destroying  on  the  route,  the 
telegraph  wires  and  railroad  bridges, 
with  the  evident  pui'pose  of  commencing 


war  and  resisting  the  Federal  authority. 
At  the  same  time  the  Governor  issued 
an  insurrectionary  proclamation.''' 

°  "  To  THE  People  of  Missocbi  :  A  series  of  unprovoked 
and  unparalleled  outrages  have  been  inflicted  upon  the 
peace  and  dignity  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  upon  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  its  people,  by  wicked  and  unprin- 
cipled men,  professing  to  act  under  the  authority  of  the 
United  states  Government;  the  solemn  enactments  of 
your  Legislature  have  been  nullified ;  your  volunteer 
soldiers  have  been  taken  prisoners  ;  your  commerce  with 
your  sister  States  has  been  suspended  ;  your  trade  with 
your  own  fellow-citizens  has  been  and  is  subjected  to  the 
harassing  control  of  an  armed  soldiery  ;  peaceful  citizens 
have  been  imprisoned  without  warrant  of  law  ;  unoffend- 
ing and  defenceless  men,  women,  and  children  have  been 
ruthlessly  shot  down  and  murdered ;  and  other  unbear- 
able indignities  have  been  heaped  upon  your  State  and 
yourselves. 

"  To  all  these  outrages  and  indignities  you  have  submit- 
ted with  a  patriotic  forbearance  which  has  only  encouraged 
the  perpetrators  of  these  grievous  wrongs  to  attempt  still 
bolder  and  more  daring  usurpations, 

"It  has  been  my  earnest  endeavor,  under  all  these  em 
barrassing  circumstances,  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the 
State,  and  to  avert,  if  possible,  from  our  borders,  the  deso- 
lating effects  of  a  ciril  war.  With  that  object  in  view,  I 
authorized  llajor-General  Price,  several  weeks  agw,  to 
arrange  with  General  Harney,  commanding  the  Federal 
forces  in  this  State,  the  terms  of  an  agreement  by  which 
the  peace  of  the  State  might  be  preserved.  They  came, 
on  the  21st  of  May,  to  an  underst;mding,  which  was  made 
public.  The  State  authorities  have  faithfully  labored  to 
carry  out  the  terms  of  that  agreement. 

"  The  Federal  Government,  on  the  other  hand,  not  only 
manifested  its  strong  disapprobation  of  it,  by  the  instant 
dismissal  of  the  distinguished  officer  who,  on  his  part,  en- 
tered into  it,  but  it  at  once  began,  and  has  unintemiit- 
tingly  carried  out  a  system  of  hostile  operations,  in  utter 
contempt  of  that  agreement,  and  the  reckless  disregard  of 
its  own  plighted  faith.  These  acts  have  latterly  por- 
tended revolution  and  civil  war  so  unmistakably,  that  I 
resolved  to  make  one  further  effort  to  avert  these  dangers 
from  you.  I  therefore  solicited  .-m  interview  with  Briga- 
dier-General Lyon,  commanding  the  Federal  army  in 
Missouri.  It  was  granted,  and,  on  the  10th  instant,  waiv- 
ing all  questions  of  personal  and  official  dignity,  I  went 
to  St.  Louis,  accompanied  by  Major-General  Price. 

"We  had  an  interWew  on  the  11th  instant  with  Gen- 
eral Lyon  and  Colonel  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  at  which  I  submit- 
ted to  them  this  proposition  :  That  I  would  disband  the 
State  Guard  and  break  up  its  organization  ;  that  I  would 
disarm  all  the  companies  which  had  been  armed  by  the 
State  ;  that  I  would  pledge  myself  not  to  attempt  to  or- 
ganize the  militia  under  the  military  bUl ;  that  no  anus 


PROCLMIATION  OF  LYON. 


311 


General  Lyon  responded  to  this  mani- 
festo of  hostility  of  the  Governor  of 

or  munitions  of  war  should  be  brought  into  the  State  ; 
that  I  would  protect  all  citizens  equally  in  all  their  rights, 
regardless  of  their  political  opinions  ;  that  I  would  repress 
all  insurrectionary  movements  within  the  State ;  that  I 
would  repel  all  attempts  to  invade  it,  from  whatever  quar- 
ter and  by  whomsoever  made  ;  and  that  I  would  thus 
maintain  a  strict  neutrality  in  the  present  unhappy  con- 
test, and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  Sfcite.  And  I  further 
proposed  that  I  would,  if  necessary,  invoke  the  assistance 
of  the  United  States  troops  to  carry  out  these  pledges. 
All  this  1  proposed  to  do  upon  condition  that  the  Federal 
Government  would  undertake  to  disarm  the  Home  Guards," 
which  it  has  illegally  organized  and  armed  throughout 
the  State,  and  pledge  itself  not  to  occupy  with  its  troops 
any  localities  in  the  State  not  occupied  by  them  at  this 
time. 

"  Nothing  but  the  most  earnest  desire  to  avert  the  hor- 
rors of  civil  war  from  our  beloved  State  could  have 
tempted  me  to  propose  these  humiliating  terms.  They 
were  rejected  by  the  Federal  officers. 

"  They  demanded  not  only  the  disorganization  and  dis- 
arming of  the  State  militia,  and  the  nullificatiou  of  the 
military  bill,  but  they  refused  to  disarm  their  own  Home 
Guards,  and  insisted  that  the  P'ederal  Government  should 
enjoy  an  unrestricted  right  to  move  and  station  its  troops 
throughout  the  State  whenever  and  wherever  it  might, 
in  the  opinion  of  its  officers,  be  necessary,  either  for  the 
protection  of  the  "  loyal  subjects"  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment or  for  the  repelling  of  invasion,  and  they  plainly  an- 
nounced that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Administration 
to  take  military  occupation,  under  these  pretexts,  of  the 
whole  State,  and  to  reduce  it,  as  avowed  by  General  Lyon 
himself,  to  the  'exact  condition  of  Maryland.'  The  ac- 
ceptance by  me  of  these  degrading  terms  would  not  only 
have  sullied  the  honor  of  Missouri,  but  would  have  aroused 
the  indignation  of  every  brave  citizen,  and  precipitated 
the  very  conflict  which  it  has  been  my  aim  to  prevent. 
We  refused  to  accede  to  them,  and  the  conference  was 
broken  up. 

"  Fellow-citizens,  all  our  efforts  toward  conciliation  have 
failed.  We  can  hope  nothiug  from  the  justice  or  modera- 
tion of  the  agents  of  the  Federal  Government  in  this 
State.  They  are  energetically  hastening  the  execution  of 
their  bloody  and  revolutionary  schemes  for  the  inaugura- 
tion of  civil  war  in  your  midst ;  for  the  military  occupa- 
tion of  your  State  by  armed  bands  of  lawless  invaders  for 
the  overthrow  of  your  State  government ;  imd  for  the  sub- 
version of  those  liberties  which  that  government  has 
always  sought  to  protect ;  and  they  intend  to  exert  their 
whole  power  to  subjugate  you,  if  possible,  to  the  military 
despotism  which  has  usurped  the  powers  of  the  Federal 
Government. 

"Now,  therefore,  I,  C.  F.  Jackson,  Governor  of  the 


Missouri,  by  issuing  a  counter-procla- 
mation.* 

state  of  Missouri,  do,  in  view  of  the  foregoing  facts,  and 
by  virtue  of  the  powers  vested  in  me  by  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  this  Commonwealth,  issue  this  my  proclama- 
tion, calling  the  militia  of  the  State,  to  the  number  of 
fifty  tliomand,  into  the  active  service  of  the  State,  for  the 
purpose  of  repelling  said  invasion,  and  for  the  protection 
of  the  lives,  liberty,  and  property  of  the  citizens  of  this 
State.  And  I  earnestly  exhort  all  good  citizens  of  Missouri 
to  rally  under  the  flag  of  their  State  for  the  protection  of 
their  endangered  homes  and  firesides,  and  for  the  defence 
of  their  most  sacred  rights  and  dearest  liberties. 

' '  In  issuing  this  proclamation,  I  hold  it  to  be  my  solemn 
duty  to  remind  you  that  Missouri  is  still  one  of  the  United 
States  ;  that  the  Executive  department  of  the  State  Gov- 
ernment does  not  arrogate  to  itself  the  power  to  disturb 
that  relation  ;  that  that  power  has  been  wisely  vested  in 
a  convention,  which  will,  at  the  proper  time,  express  your 
sovereign  will ;  and  that,  meanwhile,  it  is  your  duty  to 
obey  all  the  cmtslUulional  requirements  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment. But  it  is  equally  my  duty  to  advise  you  that 
your  first  allegiance  is  due  to  your  own  State,  and  that 
you  are  under  no  obligation  whatever  to  obey  the  unam- 
stUuiional  edicts  of  the  military  despotism  which  has  en- 
throned itself  at  Washington,  nor  to  submit  to  the  in- 
famous and  degrading  sway  of  its  wicked  minions  in  this 
State.  No  brave  and  true-hearted  Mi.ssourian  will  obey 
the  one  or  submit  to  tlie  other.  Else,  then,  and  drive  out 
ignominiously  the  invaders  who  have  dared  to  desecrate 
the  soil  which  your  labors  have  made  fruitful,  and  which 
is  consecrated  by  your  homes. 

"  Given  under  my  hand,  as  Governor,  and  under  the 
great  seal  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  at  Jefferson  City,  this 
12th  day  of  June,  1861. 

"  By  the  Governor.     Claiborne  F.  Jackson. 

"  B.  F.  Masses',  Secretary  of  State." 

*=■  "To  tue  Citizeks  of  Missotiki  :  Prior  to  the  procla- 
mation issued  by  Governor  Jackson,  of  date  of  June  12, 
it  is  well  kno^vn  to  you  that  the  Governor  and  Legislature 
sympathized  with  the  rebellion  movements  now  in  pro- 
gress in  the  country,  and  had  adopted  every  means  in 
their  power  to  effect  a  separation  of  this  State  from  the 
General  Government.  For  this  purpose,  parties  of  avowed 
secessionists  have  been  organized  into  military  companies 
throughout  the  State,  with  the  full  knowledge  and  ap- 
proval of  the  Governor.  The  establisliment  of  encamp- 
ments in  the  State  at  an  unusual  period  of  the  year,  and 
authorized  for  an  indefinite  period,  could  have  had  no 
other  object  than  the  concentration  of  a  large  military 
force,  to  be  subjected  to  the  provisions  of  the  military  law 
then  in  contemplation,  and  subsequently  passed— a  bill  so 
offensive  to  all  peaceable  inhabitants,  and  so  piUpably  un- 
constitutional, that  it  could  be  accepted  by  those  only  who 
were  to  conform  to  its  extraordinary  provisions  for  the 


313 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


He  at  the  same  time  marshalled 
his  forces  at  St.  Louis,  and  hurried  to 

purpose  of  effecting  their  cherished  object — the  disruption 
of  the  Federal  Government.  That  bill  provides  for  an 
obligation  to  the  State  on  the  part  of  all  persons  enrolled 
under  its  pro-visions  irrespective  of  any  obligation  to  the 
United  States,  when  tlie  Constitution  requires  all  State 
officers  to  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United 
States.  This  of  itself  is  a  repudiation  of  all  author- 
ity of  the  Federal  Government,  whose  Constitution  is 
the  supreme  law,  on  the  part  of  the  State  Government, 
its  officers,  and  such  citizens  as  might  choose  to  adopt  the 
provisions  of  the  bill,  and,  coupled  as  it  was,  on  the  part 
of  the  Legislature  and  the  Governor,  with  declarations 
hostile  to  its  authority  and  in  Rymp.athy  with  those  who 
were  arrayed  in  a  condition  of  actual  hostility  against  it, 
could  leave  no  doubt  of  its  object  to  carrj'  out  the  pro- 
visions of  this  extraordinary  bill,  having  in  direct  view 
hostilities  to  the  Federal  Government.  It  was  bo  de- 
nounced by  General  Harney,  who  characterized  it  as  a 
secession  ordinance  in  his  proclamation  of  14th  May  last. 
That  proclamation,  doubtless,  gave  rise  to  an  interview 
between  General  Harney  and  General  Price,  that  resulted 
in  an  agreement  which  it  was  hoped  would  lead  to  a  res- 
toration of  tranquillity  and  good  order  in  your  State.  Tliat 
a  repudiation  of  the  military  bill,  and  all  efforts  of  the 
militia  of  the  State  under  its  provisions  was  the  basis  of 
the  agreement,  was  shown  as  well  by  this  proclamation  of 
General  Harney  immediately  preceding  it,  as  by  a  paper 
submitted  to  General  Price,  containing  the  preliminary 
conditions  to  an  inter\iew  with  him. 

"This  agreement  failed  to  define  specifically  the  terms 
of  the  peace,  or  how  far  a  suspension  of  the  provisions  of 
the  military  bill  should  form  a  part  of  it,  though  from  the 
express  declaration  of  General  Harney  at  the  time  of  the 
conference,  as  well  as  from  the  foregoing  paper,  a  suspen- 
sion of  any  action  imder  the  bill  until  there  could  be  a 
judicial  termination  of  its  character  by  some  competent 
tribunal,  must  in  good  faith  be  regarded  as  a  fundamental 
basis  of  the  negotiation. 

"Nevertheless,  immediately  after  this  arrangement,  and 
up  to  the  time  of  Governor  Jackson's  proclamation,  in- 
augurating complaints  of  attempts  to  execute  the  provi- 
sions of  this  bill,  by  which  most  exasperating  hardships 
have  been  imposed  upon  peaceful  loyal  citizens,  coupled 
with  persecutions  and  proscriptions  of  those  opposed  to  its 
pro\Tsions,  have  been  made  to  me  as  commander  of  the 
United  States  forces  here,  and  have  been  carried  to  the 
authorities  at  Washington,  with  appeals  for  relief,  from 
the  Union  men  of  all  parties  of  the  State  who  have  been 
abused,  insulted,  and,  in  some  instances,  driven  from  their 
homes. 

"  That  relief  I  conceive  it  to  be  the  duty  of  a  just  gov- 
ernment to  use  every  exertion  in  its  power  to  give.  Upon 
this  point  the  policy  of  the  Government  is  set  forth  in  the 


rout  out  the  Governor  and  his  secession 
bands  from  Jefferson  City,  the  capital 

following  communication  from  the  Department  at  Wash- 
ington : 

"  '  AnjCTANT-GENERAl's  OfHCE,  } 

WAsm.NCTOs,  ifaiy  27,  1861.    \ 

"  '  BEIOADrEE-GENERAL  W.  S.  HaRNET,  Co5t3L\:iDn>0   De- 

PAETJiENT  West  St.  Loms — Sir:  The  President  observes 
with  concern  that,  notwithstanding  the  pledge  of  the 
State  authorities  to  co-operate  in  preserving  the  peace  of 
Missouri,  loyal  citizens  in  great  numbers  continue  to  be 
driven  from  their  homes.  It  is  immaterial  whether  these 
outrages  continue  from  inactivity  or  indisposition  on  the 
part  of  the  State  authorities  to  prevent  them.  It  is 
enough  that  they  continue,  and  it  will  devolve  on  you 
the  duty  of  putting  a  stop  to  them  summarily  by  the  force 
under  your  command,  to  be  aided  by  such  troops  as  you 
may  require  from  Kansas,  Iowa,  and  Illinois.  The  pro- 
fessions of  loyalty  to  the  Union  by  the  State  authorities 
of  Missouri  are  not  to  be  relied  upon.  They  have  already 
falsified  their  professions  too  often,  and  are  too  far  com- 
mitted to  secession  to  be  admitted  to  your  confidence,  and 
you  can  only  be  sure  of  their  desisting  from  their  wicked 
purposes  when  it  is  not  in  their  power  to  prosecute  them. 
Tou  will,  therefore,  be  uncea-singly  watchful  of  their 
movements,  and  not  permit  the  clamors  of  their  partisans 
and  the  opponents  of  the  wise  meassures  already  taken  to 
prevent  you  from  checking  every  movement  against  the 
Government,  however  disgvdsed,  under  the  pretended 
State  authority.  The  authority  of  the  United  States  is 
paramount,  and  whenever  it  is  apparent  that  a  movement 
— whether  by  order  of  State  authorities  or  not — is  hostile, 
you  will  not  hesitate  to  put  it  down.  ' 

"  'L.  Thojias,  Adjutant-General." 

"  It  is  my  design  to  carry  out  these  instructions  in  their 
letter  and  spirit.  Their  justness  and  propriety  will  be  ap 
preeiated  by  whoever  takes  an  enlightened  view  of  the 
relations  of  the  citizens  of  Missouri  to  the  General  Grov- 
ernment,  nor  can  such  policy  be  construed  as  at  all  dis- 
paraging to  the  rights  or  dignity  of  the  State  of  Missouri, 
or  as  infringing  in  any  sense  upon  the  individual  liberty 
of  its  citizens.  The  recent  proclam.ation  of  Governor 
Jackson,  by  which  he  has  set  at  defiance  the  authorities  of 
the  United  States,  and  urged  you  to  make  war  upon  them, 
is  but  a  consummation  of  his  treasonable  purposes,  long 
indicated  by  his  acts  and  expressed  opinions,  and  now 
made  manifest.  If,  in  suppressing  these  treasonable  pro- 
jects, carrying  out  the  policy  of  the  Government,  and 
maintaining  its  dignity  as  above  indicated,  hostilities 
should  unfortunately  occur,  and  unhappy  consequences 
should  follow,  I  would  hope  that  all  aggravation  of  those 
events  may  be  avoided,  and  that  they  may  be  diverted 
from  the  innocent,  and  may  fall  only  on  the  heads  of 
those  by  whom  they  have  been  provoked. 

"  In  the  discharge  of  these  plain  but  onerous  duties,  I 


FIRST  MOVEMENT   OF   LYON. 


313 


of  Missouri,  where  they  were  plotting 
against  and  making  ready  to  attack  the 


Union  troops  and  overthrow  the  Fed- 
eral authority. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 


General  Lyon's  movement  from  St.  Louis. — Occupation  of  the  Railroad. — Force  under  Lyon. — Embarkation  of  Troops. 
— An-ival  at  Jefferson  City. — Fliglit  of  tlie  Enemy. — Their  destructive  proceedings. — General  Lyon  in  pursuit. — 
Doernstein  at  the  capital. — Route  of  General  Lyon. — Reception  by  the  way. — Kochefort. — First  Indication  of  the 
Enemy. — Dispersion  of  Scouts. — Disembarkation  of  General  Lyon. — March  of  the  Federal  Troops. — Coming  up 
with  the  Enemy. — Position  of  tlie  Antagonist. — Opening  Fire. — Battle  of  Booneville. — Flight  of  the  Enemy. — 
Courage  and  coolness  of  General  Lyon. — Pursuit  of  the  Enemy. — Another  Stand  and  another  Rout. — A  deserted 
Camp. — A  half-cooked  Breakfast. — The  Federal  Boats  doing  good  service. — Capture  of  a  Battery. — The  stand  at 
the  Fair  Grounds. — A  third  Rout. — The  scattering  of  the  Enemy. — The  Killed  and  Wounded. — ^The  Prisoners. — 
A  warlike  Parson. — Successful  Appeal  to  an  "  old  Rebel." — Comparative  strength  of  Forces. — Approach  to  Boone- 
ville.—A  civic  and  military  Delegation. — Welcome  to  the  Town. — Union  Enthusiasm. — The  Secessionists'  Demand. 
— Danger  to  the  Unionists. — The  "Greatest  Crime,"  etc. — General  Lyon's  Proclamation. — Forgiveness  of  Rebels. 
— Mildness  and  Severity. — Proclamation  of  Eoernstein  at  Jefferson  City. — The  Missouri  Convention  taking  Cour- 
age.— Convoked  to  reassemble. — The  Congratulations  of  the  Unionists. — Another  Riot  in  St.  Louis. — Attack  upon 
the  Federal  Soldiers. — Tragic  Results. — The  Verdict  of  a  St.  Louis  Jury. — General  Lyon  inspirited. — A  bold  move 
to  the  Southwest. — Sterling  Price  and  Ben  McCulloch. — Departure  of  Lyon. — An  Augmenting  Force. 


1861. 


General  Lyon's  first  movement  "was 
to  send  the  Second  Regiment  of 
Missouri  Volunteers,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Siegel,  by  land,  along 
June  the  Pacific  Railroad,  to  occupy  the 

!-•  line,  and  thus  prevent  any  further 
destruction,  by  the  secessionists,  of  the 
bridges.  This  detachment  proceeded, 
without  any  show  of  opposition,  as  far 
as  the  Gasconade  River,  where  the 
enemy  had  destroyed  the  bridge. .  On 
June  the  next  day,  Lyon  embarked  his 

13.  troops  in  two  divisions  ;  one  con- 
sisting of  the  Second  Battahon  of  the 
First  Regiment  of  Missouri  Volunteers, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  An- 
drews, one  section  of  Totten's  light  ar- 

shall  look  for  the  countenance  and  active  co-operation  of 
all  good  citizens,  and  I  shall  expect  them  to  discounte- 
nance all  illegal  combinations  or  organizations,  and  sup- 
port and  uphold,  by  every  lawful  means,  the  Federal  Gov- 
40 


tillery,  and  two  companies  of  regulars 
under  Captain  Lathrop  ;  and  the  other 
of  the  First  Battalion  of  the  First  Regi- 
ment of  Missouri  Volunteers  under 
Colonel  Blair,  another  section  of  Tot- 
ten's artillery,  and  a  detachment  of 
pioneers,  numbering  in  all  about  two 
thousand  men.  Each  division  was  em- 
barked on  board  of  a  river  steamer  at 
the  wharves  of  St.  Louis,  and  together 
\rith  the  men  a  large  supply  of  horses, 
baggage  wagons,  camp  equipage,  am- 
munition, and  provisions  was  put  on 
board,  evidently  with  the  view  of  a  long 
march.  General  Lyon  and  his  staff"  em- 
barked with  the  second  division,  and  the 
two  steamers  proceeded  up  the  Missouri 


emmcnt,  upon  the  maintenance  of  which  depend  their 
liberties  and  the  perfect  enjoyment  of  all  their  rights. 

"  N.  Lton, 
"  Brigadier-General  U.  S.  Volunteers  Commanding." 


3U 


THE  WAR  WITH   THE   SOUTH. 


to  Jefferson  City,' the  capital,  situated 
on  that  river,  near  the  centre  of  the 
State. 

On  the  second  day  after  embarking, 
June  General   Lyon    reached    Jefferson 

15.  City,  hut  on  marching  into  the 
place  found  that  Governor  Jackson, 
General  Sterling  Price,  and  their  seces- 
sion confederates  and  bands,  had  re- 
treated the  day  before  to  Booneville, 
some  forty  miles  farther  up  the  Missouri, 
within  the  interior  of  the  State.  They 
had  striven  to  conceal  their  destination, 
but  the  people  of  Jefferson  City  had  no 
doubt  of  the  direction  of  their  flight, 
and  being  loyally  disposed,  freely  gave 
all  the  information  thej-  possessed  to 
the  Federal  officers.  In  theii*  retreat 
the  secessionists  had  sought  to  hinder 
pursuit,  by  seizing  the  cars  and  loco- 
motives, which  they  carried  along  with 
them,  and  by  destroying  the  bridges 
and  telegraphs,  as  they  hurriedly  pushed 
forward. 

Lyon   promptly  hurried  on   in  pux'- 
June  ^^it.       Embarking    again    in    the 

16«  steamers,  to  which  was  added  a 
third,  he  moved  with  his  ti'oops  up  the 
Missouri,  having  left  three  companies 
of  Boernstein's  regiment  under  the 
command  of  the  Colonel  himself,  at 
Jefferson  City,  to  protect  the  capital. 
On  passing  the  little  town  of  Marion, 
on  the  Missouri  River,  the  inhabitants 
manifested  their  loyalty  by  heartily 
cheering  the  expedition.  Having  reach- 
ed Providence  during  the  night,  the 
steamers  hauled  up  until  daybreak, 
when  they  continued  their  course.  At 
Rochefort  the  suUenness  of  some  of  the 


people  indicated  that  the  Federal  forces 
had  arrived  in  a  part  of  the  State  where 
they  were  less  welcome.  Though  the 
citizens  were  little  disposed  to  be  com- 
municative, the  information  was  obtained 
from  them  that  the  enemy  were  in  con- 
siderable force  some  miles  below  Boone- 
ville. 

The  expedition,  after  pressing  into 
the  service  a  steam  ferry-boat  at  Roche- 
fort,  continued  its  course  up  the  river, 
until  it  reached  a  point  within  eight 
miles  of  Booneville.  Here  was  seen  the 
fii'st  indication  of  the  enemy  in  a  battery 
on  the  bluff  or  high  embankment  of 
the  river,  and  some  scouts  appeared, 
who  hastened,  on  seeing  the  steamers, 
to  convey  information  of  their  approach 
to  the  main  body  of  the  secessionists. 
The  boats  now  moved  at  once  to  the 
shore,  where  there  was  a  stretch  of  al- 
luvial land  or  "bottom"  a  mile  and  a 
half  in  width  between  the  water  and  the 
bluff,  on  the  south  side  of  the  river,  and 
making  fast,  the  troops  disembarked 
without  opposition. 

Scouts  were  now  sent  in  advance,  and 
the  main  body  followed  them,  marchhig 
along  the  river  road.  The  troops  had 
thus  proceeded  about  a  mile  and  a  half 
to  the  point  where  tlie  road  ascends  the 
bluffs,  when  a  firing  was  heard,  indicat- 
ing that  our  scouts  were  engaged  with 
the  picket  guards  of  the  enemy,  whom 
they  succeeded  in  driving  back.  The 
Federal  troops  continued  to  push  on, 
marching  up  the  gentle  slope  of  the  as- 
cent for  nearly  half  a  mile,  when  their 
advanced  guard  came  galloping  back 
with  the  information   that   the  enemy 


BATTLE  OF  BOONEYILLE. 


315 


were  in  full  force,  posted  advantageously 
upon  the  summit  of  the  rising  ground, 
about  three  hundred  yards  in  front. 

Their  position  was  on  the  crest  of 
the  hill  along  which  the  road  ascends. 
Colonel  Marmaduke,  in  command,  held 
the  road  itself  with  a  ti'oop  of  horsemen 
and  a  battalion  of  infantry.  On  his  left 
was  a  brick  house  occupied  by  a  portion 
of  his  force,  and  to  tlie  rear,  in  a  lane 
leading  to  the  river,  was  formed  the 
main  body  of  his  left  wing.  .Behind 
this  again  stretched  a  wheat-field,  in 
which  had  gathered  small  bodies  of 
men  apparently  without  form  or  order. 
The  enemy's  right  wing  was  posted  be- 
hind a  "worm"  fence,  which  divided 
the  wheat-field  where  the  men  were 
formed  from  a  neighboring  field  of 
Indian  corn. 

The  Federal  troops,  as  soon  as  they 
discovered  the  position  of  the  enemy, 
formed  on  the  ridge  of  rising  ground 
facing  them  and  separated  only  by  a 
shallow  valley  with  a  scattered  growth 
of  oak.  On  our  right  there  were  also 
some  trees,  while  on  the  left  there  was  a 
field  of  Indian  corn.  The  regular  troops 
were  posted,  with  Colonel  Blair's  regi- 
ment of  Missouri  Volunteers,  on  the 
left,  and  the  Germans,  also  volunteers, 
under  Lieutenant-Colonel  ShaefFer,  on 
the  right. 

Captain  Totten,  of  the  light  artillery, 
opened  the  engagement  by  firing  a  shell 
from  a  twelve-pounder,  among  the 
enemy's  force  in  the  road.  This  was 
immediately  followed  by  anotlier  well- 
aimed  shell,  which  fell  among  the 
throngs  in  the  wheat-field,  and  forced 


them  to  a  hasty  retreat.  The  battle 
thus  begun,  our  men  on  the  right  and 
left  advanced  in  good  order  and  soon 
opened  with  a  volley  of  musketrj^, 
which  was  spiritedly  returned  by  the 
enemy.  The  regulars  on  our  right 
marched  boldlj^  along  the  field  of  In- 
dian corn,  until  they  reached  the  ascent 
which  led  to  the  crest  upon  which  the 
enemy  were  posted.  They  now  began 
to  move  more  cautiously,  creeping  along 
and  firing  when  a  good  opportunity  for  a 
shot  presented.  The  volunteers  sent  to 
support  them  gallantly  followed  the  ex- 
ample of  the  regulars  and  spiritedly 
joined  in  the  attack.  The  Germans  on 
the  right  were  advancing  no  less  firm- 
ly and  persistently  and  engaging  the 
enemy's  left.  The  secessionists  were 
forced  back  by  the  steady  advance  of 
our  men,  and  the  effective  firing  of 
Totten's  artillery.  They,  however,  as 
they  retired,  still  made  a  show  of  re- 
sistance. 

Two  bombshells,  sent  by  Totten 
against  the  brick  house,  withhi  which 
the  enemy  had  sought  cover,  penetrated 
the  wall  and  effectually  routed  them 
out.  After  this  the  secessionists  gave 
way  more  rapidly  before  the  steady  ad- 
vance of  our  troops,  and  were  soon 
forced  to  abandon  their  position,  which 
the  Federalists  occupied  in  twenty  min- 
utes after  the  first  shot  fired  by  Totten, 
which  opened  the  engagement. 

"  The  commander.  General  Lyon," 
says  an  eye-witness  of  the  battle,  "  ex- 
hibited the  most  remarkable  coolness, 
and  preserved  throughout  that  undis- 
turbed presence  of  mind  shown  by  him 


316 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


alike  in  the  camp,  in  private  life,  and  on 
the  field  of  battle.  '  Forward,  on  the 
extreme  right ;'  '  give  them  another 
shot.  Captain  Totten,'  echoed  above  the 
roar  of  musketry,  clear  and  distinct, 
from  the  Jips  of  the  general  who  led  the 
advancing  column." 

The  enemy  continued  to  retreat  and 
the  Federalists  to  pursue  without  further 
collision,  until  the  latter  had  advanced 
about  a  mile  and  a  half,  when  the  for- 
mer made  a  stand  in  some  woods  near 
their  encampment.  Two  shells,  how- 
ever, and  a  volley  of  musketry  soon  put 
them  again  to  the  rout,  and  they  fled  in 
confusion  towards  Booneville.  Their 
deserted  camp,  which  our  men  now  oc- 
cupied, was  found  to  contain  a  consider- 
able quantity  of  provisions,  arms,  and 
ammunition.  The  evident  haste  with 
which,  after  the  landing  of  the  Federal- 
ists, they  had  advanced  to  meet  them, 
proved  how  unexpected  had  been  their 
arrival.  The  breakfasts  of  the  men 
were  found  in  the  course  of  preparation 
in  the  camp  ;  the  half-baked  bread,  the 
partially  fried  pork,  the  ham  with  the 
knife  sticking  in  the  meat,  and  the  pots 
of  coffee  still  on  the  fire,  showed  how 
sudden  had  been  their  movement.  Our 
troops  gave  them  no  opportunity  of  re- 
suming the  cooking  of  their  morning's 
meal,  or  of  breaking  their  long  morning's 
fast.  A  company  being  left  to  guard  the 
camp.  General  Lyon  led  the  rest  of  his 
force  on  to  Booneville. 

In  the  mean  time,  while  the  main  body 
of  the  Federalists  had  been  acquitting 
themselves  so  satisfactorily  on  land,  the 
artillerists  under  Captain  Voorhies,  and 


the  company  of  infantry  in  command  of 
Captain  Richardson,  who  had  been  re- 
luctantly left  behind  to  take  charge  of 
the  boats,  contrived  also  to  do  some 
effectual  service.  After  the  troops  be- 
gan their  march,  Richardson  went 
ashore  with  his  men,  and  captured  a 
battery  of  two  iron  six-pounders,  posted 
on  the  river  about  five  miles  below 
Booneville.  He  then  moved  on  with 
one  of  the  boats,  the  McDowell,  towards 
the  town,  with  the  view  of  co-operating 
with  the  land  force. 

This  he  was  able  to  effect,  when  Lyon 
had  marched  within  a  mile  of  Booneville, 
where  the  secessionists,  again  at  the 
fair  grounds,  seemed  disposed  to  make 
a  stand.  Captain  Richardson  being  from 
his  position  on  the  river  in  their  rear, 
first  discovered  their  intention,  and  was 
enabled  to  fire  upon  them  with  great 
effect.  A  shot  from  his  howitzer,  fol- 
lowed by  a  fire  from  Totten's  artillery, 
and  a  volley  of  musketry  from  Lyon's 
main  body,  which  had  in  the  mean  time 
become  aware  of  the  enemy's  purpose, 
soon  scattered  them  for  a  third  time. 
The  secessionists  now  continued  their 
flight,  dispersing  in  various  directions. 
Some  crossed  the  river,  some  went 
south,  but  the  chief  portion,  after  hav- 
ing-passed  through  the  town,  escaped  up 
the  Missouri  in  boats  to  the  west. 

In  the  course  of  the  attack  and  pur- 
suit by  the  Federal  forces,  there  were 
but  three  of  them  killed,  ten  wounded, 
and  one  missing.  It  was  difficult  to  es- 
timate the  loss  of  the  secessionists,  but 
it  is  supposed  to  have  been  large. 
Eighty  were  taken  prisoners,  of  whom 


SUDDEN  CONVERSION"  TO  LOYALTY. 


317 


twenty-six  were  captured  by  the  chap- 
lain of  the  First  Regiment.  "  He  had 
charge,"  says  the  authority  before 
quoted,  "  of  a  party  of  four  men,  two 
mounted  and  two  on  foot,  with  which  to 
take  charge  of  the  wounded.  Ascend- 
ing the  brow  of  a  hill,  he  suddenly  came 
upon  a  company  of  twenty-four  rebels, 
armed  with  revolvers,  and  fully  bent 
upon  securing  a  place  of  safety  for  their 
carcasses.  Their  intentions,  however, 
were  considerably  modified,  when  the 
parson  ordered  them  to  halt,  which  they 
did,  surrendering  their  arms.  Surround- 
ed by  the  squad  of  five  men,  they  were 
then  marched  on  board  the  Louisiana, 
prisoners  of  war.'  The  parson  also 
captured  two  other  secessionists  during 
the  day,  and  at  one  time,  needing  a 
wagon  and  horses  for  the  wounded,  and 
finding  friendly  suggestions  wasted  on  a 
stubborn  old  rebel,  placed  a  revolver  at 
his  head,  and  the  desired  articles  were 
forthcoming.  In  time  of  peace  the 
preacher  had  prepared  for  war." 

The  enemy  were  reported  to  have 
been  four  thousand  strong,  and  the 
Federalists  only  two  thousand,  of  whom 
less  than  half  were  actively  engaged. 
Governor  Jackson  is  supposed  to  have 
discreetly  kept  at  a  distance  from  the 
battle,  and  to  have  been  among  the  first 
to  seek  safety  in  flight  while  General 
Sterling  Price  was  prevented  by  an  in- 
opportune attack  of  illness  from  taking 
command  of  the  secession  forces. 

As  General  Lyon  was  approaching 
the  town  of  Booneville,  he  was  met  by 
some  of  the  officials  and  leading  citizens 
bearing   a    flag   of    truce.     They  were 


anxious  to  impress  upon  the  victors, 
that  the  greater  proportion  of  their 
fellow-citizens  were  favorable  to  the 
Federal  cause.  General  Lyon  received 
them  in  a  conciliatory  spirit,  and  as- 
sured them  that,  if  no  resistance  should 
be  offered  to  the  entrance  of  his 
troops,  no  harm  need  be  feared.  Soon 
after  Major  O'Brien,  a  military  officer 
of  Booneville,  presented  himself,  and 
tlie  town  was  foi'mally  surrendered.  The 
Federal  troops  now  advanced,  headed  by 
General  Lyon  and  the  civic  and  military 
representatives  of  the  place.  On  pass- 
ing through  the  principal  street,  they 
were  met  by  a  party  of  citizens  waving 
the  United  States  flag  and  cheering 
lustily  for  the  Union,  to  which  the  Fed- 
eral troops  gave  a  hearty  response. 
The  "  stars  and  stripes"  now  suddenly 
fluttered  out  from  house  window  and 
church  steeple,  and  Booneville  pro- 
claimed itself  once  more  a  loyal  town. 

"  One  can  hardly  imagine,"  declares  a 
writer  who  was  present  on  the  occasion, 
"  the  joy  expressed  and  felt  by  the  loyal 
citizens  when  the  Federal  troops  entered 
the  city.  Stores  which  had  been  closed 
all  day,  began  to  open,  the  national  flag 
was  quickly  run  up  on  a  secession  pole, 
cheers  for  the  Union,  Lyon,  Blair,  and 
Lincoln  were  frequently  heard,  and 
everything  betokened  the  restoration  of 
peace,  law,  and  order.  '  True  men'  are 
reported  to  have  said,  '  that  had  tlie 
troops  delayed  ten  days  longer,  it  would 
have  been  impossible  for  them  to  have 
remained  in  safety.  Irresponsible  vaga- 
bonds had  been  taking  guns  wherever 
they  could  find  them,  and  notifying  the 


318 


THE  WAR  ■U'lTlI  THE  SOUTH. 


most  substantial  and  prosperous  citizens 
to  leave.'  One  worthy  citizen,  the  pro- 
prietor of  the  City  Hotel,  was  said  to 
have  denounced  '  the  whole  secession 
movement  as  the  greatest  crime  com- 
mitted since  the  crucifixion  of  our 
Saviour.'  " 

On  the  next  day  after  entering  Boone- 
June  ■^ille.  General  Lyon  released  his 
18*  prisoners,  most  of  whom  were 
youths  and  had  been  misled,  as  he  be- 
lieved, by  the  artful  devices  of  older 
conspirators. 

In  the  mean  time  Colonel  Boernstein, 
who  had  been  left  with  a  battalion  of  the 
Second  Regiment  of  Missouri  Yolun- 
teers,  in  command  of  Jefferson  City, 
the  capital,  was  effectually  keejjing  in 
check  the  secessionists,  and  striving  to 
soothe  the  disaffected  with  proclaiming 
summary  punishment  for  treason  and 
security  for  projDcrty .  ' '  Your  personal 
safety,"  he  said,  "  will  be  protected,  and 
3^our  property  respected.  Slave  prop- 
erty will  not  be  interfered  with  by  any 
part  of  my  command,  nor  will  slaves  be 
allowed  to  enter  my  lines  without 
written  authority  from  their  masters  ; 
and,  notwithstanding  we  are  in  times  of 
war,  I  shall  endeavor  to  execute  my  in- 
structions with  moderation  and  forbear- 
ance, and  at  the  same  time  shall  not 
suffer  the  least  attempt  to  destroy  the 
Union  and  its  Government,  by  the  pei'- 
formance  of  any  unlawful  act." 

Under  the  protection  of  the  military 
rule  of  Boernstein,  at  the  capital,  and  in- 
spirited by  the  success  of  the  Federal 
troops  under  Lyon,  the  members  of  the 
Convention  of  the  State  of  Missouri  took 


courage.  Having  already,  as  early  as 
February,  refused  by  a  large  majority  to 
consider  the  question  of  secession,  they 
now  pi-epared  to  execute  the  will  of 
the  people  whom  they  represented,  in 
thwarting  the  action  of  the  secessionist 
Governor  and  his  confederates  of  the 
Legislature.  The  Convention  was  ac- 
cordingly called  to  reassemble  in  Jeffer- 
son City,  on  the  twenty-second  day  of 
July. 

Lyon  having  by  his  prompt  movement 
swept  the  eastern  part  of  Missouri,  from 
St.  Louis  to  Booneville,  clear  of  the 
secession  leaders  and  their  bands,  the 
unionists  began  to  congratulate  them- 
selves that  the  State  Vas  now  secure  in 
the  enjoyment  of  a  loyal  tranquillity. 
There  was,  however,  even  in  St.  Louis, 
some  unwillingness  to  submit  quietly  to 
the  Federal  power.  The  mihtary  au- 
thorities having  considered  it  prudent  to 
station  guards  on  the  various  railways 
leading  from  the  city,  had  detailed  a 
regiment  commanded  by  Colonel  Kail- 
man  for  that  duty.  After  detailing  the 
necessary  number  of  men,  the  rest  of 
the  regiment  returned,  passing  through 
St.  Louis,  when  a  collision  took  jynp 
place  with  the  citizens.  17. 

The  event  was  thus  related  by  one  of 
the  journals*  of  that  city. 

"  Forming  at  the  depot  in  good  order, 
they  marched  quietly  down  Broadway 
and  Seventh  Street  without  interruption 
or  disturbance  of  any  kind,  so  far  as 
is  known,  till  Company  B  reached  St. 
Chaiies  Street.  At  that  point  a  half- 
drunken  or  crazed    individual    insulted 

o  St.  Louis  Democrat. 


RIOT   EST  ST.  LOUIS. 


319 


the  troops  with  language  so  abusive  and 
threatening,  that  several  of  them  took 
him  into  custody.  The  captain  came 
up,  inquiring  into  the  circumstances  o.f 
the  case,  and,  on  the  prisoner's  protest- 
ing that  he  meant  no  harm,  ordered  his 
release.  This  took  place  in  Olive  Street. 
In  a  moment  afterward  a  pistol  was 
fired  from  a  second-story  window  on  the 
east  side  of  the  street,  just  south  of 
Olive,  a  second  almost  simultaneously 
from  near  the  pavement,  and  instantly 
a  third  from  the  window  above. 

"  Some  of  the  troops  noticed  that  an 
attack  was  in  contemplation,  and  began 
arranging  caps  on  their  muskets,  a 
movement  perceived  by  spectators,  who 
were  as  yet  unaware  of  the  cause. 
During  this  quick  movement  one  of  the 
muskets  accidentally  exploded,  and  this 
occurred  near  the  time  of  the  first  firing 
of  the  pistol  as  described. 

"  Colonel  Kallman  gave  the  order  to 
halt,  pistol  shots  still  firing  from  the 
windows.  The  order  was  promptly 
obeyed,  and  the  troops,  till  then  march- 
ing four  abreast,  wheeled  westward  and 
formed  into  double  file,  fronting  east. 
No  order  to  fire  was  given.  Captain 
Risech,  of  Company  I,  marching  in  the 
rear,  was  shot  so  as  to  be  disabled  from 
command,  and  a  soldier  at  the  same 
time  fell  senseless  in  the  ranks.  The 
troops  began  firing  briskly  up  to  the 
windows  of  the  Missouri  engine-house 
and  Recorder's  court-room,  and  the 
second  story  of  the  building  adjoining 
on  the  north.  The  fire  of  the  pistols 
was    returned,    but    soon    ceased,    the 


officers  below  passing  along  the  ranks 
and  ordering  the  troops  to  stop  fii'ing. 
The  terrible  scene,  which  lasted  scarcely 
a  minute  and  a  half  or  two  minutes  at 
the  furthest,  was  thus  terminated." 

There  were  no  less  than  six  victims 
of  this  tragic  occurrence,  all  of  whom 
wore  private  citizens,  while  the  soldiers 
escaped  with  but  some  slight  wounds. 
The  coroner's  jury,  after  a  long  investi- 
gation of  ten  days,  rendered  a  verdict 
which,  while  it  exonerated  citizens  and 
the  military  officers,  imputed  the  blame 
to  the  soldiers.  They  declared  that  the 
' '  wounds  were  inflicted  without  any 
provocation  or  discharge  of  firearms 
from  the  citizens  then  present,  and  also 
without  any  order  to  fire  having  been 
given  by  the  officers  of  the  said  com- 
panies." 

General  Lyon,  inspirited  by  his  success 
in  the  north  and  cast,  and  trusting  to 
the  loyalty  which  his  triumphs  had  en- 
couraged to  manifest  itself,  now  boldly 
determined  to  push  on  to  the  south- 
west, where  Sterling  Price  and  Ben 
McCuUoch,  the  Texan  ranger,  had  form- 
ed a  junction  and  mustered  a  strong 
force.  Lyon  accordingly,  with  his  char- 
acteristic self-reliance,  left  Boone-  juiy 
ville,  with  only  two  thousand  men.  ^' 
This  meagre  band,  however,  rapidly  in- 
creased on  the  march  by  the  accessions 
of  the  loyal  men  of  the  country,  who 
welcomed  and  offered  their  services 
readily  to  the  victorious  leader  of  the 
Federal  troops.  The  events  of  this 
campaign  and  its  fatal  results  will  be  re- 
lated in  the  due  course  of  this  narrative. 


320 


TlIE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 


Unabated  spirit  of  the  North. — Large  mustering  of  Troops. — ^The  Force  at  Washington. — ^The  Potomac  Line. — Com- 
manders.—Force  at  Fortress  Monroe.— Force  in  the  neighborhood  of  Harper's  Ferry.— Force  in  'Western  Virginia. 
—Force  at  Cairo. — Force  in  Jlissouri. — Force  in  Maryland. — Tlie  Line  on  the  Potomac— Topography  of  the  Country. 
—The  dangers  of  the  ground.— Fortifications.— Arlington  Heights.— Alexandria.— The  ghost  of  a  city.— Deserted 
Streets.— Abandoned  Houses.  —  Closed  Warehouses  and  Shops.  —  Military  Occupation.  —  Present  Inhabitants.— 
Soldiers  and  Negroes.— Description  of  Vienna.— Description  of  Fairfax  Court  House.— The  Position  of  the  Enemy 
in  Virginia. — Manassas  Junction. — Position  and  Fortilications. —Distances  and  Communications. — Exploit  of  Lieut. 
Tompkins  at  Fairfivx  Court  House.— A  spirited  Charge.- The  result.— The  affair  at  Vienna.— A  clear  field  reported. 
—Orders  to  General  Schenck.— Departure  of  Schenck.— His  Force.— How  it  was  disposed  of —A  sudden  stoppage. 
—A  M.asked  Battery.— A  Conflict.— Killed  and  Wounded.— Conduct  of  the  Engineer. —Criticism  upon  the  manage- 
ment of  the  Expedition.— The  Enterprise  denounced.— The  Bacrifice.— Gallantry  of  Federal  Troops.— An  account 
of  the  Enemy.— Tribute  to  a  "Few." — The  Enemy's  Batteries  on  the  Potomac. — Captain  Ward's  Reconnoissance 
of  Matthias  Point.- An  Attack  planned.— Landing  of  Men.— Federal  Batteries  raised  on  the  Virginia  Shore.— A 
sudden  surprise  from  the  Enemy. — Death  of  Captain  Ward. — An  official  criticism  on  the  expedition. 


1861. 


There  was  no  abatement  of  the  naili- 
tary  spirit  of  the  loyal  North. 
With  each  development  of  secession 
there  was  an  increased  vigor  shown  on 
the  part  of  the  defenders  of  the  Union. 
In  two  or  three  months  after  the  fall  of 
Fort  Sumter  it  was  estimated  that  two 
hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
militia  and  volunteers,  had  already  mus- 
tered into  the  service  of  the  United 
States.  Of  these  there  were  some  sixty 
thousand  who  had  marched  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  capital,  one  half  of  whom 
were  stationed  in  and  about  the  city  of 
Washington,  under  the  command  of 
Brigadier-General  J.  K.  T.  Mansfield, 
and  the  other  half  on  the  opposite 
and  south  side  of  the  Potomac,  under 
the  command  of  Brigadier-General  T. 
McDowell. 

Twelve  thousand  men  were  at  Fortress 
Monroe  and  its  environs,  in  command  of 
Major-General   B.   F.   Butler.     Twenty 


thousand  had  marched  from  Pennsyl- 
vania under  Majors-General  Robert  Pat- 
terson and  W.  H.  Kein  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Harper's  Ferry,  to  which  point 
Major-General  George  Cadwallader  with 
six  thousand  was  also  proceeding.  This 
combined  force  was  intended  to  co-oper- 
ate with  Major-General  George  B.  Mc- 
Clellan,  who,  crossing  the  Ohio  from  the 
west,  was  in  Western  Virginia  at  the 
head  of  twenty-five  thousand  men. 
Seven  thousand  had  gathered  at  Cairo, 
under  the  commafid  of  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral B.  M.  Prentiss ;  and  Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Lyon  was  supposed  to  be  able  to 
muster  throughout  the  State  of  Missouri 
a  force  of  nearly  thirteen  thousand. 
MajoF-General  N.  P.  Banks,  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Cadwallader,  was  keejaing  Balti- 
more and  Maryland  in  check  with  over 
ten  thousand.  The  rest  of  this  large 
army  was  still  in  camp  in  the  various 
Northern  and  Western  States,  ready  to 


THE  GHOST  OF  A  CITY. 


321 


march  to  any  point  to  which  it  might  be 
directed. 

The  Hne  of  the  Federal  forces  on  the 
soutli  side  of  the  Potomac  opposite  to 
Washington  extended  from  Alexandria 
on  the  east  in  the  direction  of  Vienna 
on  the  west,  a  distance  of  about  sixteen 
miles,  and  again  to  the  north  toward 
Fairfax  Court  House,  over  twelve  miles 
from  the  capital.  The  whole  country  is 
rolling,  composed  of  hills  and  shallow 
valleys,  and  intersected  with  numerous 
small  streams.  The  ground  is  very 
favorable  for  defence.  Its  approaches, 
winding  in  narrow  roads  or  lanes  about 
the  hills,  are  readily  commanded  by 
fortifications,  while  a  march  through  it 
would  be  greatly  exposed  to  surprises 
from  ambuscades  and  concealed  batter- 
ies. There  is  hardly  a  spot  which  a  com- 
manding officer  would  select  for  the 
manoeuvering  of  a  large  force  in  regular 
battle. 

The  most  commanding  heights  had 
been  seized  by  the  Federal  forces,  upon 
which  they  had  raised  entrenchments 
and  redoubts.  Among  these  was  Arling- 
ton Heights,  directly  opposite  and  com- 
manding the  cajiital,  formerly  the  prop- 
erty of  George  Washington  Custis,  the 
descendant  of  Washing-ton's  wife,  and 
belonging  at  tliis  time  to  Mrs.  R.  E.  Lee, 
wife  of  the  ■  celebrated  General  in  the 
Confederate  service.  Here  General  Mc- 
Dowell had  his  headquarters..         • 

Alexandria,  on  the  Potomac,  about 
seven  miles  from  Washington,  was  also 
held  in  force  by  the  Federal  troops,  and 
its  approaches  commanded  by  the  con- 
struction of  an  earthen  redoubt.     This 

41 


city  ordinarily  contained  about  ten  thou- 
sand inhabitants,  mostly  engaged  in  com- 
merce. Grain,  flour,  and  tobacco  were 
its  principal  exports,  and  its  domestic 
trade  was  in  negroes,  for  the  sale  of 
whom  there  were  two  thriving  slave-pens. 
On  the  possession  of  Alexandria  by  our 
troops,  the  greater  portion  of  the  lead- 
ing people,  who  were  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  secession,  abandoned  the  place 
and  allowed  it  to  become  little  more  than 
barracks  for  soldiers  or  a  refuge  for  the 
negroes  whom  their  masters  could  not 
compel  to  fly  with  them.  Its  communi- 
cations with  the  interior,  by  means  of 
canals  and  railways,  and  with  other  ports 
by  the  Potomac,  were  cut  off  by  the  war. 
An  eye-witness  at  this  time  pictures 
the  city  as  "a  ghost  of  its  former  self." 
Warehouses  and  mills  on  the  wharves 
are  closed,  save  perhaps  here  and  there 
one  which  has  been  opened  as  a  guard- 
house for  soldiers  or  a  receptacle  for 
munitions  of  war.  The  little  river  steam- 
boats still  ply  between  Washington  and 
the  town,  but  convey  only  armed  sol- 
diers, or  a  few  privileged  visitors,  who 
can  neither  embark  nor  disembark  with- 
out submitting  their  '  passes'  to  a  vig- 
ilant sentinel.  The  main  street,  still 
bearing  in  its  name,  '  King,'  a  reverential 
reminiscence  of  colonial  loyalty,  is  silent 
except  to  the  rumbling  of  heavy  bag- 
gage wagons  or  the  clatter  of  the 
mounted  dragoon.  Most  of  the  shops 
are  closed  and  their  shutters  heavily 
barred  with  iron.  The  few  which  re- 
main open,  show  the  timid  anxiety  of 
their  occupants,  by  the  darkened  win- 
dows and  half-opened  doors.     The  villas 


322 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


ill  the  suburbs  are  deserted,  with  the 
vines  hanging  from  the  verandahs  in 
tangled  neglect,  and  the  gardens  over- 
grown with  weeds.  The  public  halls 
and  hotels  are  turned  into  barracks,  and 
private  mansions  and  school-houses  into 
military  hospitals  ;  chm-ches  and  chm-ch- 
yards  are  locked  and  abandoned  by 
priest  and  sexton.  Soldiers  are  on  guard 
at  the  corner  of  every  street.  But  few 
of  the  ordinary  inhabitants  of  the  town 
are  to  be  seen,  except  some  "poor 
whites,"  who  may  be  still  slinking  out  of 
hovels  or  into  the  groggeries,  and  the 
negroes,  who  are  idly  chatting  as  they 
he  in  groups  upon  the  door-steps,  or 
striving  to  support  their  sudden  inde- 
pendence by  selling  fruits  and  pastiy  and 
other  delicacies  to  lounging  soldiers." 

Vienna,  towards  which  the  other  ex- 
tremity of  the  Federal  line  of  occupation 
extended  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Potomac,  is  a  small  village  on  the  Loudon 
and  Hampshire  Raikoad,  about  fifteen 
miles  from  Alexandria  and  nearly  twelve 
from  Washington.  It  was  near  this 
point  that  the  Federal  troops  were  im- 
prudently exposed  to  an  attack  from  the 
enemy,  which  will  soon  be  narrated. 

Fairfax  Court  House,  though  of  in- 
considerable size,  is  a  place  of  more 
importance  than  Vienna.  It  is  situated 
on  the  turnpike  road  leading  from  Alex- 
andi-ia  to  Ccntreville,  and  is  about  fifteen 
miles  both  from  Washington  and  Alex- 
andria. This  was  also  the  scene  of  an 
early  skirmish,  between  a  troop  of  Fed- 
eral cavalry  and  the  enemy,  in  which 
our  soldiers  were  enabled  by  the  gal- 
lantry of  their  leader  to  acquit  them- 


selves  with   more    credit    than   in   the 
blundering  expedition  to  Vienna. 

The  enemy  had,  in  the  mean  time, 
while  the  Federal  forces  had  been  cross- 
ing the  Potomac  and  occupying  the 
country  bordering  on  that  river,  been 
mustering  a  large  number  of  troops  in 
Virginia. 

Their  main  force  was  posted  at  "  Ma- 
nassas Junction,"  a  railway  station  where 
the  Manassas  Gap  Railroad  joins  that 
between  Orange  and  Alexandria.  The 
place  derives  all  its  importance  from  its 
strategic  position,  as  it  commands  the 
land  communications  from  the  north 
with  Richmond.  Here  Beauregard  was 
in  command,  and  exercising  aU  his  skill 
as  an  engineer  in  fortifying  the  post. 
The  distance  of  Manassas  Junction,  to  the 
south-west,  from  Alexandria  is  about 
twenty-seven  miles  ;  from  Washington, 
south,  thirty-two  ;  and  from  Richmond 
a  hundred  and  thirty-five  miles  north. 

From  Manassas  Junction  the  enemy's 
line  extended  toward  Acquia  Creek  on 
then.'  right ;  in  the  direction  of  Harper's 
Ferry  on  their  left,  whence  a  consider- 
able body  was  manoeuvering  with  the 
view  of  subjecting  Western  Virginia, 
and  in  front  to  Fairfax  Court  House. 

It  was  at  this  last  place  that  Lieu- 
tenant Tompkins  performed  his  spirited 
exploit.  Being  ordered  on  a  scout-  gjay 
ing  expedition,  he  set  out  from  the  3'« 
camp*  on  the  Potomac,  at  half-past  fen 
o'clock  at  night,  with  a  company  of 
United  States  cavalry  numbering  seven- 
ty-five men.  He  reached  Fairfox  Coui-t 
House  next  morning  before  dayhght,  at 
three    o'clock.     Having    surprised    and 


DISASTER  AT  VIENNA. 


323 


captured  the  enemy's  picket  guard,  the 
Lieutenant  boldly  pushed  into  the  town. 
As  he  entered,  he  was  met  by  a  fire  from 
the  windows  of  the  houses.  He  then 
charged  on  the  troops  he  found  there, 
and  drove  them  from  the  town.  They, 
however,  being  reinfoi'ced  bj^  several 
companies,  were  encouraged  to  return, 
when  Tompkins,  finding  himself  greatly 
outnumbered,  retreated  in  good  order, 
bringing  with  him  as  trophies  five  prison- 
ers fully  armed  and  equipped  and  two 
horses. 

"  My  loss,"  the  Lieutenant  ofl&cially 
reported,  "  is  three  men  missing,  three 
slightly  wounded,  and  twelve  horses  lost. 
The  loss  of  the  rebels  is  from  twenty  to 
twenty-five  in  killed  and  wounded. 
From  observations  I  should  judge  that 
the  rebels  at  that  point  numbered  fully 
one  thousand  five  hundred  men."  The 
Lieutenant  hunself  was  reported  to  have 
lost  two  horses  kiUed  under  him,  but  to 
have  escaped  with  but  a  slight  wound 
from  the  fall  of  one  of  them. 

The  affair  which  occurred  at  Vienna 
was  less  successful.  A  detachment  of 
Connecticut  troops  having  been  sent  out 
to  reconnoitre,  reported,  although  one 
of  the  men  had  been  wounded  by  a 
concealed  shot,  that  the  railroad  from 
the  Federal  lines  to  two  miles  beyond 
Vienna  was  clear  of  the  enemy.  On  the 
same  night,  however,  General  McDowell 
learned  that  the  secessionists  were  about 
to  obstruct  the  road,  by  destroying  the 
bridges  and  tearing  up  the  rails.  He 
accordingly  ordered  Brigadier-General 
Schenck,  of  the  Ohio  Volunteers,  for- 
merly member  of  Congress,  to  recon- 


noitre the  ground  and  station  guards  at 
the  various  exposed  points  of  the  road. 
Schenck  accordingly  mustered  six  hun- 
dred and  sixty-eight  rank  and  file,  with 
twenty-nine  field  and  company  officers 
of  the  First  Ohio  Volunteers,  and  started 
on  the  expedition  from  his  camp  three 
miles  beyond  Alexandria.  Placing  his 
men  in  the  railroad  cars  he  proceeded 
on  his  route  along  the  Loudon  and 
Hampshire  Railroad,  upon  which  the 
village  of  Vienna  is  situated,  at  a  dis- 
tance of  about  fifteen  miles  from  the 
city  of  Alexandria. 

In  accordance  with  his  orders,  Schenck 
stationed  one  hundred  and  thirty  men 
at  the  crossing  of  the  road,  and  sent 
one  hundred  and  seventeen  men  to 
Falls  Church  to  reconnoitre  in  that  di- 
rection. He  then  went  on,  leaving  one 
hundred  and  thirty  men  to  guard  the 
railroad  and  the  bridge  between  the 
crossing  and  Vienna.  He  had  now  only 
four  companies  left,  consisting  of  two 
hundred  and  seventy-five  men.  With 
this  remnant  of  his  force  he  proceeded 
toward  Vienna." 

' '  On  turning  the  curve  slowly,  within 
one  quarter  of  a  mile  of  Vienna,"  said 
the  Brigadier  in  his  official  report,  "we 
were  fired  upon  by  raking  masked  batteries 
of,  I  think,  three  guns,  with  shells, 
round  shot,  and  grape,  killing  and  wound- 
ing the  men  on  the  platform  and  in  the 
cars  before  the  train  could  be  stopped. 
When  the  train  stopped,  the  engine 
could  not,  on  account  of  damage  to 
some  part  of  the  running  machinery, 
draw  the  train  out  of  the  fire.  The 
engine  being  in  the  rear,  we  left  the 


324 


THE  WAR  Wmi  THE  SOUTH. 


cars,  and  retired  to  the  right  and  left  of 
the  train  through  the  woods. 

"  Finding  that  the  enemy's  batteries 
were  sustained  by  wliat  appeared  about 
a  regiment  of  infantry,  and  by  cavah-y, 
which  force  we  have  since  understood  to 
have  been  some  fifteen  hundred  South 
CaroUniaus,  we  fell  back  along  the  rail- 
road, throwing  out  skirmishers  on  both 
flanks;  and  this  was  about  seven  p.m. 
Thus  we  retired  slowly,  bearing  off  our 
wounded  five  miles  to  this  point,  which 
we  reached  at  ten  o'clock." 

The  loss  reported  was  five  killed,  six 
wounded,  and  ten  missing.  The  Gen- 
eral had  good  ground  of  complaint 
against  the  engineer,  who,  he  says, 
"  when  the  men  left  the  cars,  instead  of 
retiring  slowly,  as  I  ordered,  detached 
his  engine  with  one  passenger  car  from 
the  rest  of  the  disabled  train  and  aban- 
doned us,  running  to  Alexandria,  and 
we  have  heard  nothing  from  him  since. 
Thus  we  were  deprived  of  a  rallying- 
point,  and  of  all  means  of  conveying 
the  wounded,  who  had  to  be  carried  on 
litters  and  in  bla'nkets." 

The  conduct  of  the  expedition  was  se- 
verely censured.  A  writer*  who  accom- 
panied it,  and  wrote  a  graphic  descrip- 
tion of  it,  while  he  did  not  withhold  his 
admiration  of  the  courage  of  the  Ohio 
troops  and  their  leaders,  did  not  hesitate 
to  rebuke  the  imprudent  management 
of  the  enterprise.  He  wrote  :  "  However 
wise  or  necessary  this  plan  of  dropping 
squads  behind  might  be  in  an  ordinary 
advance,  it  certainly  was  of  doubtful  ex- 
pediency in  this  case.     There  were  no 

o  CoiTcspondent  of  the  New  York  TrOmne. 


villages  or  groups  of  houses  along  the 
route,  among  which  the  enemy's  men 
could  have  established  themselves  in 
force,  and  the  only  point  from  which  an 
attack  could  be  seriously  apjireheuded 
was  Vienna  itself.  Had  the  entire  regi- 
ment — and  a  larger  body  would  have 
been  better — been  pushed  rapidly  down 
to  Vienna,- we  should  have  been  more 
fidly  prepared  to  encounter  and  act 
against  an  ambush ;  and,  had  all  proved 
quiet,  nothing  would  have  been  lost,  since 
we  had  the  advantage  of  railroad  speed, 
by  stationing  the  guards  on  the  return, 
instead  of  the  advance.  It  is  true  that, 
the  entire  course  of  the  road  is  through 
a  valley,  and  that  the  hills  on  either  side, 
and  the  heavy  thickets  which  screen 
them,  appear  to  offer  excellent  situations 
for  ambuscade  ;  but  the  roads  in  the 
neighborhood  are  few,  and  those  which 
exist  are  quite  impracticable  for  the 
ready  transportation  of  troops,  not  to 
speak  of  artillery.  Decidedly  the  sus- 
picious spot  was  Vienna  and  its  vicinity. 
A  certain  disposition  to  tardy  caution 
was  frustrated  by  the  carelessness  of  the 
engine-driver.  He  had  been  directed  to 
stop  at  the  distance  of  a  mile  from  the 
town,  whence  skirmishers  were  to  be 
thrown  out,  and  proper  reconnoissances 
to  be  made.  Instead  of  doing  so,  he 
shot  ahead  until  within  half  a  mile  or 
less,  so  that  this  single  chance  of  avert- 
ing the  impending  danger  was  wasted. 
The  train  was  rounding  a  gentle  curve, 
and  the  men  were  laughing,  quite  un- 
conscious of  peril,  when  the  first  round 
of  shot  fell  among  them,  tearing  five 
of  them  to  pieces,  and  wounding  many 


THE  AjVIBUSH  AT  VIEXNA. 


325 


others.  The  rebels'  guns  had  been  care- 
iully.  planted  in  the  curve,  and  were 
hidden  until  the  worst  part  of  their 
work  was  accomplished.  The  first  dis- 
charge was  the  most  fatal.  The  four 
companies  were  disposed  upon  open 
jalatform  cars,  and  were  first  of  all  ex- 
posed ta  the  enemj^'s  fire.  The  engine 
was  at  the  rear  of  the  train.  It  was 
fortunate  that  most  of  the  men  were 
sitting,  for  the  shot  flew  high,  and  only 
those  who  stood  erect  were  struck. 
Major  Hughey  was  among  the  foremost, 
but  was  unharmed.  General  Schenck 
and  Colonel  McCook  were  in  a  covered 
car  behind  the  troops.  The  Colonel 
instantly  sprang  out,  and  gathered  the 
best  part  of  his  men  together.  The 
enemj^'s  field-pieces  had  been  stationed 
to  command  the  line  of  the  railroad  and 
nothing  else.  They  were  at  the  termin- 
ation of  the  curve,  to  the  left  of  the 
track,  and  elevated  a  few  feet  above  the 
grade.  With  the  exception  of  that 
company  which  was  the  most  exposed, 
and  which  suffered  the  most,  the  men 
promptly  assembled  near  Colonel  ]\Ic- 
Cook,  who  proceeded  to  form  them  in 
line  of  battle,  and  to  lead  them  into  the 
protection  of  a  little  wood,  or  thicket, 
at  the  right  of  the  track,  apai't  from  the 
range  of  the  battery.  Meanwhile  shot 
and  shell  continued  to  assail  the  train, 
and  those  who  lingered  near  it.  The 
engine-driver,  in  a  panic,  detached  his 
locomotive  and  a  single  car,  and  dashed 
off  at  full  speed.  The  rebel  artillerists 
then  directed  their  range,  so  as  to 
menace  Colonel  McCook's  three  com- 
panies, upon  which  the  Colonel  quietly 


marched  them  over  to  the  left  of  the 
track,  into  another  clump  of  trees, 
where  he  collected  all  his  little  force, 
and  arrayed  them  boldly  in  line.  The 
shot  from  the  rebels  now  flew  very 
wild,  cutting  the  trees  overhead  and 
around,  and,  in  their  hurry,  they  made 
the  frequent  blunder  of  discharging  their 
shell  without  opening  the  fuse.  But, 
notwithstanding  this.  Colonel  McCook's 
position  was  far  from  comfortable.  He 
saw  that  he  was  prodigiously  outnum- 
bered, and  that  if  the  enemy  could  only 
keep  their  wits  for  a  few  minutes,  he 
must  inevitably  be  captured,  or  ven- 
ture a  struggle  at  fearful  odds.  He  had 
only  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  men, 
while  the  rebel  force  exceeded  two 
thousand.  Their  field-pieces  alone,  de- 
cently managed,  would  have  destroyed 
the  little  Ohio  band  in  a  twinkling.  But 
the  Ohio  men  never  flinched,  and  this 
was  the  reward  of  their  bravery :  the 
rebels  observing  such  a  mere  handful 
bearing  themselves  undaunted  before 
their  superior  host,  were  at  first  amazed, 
and  then  startled  into  the  conviction  that 
powerful  reinforcements  must  be  close 
at  hand.  How  else,  it  seemed  to  them, 
could  this  sprinkling  of  troops  hold  their 
ground.  It  could  be  nothing  but  the 
confidence  of  overwhelming  strength 
that  sustained  them.  And  tliis  is  not 
conjecture.  The  information  since  re- 
ceived from  Vienna  proves  it  to  have 
been  their  real  belief  Disheartened  by 
this  belief,  they  became  irresolute,  their 
fire  slackened,  they  wavei'ed,  and,  in  a 
few  minutes,  broke  up  their  lines  and 
slowly    retired.       At    the    same    time 


326 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


Colonel  McCook,  having  secured  his 
wounded,  also  withdrew,  his  two  thou- 
sand assailants  making  no  attempt  or 
motion  to  oppose  his  retreat." 

The  enemy,  too,  gave  their  version  of 
the  affair  at  Vienna,  claiming  a  victory, 
which  they  said  the}^  had  won  with  a 
force  of  six  hundred  Carolinians,  a  com- 
pany of  artillery,  and  two  companies 
of  cavahy.  They,  moreover,  insisted 
that  the  attack  was  an  extemi^oraneous 
one,  and  that  thej^  "had  scarcely  time 
to  place  two  cannon  in  position"  when 
the  Federal  troops  first  showed  them- 
selves. One  "  well-directed  shot,"  which 
raked  the  railroad  cars,  was  sufficient, 
they  asserted,  to  cause  consternation  and 
dismay,  and  force  the  Federalists  to  fly 
to  the  woods.  "A  few  of  the  party," 
however,  they  confessed,  "exhibited 
some  bravery,  and  endeavored,  by 
shouts,  to  rally  their  flying  comrades, 
but  it  was  imjiossible." 

The  enemy  had  possession,  on  their 
right,  to  the  south  of  Alexandria,  of 
the  Virginian  bank  of  the  river  Po- 
tomac, and  here  they  had  been  zeal- 
ously at  work,  protecting  themselves 
with  batteries.  Captain  Ward,  of  the 
steamer  Freeborn,  and  in  command  of 
the  flotilla  of  the  Potomac,  was  on  the 
alert,  and  was  eager  to  prevent  the 
completion  of  these  batteries.  Ac- 
cordingly, having  discovered  that  the 
enemy  were  about  to  erect  works  at 
Matthias  Point,  a  commanding  position 
fifty  miles  below  Washington,  where 
the  river  narrows  and  makes  an  abrupt 
turn,  first  to  the  north  and  then  to  the 
south,  Captain  Ward  determined  to  try 


to  dislodge  them.  His  plan  was,  to 
eflcct  a  landing  ujion  the  point  under 
cover  of  the  guns  of  his  steamer,  and 
after  driving  away  the  enemy,  to  de- 
stroy the  works  in  progress  and  cut 
down  the  trees  which  concealed  them 
from  the  river.  He  accordingly  obtained 
from  Captain  Rowan,  in  command  jun^ 
of  the  Pawnee,  stationed  above  on  27t 
the  Potomac,  ofl'  the  mouth  of  Acquia 
Creek,  two  boats'  crews,  and  these,  to- 
gether with  some  of  his  own  men,  num- 
bei'ing  in  all  about  forty,  armed  and 
equipped  with  axes  and  building  ma- 
terials, he  sent  ashore  at  Matthias  Point, 
while  he  closed  in  with  his  own  steamer 
to  cover  their  landing. 

The  men  succeeded  in  reaching  the 
land  without  resistance,  and  selecting 
a  250sition  began  at  once  to  construct 
sand-bag  breastworks.  Under  cover 
of  the  guns  of  the  Freeborn  they  re- 
mained at  work  unmolested  for  four 
hours  and  a  half.  At  five  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  however,  when  returning  to 
their  boats,  with  the  view  of  going  on 
board  the  steamer  to  obtain  cannon  to 
mount  upon  the  woi'k,  a  large  number 
of  the  enemy  suddenly  made  their  ap- 
pearance, and  fired  upon  them  a  volley 
of  musketry. 

The  men  hurried  in  confusion  to  their 
boats,  and  as  they  pushed  off,  left  some 
of  their  comrades  behind.  The  Free- 
born, in  the  mean  time,  brought  her 
guns  to  bear  upon  the  enemy,  who 
were,  however,  greatly  protected  by 
the  brushwood,  behind  which  they  had 
sought  cover,  and  whence  they  kept  up 
a  direct  fire  upon  the  steamer.     The  gun- 


DEATH   OF   CAPTAIN   WARD. 


32T 


bow  guns  being  wounded, 


ner  at  the 
Captain  Ward  took  his  place  himself, 
and  was  sighting  the  piece,  when  a 
Minie  ball  struck  him  in  the  abdomen 
and  killed  him  almost  on  the  instant. 

That  the  enterprise  of  Captain  Ward, 
however  gallantly  conducted,  was  an 
imprudent  one,  seemed  to  be  the  opinion 
of  some  of  his  fellow-officers.  Captain 
Rowan,  of  the  Pawnee,  says  "  the  Res- 
olute returned,  with  a  request  from 
Captain  Ward  that  I  should  send  her 
back,  if  I  had  no  more  important  service 
for  her.     I  immediately  despatched  the 


Reliance  to  Captain  Ward,  knowing  the 
danger  to  which  our  people  would  be 
exposed  if  he  contemplated  a  lauding  at 
Matthias  Point,  as  I  feared  was  his  in- 
tention, judging  from  the  nature  of  the 
order  he  gave  me,  to  furnish  him  with 
such  equipments  as  were  necessary  to 
cut  down  trees  on  the  Point  and  burn 
them  ;"  and  Captain  Rowan  continues 
with  the  declaration,  that  "  Lieutenant 
Chaplin  and  his  command"  (whom  he  sent 
to  the  aid  of  Ward,  and  complimented 
for  their  gallantry)  "  escaped  utter  de- 
struction by  a  miracle." 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

Occupation  of  Harper's  Ferry  by  the  Enemy. — Their  Force. — General  Johnston. — His  Life  and  Character. — The  advant 
ages  of  position  at  Harper's  Ferry. — The  defences  of  the  place. — The  movement  of  the  Federal  Forces  upon  Har- 
per's Ferry. — Combination  of  Federal  Generals. — Alarm  of  General  Johnston. — Evacuation  of  Harper's  Ferry. — 
Destructiveness. — A  lively  description  by  a  Secessionist. — A  conflagration. — A  picture. — Route  of  Johustou.^Ad- 
vance  of  the  Federali.^ts. — Movement  of  General  Patterson. — Crossing  the  Potomac. — Coming  up  with  the  Enemy. 
— Battle  of  Falling  Waters. — A  drolL  description. — The  Secessionists  routed. — Flight  to  Bunker  Hill. — Pursuit  by 
General  Patterson. — An-ival  at  Martiusburgh. — Losses  at  Falling  Waters. — Harper's  Feny  unoccupied. — Return  to 
Harper's  Ferry  of  a  detachment  of  the  Enemy. — Tlicir  proceedings  on  the  occasion. — Terror  and  destruction. — Com- 
bined movement  of  the  Secessionists.— Subjection  of  Western  Virginia  intended. — The  Secession  force  under  Gen- 
eral Gamett. — The  encampment  at  Laurel  Hill. — Distriliution  of  Troops. — March  of  General  Wise. — Position  of 
Johnston. — Ad\^ance  of  General  McClellan. — Proclamations. — Disposition  of  his  forces. — Skilful  strategy. — General 
Kosencranz  sent  against  the  enemy. —Battle  of  Rich  Mountain. — Flight  of  the  Enemy. — Losses. — A  rich  Capture. 
— Advance  of  McClellan  to  Beverly. — Sudden  disappearance  of  the  Enemy. — McClellan  in  possession  of  Beverly 
— The  retreat  of  the  Enemy. — Possession  of  their  camp. — MoClellan's  movement  to  cut  them  off. — Importance  of 
Beverly. — The  enemy's  works, — Inner  and  outer  works. — Rifle  Pits. —Abattis. — Redoubts.— McClellan's  reports. — 
Surrender  of  Pegram  and  his  force.— Correspondence  on  the  occasion. — Coming  up  with  Garnett. — B.attle  of  Carrick's 
Ford. — Death  of  Garnett. — Account  of  the  Battle. — Reports  of  McClellan. — A  glowing  tiibute  to  his  Soldiers. — 
Failure  of  a  well-laid  plan.— Escape  of  the  Fugitives.— An  enemy's  account  of  the  Battle  of  Rich  Mountain. 


1861. 


Ever  since  the  abandonment  and  un- 
fortunately incomplete  destruction 
of  the  public  works  at  Harper's 
Perry  by  Lieutenant  Jones,  already 
described  in  an  earlier  part  of  this  nar- 
rative,   the    enemy   had    occupied    the 


place.  A  large  force,  amounting  to 
nearly  twenty  thousand  men,  was  here 
mustered  under  one  of  their  ablest 
officers.  General  Johnston. 

Joseph  Eccleston  Johnston  was  born 
in  Virginia,  in  1804,  and  at  an   early 


328 


THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SOUTH. 


age  entered  the  military  academy  of 
West  Point.  After  a  career  of  succes.s- 
ful  study  in  this  institution,  he  received 
the  commission  of  second  Ueutenant  of 
artillery.  In  1836,  he  became  first 
lieutenant,  and  was  appointed  to  the 
lucrative  position  of  assistant  commis- 
sary of  subsistence.  In  1838,  such  was 
his  high  professional  repute,  he  was 
promoted  to  a  first  lieutenancy  in  that 
corps  d'elite  the  Topographical  Engineers, 
in  which  rank  he  served  during  the 
Indian  war  in  Florida,  and  was  brevetted 
captain  in  reward  for  his  services.  In 
1846,  he  was  promoted  captain  in  full, 
and  during  the  Mexican  war  served 
with  distinction,  first  in  the  engineer 
corps,  and  subsequently  with  the  volti- 
geurs.  He  was  brevetted  twice  for  good 
service  and  gallant  conduct.  At  the 
end  of  the  war  he  resumed  his  position 
as  an  officer  of  engineers,  and  after  a 
long  service  in  the  bureau  of  that  de- 
partment, was  appointed,  by  General 
Scott,  in  June,  1860,  quartermaster-gen- 
eral. Notwithstanding  this  late  ap- 
pointment to  so  important  a  post,  which 
would  seem  to  have  been  a  proof  of 
great  reliance  placed  in  his  fidelity  by 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  United 
States,  Johnston  was  among  the  earliest 
of  the  Federal  officers  of  Southern 
origin  to  abandon  the  Union  and  give 
in  his  adherence  to  secession.  At  this 
time,  although  fifty-seven  years  of  age, 
a  man  of  great  energy,  he  was  esteemed 
one  of  tlie  ablest  ofiicers  in  the  service 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  With 
great  ability  as  a  strategist  and  a  man 
of  inflexible  spirit,  he  proved  to  be  as  a 


leader  and  conspirator  a  most  persistent 
and  formidable  antagonist.  A  square 
and  compact  head,  a  firm  compression 
of  the  upper  lip  and  a  certain  fulness 
of  animal  development  about  the  lower 
lip,  chin,  and  neck,  are  the  external  in- 
dications of  those  qualities  of  calcula- 
tion, firmness,  and  brute  courage  which 
are  known  to  characterize  him. 

Johnston  seemed  determined  to  hold 
Harper's  Ferry  as  a  basis  of  operations. 
Commanding  the  Ohio  and  Baltimore 
Railroad,  the  great  avenue  of  communi- 
cation between  the  valley  of  the  Ohio 
and  the  sea,  through  Chesapeake  Bay, 
and  being  separated  from  Maryland  only 
by  the  river,  and  from  Pennsylvania  by 
a  narrow  stretch  of  the  former  State, 
Harper's  Ferry  was  favorably  placed 
for  operating  in  Western  Virginia,  Mary- 
land, or  even  in  Pennsylvania.  Tlie 
enemy  seemed  determined  to  hold  the 
position,  and  raised  works  of  defence 
commanding  the  various  approaches  not 
only  on  the  Virginia  but  the  Mar3dand 
side  of  the  river,  where  they  occupied 
the  high  banks  in  force. 

The  Federal  forces  now  moved  from 
three  different  points  with  the  view  of 
driving  the  secessionists  from  Harper's 
Ferry.  General  McClellan  was  advanc- 
ing from  the  Ohio  through  Western 
Virginia  ;  General  Stone,  detached  from 
the  army  before  AVashington,  was  mov- 
ing up  the  Potomac  ;  and  General  Pat- 
terson marching  with  his  column  from 
Pennsylvania  in  the  north,  with  the 
view  of  closing  in  upon  the  enemy's 
position  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

General  Johnston  becoming  alarmed, 


EVACUATION  OF  HARPER'S  FERRY. 


329 


detenniued  to  evacuate  the  place.  Be- 
fore leaving,  however,  he  strove  to  rea- 
der it  untenable  by  and  useless  to  his 
antagonists.  All  the  machineiy  of  tlie 
public  works  left,  after  the  incomplete  de- 
struction by  Lieutenant  Jones,  had  been 
already  removed  to  Richmond  and  there 
utilized,  greatlj'  to  the  advantage  of  the 
enem3^  Johnston,  however,  destroyed 
all  the  remnant  of  the  arsenals  and  work- 
>shops,  the  great  railway  bridge  over  the 
Potomac,  and  a  portion  of  the  railroad 
itself.  A  secessionist  officer  has  given  a 
lively  description  of  the  evacuation. 
June  "  On  Thursday,  just  as  the  troops 
1  13.  were  in  a  fair  way  for  the  enjoy- 
1  ment  of  the  holiday  from  military  duty, 
i  consequent  upon  the  fast-day,  an  order 
i  was  circulated  among  the  different  regi- 
ments for  immediate  preparations  for 
march.  This  was  the  first  intimation 
we  had  of  General  Johnston's  purpose 
to  evacuate  Harper's  Ferry.  Instantly 
the  whole  place  was  in  a  stir.  Hundreds 
of  baggage-wagons  were  laden,  burly, 
big-bellied  broad  treads,  and  stuffed  with 
provision  stores,  while  ammunition  was 
carefully  deposited  in  safe  trains,  and 
from  every  side  arose  the  swelling  strains 
of  music  as  the  troops  took  up  the  line 
of  march. 

"  The  necessity  of  this  step  was  ren- 
dered the  more  apparent  by  the  fact 
that  intelligence  had  been  received  of 
the  rapid  approach  of  General  McClel- 
lan's  division  of  the  Federal  army 
toward  Winchester.  Thus  we  were  to 
be  intercepted,  and  our  small  force  com- 
pletely hemmed  in  by  the  constantly 
augmenting  numbers  of  the  Northerners, 

42 


and  either  cut  to  pieces  or  compelled  to 
surrender.  Our  commander  very  pru- 
dentty  chose  to  take  neither  horn  of  the 
dilemma,  but  resolved  to  desert  Harper's 
Ferry  and  boldly  strike  into  the  valley 
of  Virginia,  where  he  could  attack  the 
enem3^  We  are  thus  to  be  made  the 
offensive  party,  and  shall  certainly,  in 
good  time,  make  a  proper  report  of  our 
interview  with  the  blustering  Hoosiers 
and  Buckeyes. 

"The  companies  of  Captains  Desha 
and  Pope  were  quickly  under  arms,  and 
moved  to  the  armory  yard,  where,  hav- 
ing stacked  their  rifles,  they  awaited 
orders.  The  Kentuckians,  under  Col- 
onel Duncan,  reported  themselves  at  the 
same  place,  and  were  subsequently  re- 
moved to  Camp  Hill,  overlooking  the 
battery.  A  large  number  of  men  left 
by  railway  for  Winchester,  and  others, 
for  lack  of  transportation,  marched  afoot. 
During  the  day  there  was  an  indescrib- 
able scene  of  excitement.  Broadway,  in 
its  palmiest  day,  never  witnessed  such  a 
jam  as  this  little  town.  The  business 
houses  were  closed,  families  were  at- 
tempting to  move  their  effects,  and 
every  street  and  avenue  was  crowded 
with  loaded  wagons.  Officers  were 
dashing  hither  and  thither,  and  soldiers 
were  on  the  qui  vive  for  movement. 
Loads  of  provisions,  that  it  was  found 
impossible  to  transport,  were  dumped  in 
the  river.  There  was  a  general  rush  by 
the  boys  for  sugar  and  bread.  It  was, 
indeed,  in  more  senses  than  one,  a  fast 
day.  In  the  first  place,  we  had  no  regu- 
lar meal,  and  every  movement  was  made 
at  the  most  accelerated  rate  of  speed. 


330 


THE   WAR   ^^'ITir  THE   SOUTH. 


"Duriug  the  afternoon,  the  pickets 
of  the  enemy  were  distinctly  observable 
on  the  Maryland  Heights,  and  Captain 
Desha  and  Lieutenant  Rogers  took  a 
crack  at  them  with  their  rifles,  wliich 
caused  the  tories  to  disappear  rather 
suddenly. 

"  Just  after  dark,  Captain  Desha's 
company  was  ordered  to  accompany 
Major  Whiting,  the  chief  engineer,  across 
the  Potomac,  and  make  preparations  for 
blowing  up  the  bridge.  This  was  an 
undertaking  of  no  inconsiderable  hazard. 
The  enemy  was  known  to  be  in  the  im- 
mediate vicinity,  and  it  was  thought  not 
milikely  that  they  might  attempt  to 
force  a  passage  of  the  bridge.  I  have 
slept  in  many  places  and  under  many 
disadvantages,  but  never  before  above  a 
foaming,  turbulent  river,  and  just  above 
a  terrible  mine  that  in  an  instant  could 
flash  the  structure  into  a  myriad  of  frag- 
ments. The  night,  however,  passed 
quietly,  and  in  the  early  grey  of  the 
morning  we  were  visited  by  Major 
Wluting.  The  immense  bridge,  over 
three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  length,  was 
thoroughly  saturated,  the  torch  lit,  and 
just  as  we  reached  the  Virginia  shore 
the  masrnificent  structure  was  hurried 
into  mid  air,  falling  a  shapeless  mass  of 
ruins  into  the  rapid  stream.  The  burn- 
ing cUbris,  with  the  clouds  of  lurid  flame, 
presented  a  picture  worthy  an  artist's 
study.  In  an  horn-  or  two  the  massive 
and  extensive  armory  buildings  were 
ignited,  and  the  conflagration  that  en- 
sued  was  of  the  most  terriflc  and  im- 
pressive character.  In  order  to  prevent 
the  flames  extending  to  private  property,  ; 


the  troops  were  detailed  to  act  as  fire- 
men, under  Captain  Fauntleroy,  of  the 
Confederate  navy,  and  right  manfully 
did  they  discharge  their  arduous  duty. 
Not  a  penny's  worth  of  that  which  did 
not  belong  to  the  Government  was  de- 
stroyed." 

■  After  evacuating  Hai'per's  Ferry,  Gen- 
eral Johnston  retreated  along  the  valley 
of  the  Shenandoah  to  Winchester,  in 
order  to  secure  his  communications  with 
the  main  body  of  the  secessionists  at 
Manassas  Junction  and  the  city  of  Rich- 
mond. 

It  is  here  necessary  to  recur  to  the' 
progress  of  the  Federal  forces,  which 
had  caused  this  sudden  and  important 
movement  of  the  enemy  from  Harper's 
Ferry. 

General  Patterson  left  Chambersburg, 
in  Pennsylvania,  on  June  8th,  with 
nearly  twenty  thousand  men,  on  his 
march  southward  through  Maryland. 
From  Cumberland  and  Hagerstown,  in 
the  latter  State,  he  marched  to  WiUiams- 
port,  on  the  Potomac,  about  twenty-  j„jic 
five  miles  northwest  of  Harper's  18. 
Ferry.  Here  he  crossed  the  river  into 
Virginia,  a  movement  effected  with-  July 
out  opposition  or  difficulty.  The  2* 
enemy,  however,  although  they  made  no 
show  of  resistance  to  the  passage  of  the 
troops  over  the  Potomac,  were  in  consid- 
erable force  at  a  short  distance  from  the 
ford  by  which  the  Federal  army  was 
passing. 

This  was  the  enemy's  rear  guard,  con- 
sisting of  three  or  four  thousand  men, 
with  cavah-y  and  artillery  under  the 
command  of  General  Jackson,  encamped 


AFF^UR   AT   FALLIXG   WATERS. 


331 


at  a  place  called  Falling  Waters,  near 
Hainesville. 

The  advance  of  the  Federal  army, 
consistiuo;  of  the  ^Yisconsiu  First  and 
the  Pennsylvania  Eleventh  and  Twelfth 
Regiments,-  with  artillery  and  cavalry, 
was  immediately  thrown  forward  by 
Patterson,  while  his  main  body  was  still 
crossing  the  river  to  attack  the  enemy 
at  Falling  Waters.  The  commencement 
of  the  engagement  is  thus  drolly  de- 
scribed by  a  participator  : 

"The  battle  commenced  about  nine 
o'clock,  as  no  other  battle  probably  ever 
commenced  in  the  history  of  war. 
Colonel  Perkins'  battery  was  in  advance, 
and  the  Colonel  himself  a  quarter  of  a 
mile  in  the  lead  of  his' men,  when,  u^jon 
making  a  turn  in  the  road,  he  came 
suddenly  upon  two  mounted  officers. 
Military  salutes  were  passed,  hands 
were  shaken  all  round,  and  the  strangers 
asked  Colonel  Perkins  what  company  he 
belonged  to,  and  when  he  had  got  m. 
The  Colonel  replied  that  he  belonged  to 
Companj^  C,  and  had  just  arrived.  One 
of  the  strangers  observed,  reflectively, 
'  Company  C  !  Company  C  !'  and  just 
then  the  first  piece  of  the  battery  showed 
itself  around  the  turn,  when  he  ex- 
^jfcmed,  '  Artillerj^,  by  God!'  and  fled 
fornis  life  with  his  companion.  Colonel 
Perkins  immediately  shouted  to  his 
men,  '  Now,  boys,  come  on,  we've  got 
'em.'  In  less  than  a  minute  the  battery 
was  in  operation,  and  blazing  away  right 
and  left,  while  the  rebels  could  be  seen 
in  all  directions,  trying  to  form  their 
men." 

The  infantry  in  support  of  the  battery 


came  promptly  into  line  after  the  first 
shot,  and  poured  such  rapid  volleys  of 
musketry  upon  the  enemy  that  they 
did  not  find  time  to  form.  They  ac- 
cordingly retired  in  confusion,  turning 
and  shooting  irregularly  as  they  went. 
However,  on  reaching  a  farm  belonging 
to  a  person  of  the  name  of  Porterfield, 
they  succeeded  in  forming,  and  made  a 
brief  stand.  Although  covered  by  the 
house  and  barn,  behind  and  within  which 
they  sought  refuge,  they  were  soon 
again  forced  to  fly,  being  shelled  out  by 
the  artillery.  They  were  pursued  be- 
yond Hainesville,  when  our  wearied 
men  awaited  the  coming  up  of  their 
comrades,  and  the  secessionists  continued 
their  retreat  to  Martiusburgh.  Joined 
by  the  secession  troops  in  occupation  of 
that  place,  they  again  fell  back  until 
thejr  reached  the  main  body  under  Gen- 
ei-al  Johnston,  encamped  at  Bunker  Hill. 

General  Patterson  followed  closely 
with  his  whole  force,  and  took  possession 
of  Martiusburgh  without  resistance,  on 
the  day  after  it  had  been  abandoned  by 
the  enemy.  The  loss  of  the  Federal 
troops  engaged  in  the  affair  at  Falling 
Waters,  was  three  killed  and  ten 
wounded  ;  that  of  the  enemy  was  esti- 
mated to  amount  to  nearly  thirty  killed 
and  fifty  wounded.  Their  force  in  the 
battle  was  said  to  have  numbered  five 
thousand  men,  while  the  unionists  were 
less  than  three  thousand. 

Harper's  Ferry,  for  some  good  strat- 
egic reason,  doubtless,  was  not  occupied 
by  the  Federal  troops,  and  General 
Johnston,  emboldened  by  the  fact,  sent 
back  a  detachment  to  the  j^lace,  which 


332 


THE  WAR  WITH   THE   SOUTH. 


destroyed  the  fine  bridge  over  the  Shen- 
andoah, the  raih'oad  bridge,  and  many 
of  the  piibUc  buildings  and*  priv-ate 
dwellings. 

Co-operating  with  the  army  under 
General  Johnston,  Avhose  retreat  from 
Harper's  Ferry  and  subsequent  ma- 
nceuvres  mitil  he  reached  "Winchester 
have  been  alreadj'  alluded  to,  were  two 
other  columns  of  Confederate  troops, 
thrown  into  Western  Virginia  with  the 
object  of  subjecting  that  loyal  district. 
One  of  these  columns,  estimated  to  num- 
ber about  ten  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  General  R.  S.  Garnett,  a 
Yirginian,  and  fonnerly  an  oiBcer  of 
repute  in  the  Federal  service,  had 
marched  into  the  valley  of  Cheat  River, 
the  principal  and  eastern  branch  of  the 
fork  of  the  Monongahela.  Garnett  had 
his  headquarters  at  Beverly,  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  ridge  called  Laurel 
Hill,  which  lies  parallel  to  the  Alleghanj'- 
ransce  of  mountains.  Detachments  of 
his  command  were  distributed  in  various 
parts  of  Western  Virginia,  at  Bealington, 
Buckhannon,  Romney,  and  at  points  ap- 
proaching Philippi  and  Grafton,  which 
had  been  seized  by  the  unionists  under 
General  Kelley. 

The  third  column  of  secession  troops, 
under  the  command  of  "Wise,  the  former 
Governor  of  Virginia,  had  advanced 
from  the  extreme  southwest  of  the  State 
beyond  the  Greenbrier  Mountains,  into 
the  valley  of  the  Kanawha. 

Johnston  was  thus  to  the  east  of  the 
Allcghanies,  between  that  range  and  the 
Blue  Ridge,  and  so  placed  that  he  might 
co-operate  either  with  the  Confederate 


line  extending  from  Manassas  to  the 
Potomac,  or  give  aid  to  Garnett,  who  was 
not  far  from  him,  though  on  the  other 
side  of  the  mountains,  while  "Wise  was 
to  act  in  co-operation  with  the  whole  to 
the  extreme  west  beyond  the  AUegha- 
nies. 

General  McClellan*   having  now,   in 

=■  General  McClellan,  on  entering  Virginia,  issued  these 
proclamations  : 

"  Headqcaetees  Dedaetjiext  of  the  Ohio,  i 
Geaitox  (Va),  Jum  23,  1861.  ) 

"To  THE  IxnAi>iT.\M3  OF  Westeex  VIRGINIA  :  Tlic  army 
of  this  department,  headed  by  Virginia  troops,  is  rapidly 
occupying  all  Western  Viigiuia.  This  is  done  in  co 
operation  with  and  in  support  of  such  ciril  authorities  of 
the  State  as  are  faithful  to  the  Constitution  and  laivs  of 
the  United  States.  The  proclamation  issued  by  me  under 
date  of  May  26,  1861,  will  be  strictly  maintained.  Tour 
houses,  families,  property,  and  all  your  rights  will  be 
religiously  respected.  We  are  enemies  to  none  but  armed 
rebels,  and  those  volunfcxrily  giving  them  aid.  All  oiBcers 
of  this  army  will  be  held  responsible  for  the  most  prompt 
and  vigorous  action  in  repressing  disorder  and  punishing 
aggression  by  those  under  their  comm;md. 

' '  To  my  great  regret  I  find  that  the  enemies  of  the 
United  States  continue  to  caiTy  on  a  system  of  hostilities 
prohibited  by  the  laws  of  war  among  belligerent  nations, 
and  of  course  far  more  wicked  and  intolerable  when  di- 
rected against  loyal  citizens  engaged  in  the  defence  of  the 
common  Government  of  ail.  Individuals  and  marauding 
parties  are  pursuing  a  guerrilla  warfare,  firiug  upon  sen- 
tinels and  pickets,  burning  bridges,  insulting,  and  even 
killing  citizens  because  of  their  Union  sentiments,  and 
committing  many  kindred  acts. 

"  I  do  now,  therefore,  make  proclamation  and  warn  all 
persons  that  indi\-iduals  or  parties  engaged  in  this  species 
of  warfare,  irregular  in  ever}'  view  which  can  be  fciken  of 
it.  thus  attacking  sentries,  pickets,  or  other  soldiers^ 
\  stroying  public  or  private  property,  or  committing  in 
I  against  any  of  the  inhabitants  because  of  UnionrSenfl- 
ments  or  conduct,  will  be  dealt  with  in  their  persons  and 
property  according  to  the  severest  rules  of  military  law. 

"All  persons  giving  information  or  aid  to  the  public 
enemies  will  be  arrested  and  kept  in  close  cust<idy  ;  and 
all  persons  bearing  arms,  unless  of  Icnoivn  loyalty,  will  be 
arrested  and  held  for  examination. 

"  Geo.  B.  McClell.ax,  JLijor-Genend  U.  S.  A., 
"Commanding  Department." 

"To  TUB  Soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the  West:  You 
are  here  to  support  the  Government  of  your  country,  and 
protect  the  lives  and  liberties  of  your  brethren,  threatened 


DlSPOSmOX  OF  McCLELLxiN'S  FORCES. 


833 


person,  entered  Western  Virginia,  from 
Ohio,  disposed  his  force  so  as  to  counter- 
act this  combination  of  the  Confederates 
for  the  subjection  of  the  loyal  valley  of 
the  Kanawha.  He  first  sent  a  detach- 
ment, under  the  command  of  General 
Cox,  up  the  Kanawha  River  to  meet 
Wise  advancing  in  that  direction,  and 
keep  him  in  check,  while  he  himself, 
with  his  main  body,  having  reached 
Clai'ksburgh,  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  mai'ched  directly  from  that 
place  against  the  enemy  under  Garnett, 
encamped  at  Laurel  Hill,  near  Beverly. 
At  the  same  time  a  detachment  was  sent 
to  Philippi  to  act  with  the  Western  Vir- 
ginians there  under  Kelley,  and  move  to 
Bealington  in  order  to  prevent  the  re- 
treat of  the  enemy  by  the  Cheat  valley  ; 
another  bod}-  of  troops  was  despatched 
to  West  Union,  in  case  they  should  strive 
to  escape  by  that  way  over  the  Alle- 
ghanies  and  form  a  junction  with  John- 
ston at  Winchester. 

The  only  other  means  of  retreat  was 

by  a  rebellious  and  traitorous  foo.  No  higher  or  nobler 
duty  could  devolve  on  you,  and  I  expect  you  to  bring  to 
its  performance  the  highest  and  noblest  qualities  of 
soldiers — discipline,  courage,  and  mercy. 

' '  I  call  upon  the  officers  of  every  grade  to  enforce  the 
highest  discipline,  and  I  know  that  those  of  all  grades, 
privates  and  officers,  will  display  in  battle  cool,  heroic: 
courage,  and  will  know  how  to  show  mercy  to  a  disarmed 
enemy.  Bear  in  mind  that  you  are  in  the  country  of 
friends,  not  of  enemies — that  you  are  here  to  protect,  not 
to  destroy.  Take  nothing,  destroy  nothing  unless  you  are 
ordered  to  do  so  by  your  general  officers.  Remember  that 
I  have  pledged  my  word  to  the  people  of  Western  Vir- 
ginia, that  their  rights  in  person  and  property  shall  be  re- 
spected. I  ask  every  one  of  you  to  make  good  this 
promise  in  its  broadest  sense. 

"  We  have  come  here  to  save,  not  to  upturn.  I  do  not 
appeal  to  the  fear  of  punishment,  but  to  your  appreciation 
of  the  sacreducss  of  the  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged. 
Carry  into  battle  the  conviction  that  you  are  right  and 
that  God  is  on  our  side.     Your  enemies  have  violated  every 


through  the  Cheat  Mountain  Gap,  above 
Beverly,  which  the  self-reliant  McClellau 
dctermiired  himself  to  close,  by  a  victory 
which  he  confidently  calculated  upon. 

Having  reached  Buckhannon  on  his 
march,  and  after  some  spirited  j^iy 
skirmishes  with  the  enemj-'s  ad-  ?# 
vance  in  that  neighborhood,  McClellan's 
scouts  discovered  a  large  body  of  the 
enemy,  under  Colonel  Pegram,  in  an  en- 
trdnched  camp  in  Rich  Mountain  Gap 
of  tlie  Laurel  Hill  range.  This  position, 
twenty-six  miles  east  from  Backhannon 
and  four  from  Beverly,  commanded  the 
road  to  Staunton,  a  town  situated  to  the 
west  of  the  AUeghanies. 

After  a  thorough  recomioissance,  Mc- 
Clellan  sent  a  detachment  under  Colonel, 
now  General,  Rosencranz,  to  make  a 
circuit  through  the  woods  and  attack 
the  position  at  Rich  Mountain,  while  he 
himself  led  his  main  body  against  Gar- 
nett's  principal  camp  at  Laurel  Hill. 

After  a  long  and  rapid  march,  eight 
miles  of  which  were   through  a  dense 

moral  law  ;  neitlicr  Cxod  nor  man  am  sustain  them.  They 
have  without  cause  rebelle<l  against  a  mild  and  paternal 
Government ;  they  have  seized  upon  public  and  private 
property ;  they  have  outraged  the  persons  of  Northern 
men  merely  because  they  came  from  the  North,  and  of 
Southern  Union  men  merely  because  they  loved  the 
Union  ;  they  have  placed  themselves  beneath  contempt, 
rraless  they  can  retrieve  some  honor  on  the  field  of 
battle. 

"  You  will  pursue  a  different  course ;  you  will  be  honest, 
brave,  and  merciful  ;  you  will  respect  the  right  of  private 
opinion  ;  you  will  punish  no  man  for  opinion's  sake. 
Show  to  the  world  that  you  diifer  from  our  enemies  in 
these  points  of  honor,  honesty,  and  respect  for  pxivate 
opinion,  and  that  we  inaugurate  no  reign  of  tciTor  whei-e- 
ever  we  go. 

"  Soldiers,  I  have  heard  tliat  there  was  danger  here.  -1 
have  come  to  place  myself  at  your  head,  and  share  it  with 
you.  I  fear  now  but  one  thing,  th.at  you  will  not  find 
foemen  worthy  of  your  steel.  1  know  that  I  can  rely  upon 
you.  Geo.  B.  McCuiXLAji,  Maj.-Gen.  Com'g." 


334 


THE   WAR  WITH   THE   SOUTH. 


mountain  forest  and  in  a  dark  night 
with  a  severe  storm  of  rain,  Rosen- 
cranz  halted  his  troops  next  morning  in 
July  view  of  the  enemy's  pickets.  The 
'5*  Federal  force  numbered  sixteen 
hundred  men  ;  that  of  the  secessionists, 
estimated  at  two  thousand,  was  strongly 
entrenched  on  the  west  side  of  the  mount- 
ain, at  its  foot.  They  had  felled  and 
"  rolled  whole  trees  from  the  mountain 
side  and  lapped  them  together,  filling  in 
with  stones  and  earth  from  a  trench 
outside,"  testifies  General  Rosencranz's 
guide,  who  thus  gives  an  artless  and 
interesting  account  of  his  personal  ex- 
perience in  the  battle. 

"We  started,"  he  says,  "about  day- 
light, having  first  taken  something  to 
eat  (but  got  nothing  more  until  six 
o'clock  next  night,  when  some  of  them 
got  a  little  beef),  and  turned  into  the 
woods  on  our  right.  I  led,  accompanied 
by  Colonel  Landor,  through  a  pathless 
route  in  the  woods,  by  which  I  had 
made  my  escape  about  four  weeks  before. 
We  pushed  along  through  the  bushes, 
laurels,  and  rocks,  followed  b}^  the  whole 
division  in  perfect  silence.  The  bushes 
wetted  us  thoroughly,  and  it  was  very 
cold.  Our  circuit  was  about  five  miles. 
About  noon  we  reached  the  top  of  the 
mountain,  near  my  father's  fai-m.  It 
was  not  intended  that  the  enemy  should 
know  of  our  movements  ;  but  a  dragoon 
with  despatches  from  General  McClellan, 
who  was  sent  after  us,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemv,  and  thev  thus 
found  out  our  movements.  They  im- 
mediately despatched  two  thousand  five 
hundred  men  to  the  top  of  the  mountain 


with   three    cannon.     They  entrenched 
themselves    with    earth-works    on    m}'' 
father's  farm,  just  where   we  were  to 
come  into  the  road.     We  did  not  know 
they  were  there  until  we  came  on  their 
pickets,    and  their  cannon  opened  fire 
upon  us.     We  were  then  about  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  from  the  house,  and  skirmish- 
ing began.     I  left  the  advance  and  went 
into  the  main  body  of  the  army.     I  had 
no  arms  of  anj^  kind.     The  rain  began 
pouring    down    in   torrents,    while    the 
enemy  fired  his  cannon,  cutting  off  the 
tree-tops  over  our  heads  quite  lively. 
They  fired  rapidly.     I  thought,  from  the 
firing,   they  had   twenty-five  or   thirty 
pieces.  .  We  had  no  cannon  with  us.    Our 
boys  stood  still  in  the  rain  about  half  an 
hour.     The  Eighth  and  Tenth  then  led 
off,  bearing  to  the  left  of  our  position. 
The  bushes  were  so  thick  we  could  not 
see   out,  nor  could   the  enemy  see   us. 
The    enemy's   musket   balls   could    not 
reach  us.     Our  boys,  keeping  up  a  fire, 
got  down  within    sight  and  then  pre- 
tended to  run,  but  they  only  feU  down 
in  the  bushes  and  behind  rocks.     This 
drew  the   enemy  from  their  entrench- 
ments, when   our   boys   lot   into  them 
with  their  Enfield  and  Minie  rifles,  and 
I  never  heard   such   screaming  in  my 
life.     The  Nineteenth,  in  the  mean  time, 
advanced  to  a  fence  in  a  line  with  the 
breastworks,  and  fired  one  round.     The 
whole   earth   seemed   to    shake.     They 
then  gave  the  Indiana  boys  a  tremen- 
dous cheer,  and  the  enemy  broke  from 
their  entrenchments  in  eveiy  way  they 
could.     The  Indiana  boys  had  previously 
been  ordered  to  fix  bayonets.     We  could 


BATTLE  OF  RICH  MOUNTAIN. 


335 


hear  the  rattle  of  the  iron  very  plainly 
as  the  order  was  obeyed.  Charge 
bayonets  was  then  ordered,  and  away 
went  our  boys  after  the  enemy.  One 
man  alone  stood  his  ground,  and  fii'ed  a 
cannon,  until  shot  by  a  revolver.  A 
general  race  for  about  three  hundred 
yards  followed  through  the  bush,  when 
our  men  were  recalled  and  reformed  in 
line  of  battle,  to  receive  the  enemy  from 
the  entrenchments  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountains,  as  we  supposed  they  would 
certainly  attack  us  from  that  point ;  but 
it  seemed  that  as  soon  as  they  no  longer 
heard  the  firing  of  the  cannon  th^  gave 
up  all  for  lost.  They  then  deserted  their 
works  and  took  off  whatever  way  they 
could.  A  reinforcement,  which  was  also 
coming  from  Beverly  to  the  aid  of  the 
two  thousand  five  hundred,  retreated 
for  the  same  reason.  We  took  all  their 
wagons,  tents,  provisions,  stores,  and 
cannon,  many  guns  which  they  left, 
many  horses,  mules,  etc.  In  short,  we 
got  everything  they  had,  as  they  took 
nothing  but  such  horses  as  they  were  on. 
We  foiind  several  of  these  in  the  woods. 
One  hundred  and  thirty-five  of  the 
enemy  were  buried  before  I  left.  They 
were  for  the  most  part  shot  in  the  head, 
and  hard  to  be  recognized.  Some  six 
hundred,  who  had  managed  to  get  down 
to  the  river  at  Caplinger's,  finding  no 
chance  of  escape,  sent  in  a  flag  of  truce, 
and  on  Saturday  morning  they  were 
escorted  into  Beverly  b}^  the  Chicago 
cavalry,  which  had  been  sent  after  them. 
Gen.  McClellan  having  in  the  mean  time 
gone  on  there  with  his  main  column." 
The  enemy  lost  a  hundred  and  fifty 


killed  and  about  three  hundred  wound- 
ed and  captured.  The  Federal  loss  was 
reported  to  have  been  but  eighteen 
killed  and  some  thirty-five,  wounded. 
The  struggle  lasted  only  forty  minutes, 
when  the  enemy  fled  precipitately,  aban- 
doning everything,  camp  and  camp  equi- 
page, provisions,  artilleiy,  and  ammuni- 
tion, to  our  victorious  troo23S. 

In  the  mean  time,  while  Rosencranz 
was  routing  the  enemy  at  Rich  Mountain, 
General  McClellan  was  advancing  toward 
Beverly.  He  arrived  at  night  before 
the  enemy's  fortified  position  at  Laurel 
Hill,  and  waited  but  for  the  break  of 
morning  to  plant  his  cannon  on  a  com- 
manding position  and  begin  his  attack. 
The  morning  came,  and  it  was  dis-  j,|iy 
covered  that  the  enemy  had  Sed,  "2. 
abandoning  their  strong  position,  which 
was  occupied  by  a  detachment  of  troops 
under  General  Morris,  while  McClellan 
himself  delayed  not  a  moment  in  push- 
ing forward  to  Beverly  to  prevent  their 
retreat  in  that  direction. 

The  enemy  thus  headed  off  by  the 
prompt  movement  of  McClellan,  were 
forced  to  countermarch  and  seek  another 
outlet  of  escape.  They  now  fled  down 
the  valley  toward  St.  George.  McClellan 
at  once  despatched  Captain  Benham, 
with  a  detachment  from  his  own  force, 
to  join  General  Morris  and  the  troops 
left  in  occupation  of  the  enemy's  aban- 
doned camp,  and  followed  the  fugitives 
in  rapid  pursuit. 

General  McClellan,  in  his  report  of  the 
action    under  Rosencranz,  gave    a  ji,|y 
characteristically  terse  jet  compre- 
hensive account  of  the  victory  : 


12. 


TIIE  W^VK  WITH  TIIE  SOUTH. 


"  Headquaeteus  Dept.  op  Ohio,     ) 
Rich  Mountain,  Va.,  Jtili/  12,  9  a.  m.  J 

"  Colonel  E.  D.  Townsexd  : 

•'  We  are  in  possession  of  all  the 
enemy's  works  up  to  a  point  in  sight  of 
Beverly.  We  have  taken  all  his  guns, 
a  very  large  amount  of  wagons,  tents, 
etc. — everything  that  he  had.  A  large 
number  of  prisoners  were  also  taken, 
many  of  whom  are  wounded,  and  sev- 
eral of  whom  are  officers.  The  enemy 
lost  many  killed.  We  have  lost,  in  all, 
perhaps  twenty  killed  and  forty  wounded, 
of  whom  all  but  two  or  three  belong  to 
the  column  under  General  Rosencranz, 
which  turned  the  position  of  the  enemy. 
The  mass  of  the  rebels  escaped  through 
the  Avoods,  entirely  disorganized. 

"  Among  the  prisoners  is  Dr.  Taylor, 
formerly  of  the  army.  Colouel  Pegram 
was  in  command  of  the  enemy's  forces. 

"  General  Rosencranz's  column  left 
camp  )-esterday  morning,  and  marched 
eight  miles  through  the  mountains,  reach- 
ing the  turnpike  two  or  three  miles  in  the 
rear  of  the  enemy,  and  defeated  an  ad- 
vance force  and  captured  a  couple  of 
guns.  I  had  a  position  ready  for  twelve 
guns  near  the  main  camp,  and  as  the 
guns  were  moving  up,  it  was  ascertained 
that  the  enemy  had  i-etreated. 

"  I  am  now  pushing  on  to  Beverly. 
A  part  of  General  Rosencranz's  troops 
are  now  within  three  miles  of  it.  Our 
success  is  complete,  and  almost  blood- 
less. The  behavior  of  oiu"  troops  in 
action  and  toward  the  prisoners  is  ad- 
mirable. 
"  G.  B.  McClellax,  ]Maj.-Gen.  Com." 

McClellan'sown  movement  on  Beverly, 


though  clTected  without  a  struggle  with 
the  enemy,  was  still  more  important 
than  that  of  Rosencranz.  The  position 
which  the)-  had  abandoned  at  Beverly, 
on  the  approach  of  the  Federal  troops, 
was  considered  of  great  importance 
uaturall}',  and  had  been  strengthened  by 
elaborate  works.  These  consisted  of  a 
line  of  enti'euchments  nearly  a  mile  in 
extent,  stretching  on  both  sides  of  the 
main  road  which  runs  from  Philippi  to 
Beverly.  Divided  by  this  road  they  ex- 
tended up  the  slopes  of  the '  hills  on 
either  side,  and  commanded  one  of  the 
most  ivoportant  mountain  passes.  Rifle 
pits  wen^  dug  to  the  depth  of  three  feet, 
while  the  earth  was  thrown  up  so  as  to 
form  breastworks  to  each,  which  wei'e 
further  protected  by  large  bushes.  Trees 
had  been  cut  down  and  their  trunks  and 
branches  so  prepared  and  disposed  as  to 
form  an  abattis,  which  extended  for 
several  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the 
approaches.  On  the  summits  of  two 
commanding  elevations  of  ground  were 
built  redoubts  of  logs  and  ea'rth,  with 
embrasures  for  six  cannon  and  loop- 
holes for  musketry.  Within  the  outer 
works  were  others,  consisting  of  en- 
trenchments with  two  salients  for  cannon. 
This  was  intended  as  a  cover  under 
which  the  enemy,  in  case  he  had  been 
driven  from  his  exteiior  fortifications, 
might  make  a  stand.  The  work  seemed 
so  formidable,  and  the  natural  position 
of  Beverly  so  strong,  that  if  the  seces- 
sionists had  been  disposed  to  hold  their 
ground,  it  would  probabl}^  have  cost  a 
severe  struggle  and  great  loss  of  life  to 
have  driven  them  from  it. 


NEW    NATIONAL    WORK    ON    THE    LATE    REBELLION. 


Noio  FMifihhic/,  in  Paris  at  50  centi<,  and  Divisions  at  $1, 

THE  GKEAT  CIVIL  WAR: 


A    HISTORY   OF 


il   Ij4fl  RlllMilOlfi  /^* 

Being  a  complete  Narrative  of  the  Events  connected  with  the  Origin,  Progress,  and  Conclusion  of  the  War, 'with  Biographical 
Sketches  of  Leading  Statesmen  and  7)istinguished  Military  and  Naval  Commanders,  etc.,  et«. 

By    ROBERT    TOMES,    M.D.  /  ^ 

Continued  from  the  hi'f/innii  7  of  the  year  1864  to  the  end  of  the  ^Var, 

By    BEXJ.     1.    SMITH,    Esq. 

Illustrated  by  uiimerous  liighly  flnishcd  Steel  Eiisraving:s,      lored  Maps,  Plans,  etc.,  from  Drawings  by  F.  0.  ('.  Darley 

and  other  e.    <ent  .\rtists. 


The  four  years'  war.  now  liappily  ended — .so  roi.  kable  for  its  sudden  outbreak,  its  unexpected 
duration,  and  its  entire  termination — not  only  ab.sorbed  ^  'versal  attention  at  home,  but  had,  during  its 
continuance,  a  paramount  interest  for  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  was  the  subject  of  constaut  comment 
and  jirophecy  on  the  part  of  both  the  friends  and  enemies  of  national  self-gOYernment.  It  not  only 
displayed  the  astonishing  resoui'ces  of  the  coimtrj',  and  exhibited,  even  while  the  struggle  continued,  in 
the  vast  armies  raised  and  the  persistent  spirit'  of  the  people,  a  capacity  for  war  that  entitles  the  United 
States  to  the  first  rank  among  military  nations,  but  also  demonstrated  the  enduring  character  of  the 
frovernment  and  institutions,  which  have  proved  themselves  able  to  withstand  even  tlie  fearful  shocks  of 
a  gigantic  civil  war. 

A  history  of  this  great  war  will  be  a  necessity  to  every  loyal  American.  To  be  without  a  know- 
ledge of  the  causes  and  events  of  the  great  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  would  be  as 
inexcusable  as  to  be  ignorant  of  the  events  which  led  to  its  formation. 

The  present  work  will  be  a  corajjlete  history  of  the  war  and  of  its  immediate  causes,  from  the 
election  of  ilr.  Lincoln  and  the  commencement  of  actual  hostilities  by  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter,  to  the 
evacuation  of  Richmond  and  the  surrender  of  the  armies  of  Lee.  Johnston,  and  Kirby  Smith.  It  will 
contain  detailed  accounts  of  the  great  battles,  sieges,  marches,  and  naval  operations,  a  record  of  polit- 
ical events,  remarks  on  foreign  relations,  statistical  facts  with  regard  to  the  resources  of  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  descriptions  of  fortresses  and  battle-fields,  and  a  large  number  of  bio- 
graphical sketches  of  distinguished  commanders  and  statesmen,  to  which  will  be  appended  a  copious  and 
elaborate  Index. 

Not  the  least  attractive  feature  of  the  work  Avill  be  the  large  nuriiber  of  beautiful  and  costlj*  steel 
engravings,  comprising  portraits  of  statesmen  and  military  and  naval  commanders.  Northern  and  South- 
ern, who  have  become  famous  in  the  course  of  the  war. 

Among  the  illustrations  are  also  splendid  bird's-eve  views  of  Fortress  Monroe  and  vicinity,  Charles- 
ton, Richmond,  and  New  Oi'leans  ;  representations  of  battle-scenes,  views  of  forts  and  battle-fields, 
sea  views,  and  a  number  of  carefully  prepared  colored  maps  and  plans,  highly  useful  in  making  clear 
the  movements  and  positions  of  armies. 


CONDITIONS      OF  PUBLICATION. 

Tlie  work  will  be  printed  in  a  clear,  bold  type,  on  superfine,  calendered   '  until  completed,  the  whole  not  to  exceed  forty-five  Parts,  at  Fifty  C<nt.s 

paper,  and  issued  in  Parts  at  Fifty  Cents,  anil  Divisions  at  $1  each.                ,  each. 

The  illustrations  will  comprise  fifty-four  portraits  and  thirty-six  battle-   |  No  subscribers  name  received  for  less  than  the  whole  work;  and  each 

scenes,  plans,  maps,  bird's-eye  views,  etc.                                                             |  Part  or  Division  will  be  pjiyablc  on  delivery,  the  carrier  not  being  allowed 

A  Part  will  be  published  every  two  weeks  and  a  Division  every  month   i  to  give  credit  or  receive  payment  in  iidvance. 


VIHTUE   &   VORSTON,   12   OEY   STREET,    &   544   BROADWAV,    NEW   VORK. 

And  Sgtd  by  thelc  Agents  In  stl  the  Pr^ncipctt  Cities  of  t((@  (titited  States  «nd|  Osaadas, 


'.■'  '(""' 


w:mm^mmmmm^ 


